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Biden Hired a Hell of a Lot of People Who Look Nothing Like Him

News Feed
Wednesday, September 4, 2024

From the moment, a month ago, that Kamala Harris became the Democrats’ presumptive nominee for president, she has been derided by Republicans as a “DEI hire” and “DEI vice president.” Besides being willfully ignorant of what DEI actually is and how it works, this an obviously racist attempt to demean a barrier-breaking Black woman. The absurd implication is that President Biden only chose Harris as his running mate in 2020 because of her race and gender—rather than, say, her impressive experience as San Francisco district attorney, California attorney general, or U.S. senator. But there is an accidental truth buried in this GOP lunacy that Democrats ought to celebrate. Harris does owe her historic status as the first female, non-white major-party presidential nominee in part to the old white man who selected her as his vice president and then, in ending his campaign precisely when he did this summer, paved the way for her to assume the top of the ticket. And while she’s the most high-profile example, Harris is just one of a long list of women and people of color whom Biden has put into positions of authority in the executive and judicial branches. In fact, somewhat under the radar, Biden has appointed what experts say is the most diverse high-ranking administration and judiciary in history. This may be his most enduring legacy—and he was able to accomplish it in part because he’s a white man, which neutralizes the right’s favorite racist dog whistles. Harris won’t be so lucky. Today, two-thirds of Biden’s 15-member Cabinet are non-white or female; if you include the acting secretaries of labor as well as housing and urban development, the Cabinet is majority-women. Nearly two-thirds of Biden’s confirmed, lifetime judicial appointees are women, according to tallies by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, and nearly two-thirds are people of color—judges and justices who will have an impact long after Biden leaves office.There are also numerous firsts: Biden appointed the first Muslim woman to a federal court and the first Native Hawaiian woman ever to serve as a lifetime judge. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland is the first Native American to serve as a Cabinet secretary. Karine Jean-Pierre is the first Black female White House press secretary. And, most prominently, Ketanji Brown Jackson is the first Black female Supreme Court justice.Previous Democratic presidents have pledged to appoint a Cabinet and senior staff that look like America. But Biden actually delivered.“What he has done is historic. What he has done is unprecedented,” civil rights leader Ralph Neas, former director of the Leadership Conference, told me. “Joe Biden has literally changed the face of the federal government’s leadership. Such achievements have been talked about for decades. But Joe Biden was the one who did it.” While Biden’s hiring accomplishments haven’t gotten much attention, they are very much by design, says Jessica Fulton, vice president of policy for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The Biden-Harris transition team in 2020—for which Fulton volunteered—set very public goals for hiring a team that was diverse in every way, not just their race, gender, or ethnicity, she told me. (Notably, more than 40 percent of Biden’s confirmed, lifetime judicial nominees have been people with experience as public defenders or civil rights advocates, the Leadership Conference said.) And then the Biden administration partnered with organizations and initiatives committed to diversity to help identify qualified candidates who otherwise might not be on the administration’s radar screen, she said. It’s not about racking up diversity statistics for its own sake; it’s about bringing a different perspective to roles that affect marginalized communities, Fulton noted. Having Cecelia Rouse, who was, from 2021 to 2023, the first Black woman to chair the Council of Economic Advisers in its 75-year history, or Shalanda Young, the first Black woman to head the Office of Management and Budget, provides a minority experience to jobs more often held by white males. Ditto Reta Jo Lewis, the first Black woman and person of color to head the Export-Import Bank, and Michael S. Regan, the first Black man to head the Environmental Protection Agency. Biden is even outpacing Barack Obama’s two-term record on diversity in the Cabinet and courts: Obama successfully appointed 16 women to Cabinet or sub-Cabinet positions during his eight years while Biden has successfully appointed 13 in less than one term, according to the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. A then-record 42 percent of Obama’s judicial picks were women, according to a Pew Research Center analysis, less than Biden’s majority-female slate of court picks. Pew calculated that 36 percent of all of Obama’s judicial appointees were non-white; a Washington Post analysis in May shows the reverse for Biden: 36 percent of his overall judicial selections are white.And of course, it was Biden who made the historic pick of Jackson to the high court. It was something civil rights advocates had hoped Obama would do but understood why it would have been risky (and he did pick two women, one of whom is the first Latina on the court). While the American public elected a man who could bring his own Black experience to the job, they didn’t always want to hear it. Witness what happened when Obama had the nerve to express his personal reaction to Henry Louis “Skip” Gates, the late Black Harvard professor, being arrested by local police after he entered his own home (a neighbor had reported a possible burglary). Obama said the Cambridge police “acted stupidly,” rightly noting that “you probably don’t need to handcuff a guy, a middle-aged man who uses a cane, who’s in his own home”—but the backlash was loud enough that he hosted an awkward “beer summit” at the White House with Gates and the arresting officer. “It’s hard for a person of color, who was a first, was a trailblazer, to make an appointment like that” to the Supreme Court, Montré Carodine, a University of Alabama School of Law professor, told me. “Biden has the privilege of not having to think about that.”One of the reasons Biden has not gotten much credit from the progressive community—or criticism from the right, except for endorsing Harris for the nomination—is that he is white and male.“There was always this expectation that Barack Obama [was] going to favor Black people,” said Christopher Stout, an Oregon State University professor and author of the book The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals. “All African American candidates have to be really careful in how they talk about race,” and definitely in how they put people of color in positions of power, he added. “Whites don’t have the same fear that [Biden] is going to favor African Americans, because he’s one of them.”In other words: If Harris wins the White House this fall, and then attempts to do Biden one better in the diversity of her appointments, rest assured that Republicans will be in hysterics over her “DEI” picks.

From the moment, a month ago, that Kamala Harris became the Democrats’ presumptive nominee for president, she has been derided by Republicans as a “DEI hire” and “DEI vice president.” Besides being willfully ignorant of what DEI actually is and how it works, this an obviously racist attempt to demean a barrier-breaking Black woman. The absurd implication is that President Biden only chose Harris as his running mate in 2020 because of her race and gender—rather than, say, her impressive experience as San Francisco district attorney, California attorney general, or U.S. senator. But there is an accidental truth buried in this GOP lunacy that Democrats ought to celebrate. Harris does owe her historic status as the first female, non-white major-party presidential nominee in part to the old white man who selected her as his vice president and then, in ending his campaign precisely when he did this summer, paved the way for her to assume the top of the ticket. And while she’s the most high-profile example, Harris is just one of a long list of women and people of color whom Biden has put into positions of authority in the executive and judicial branches. In fact, somewhat under the radar, Biden has appointed what experts say is the most diverse high-ranking administration and judiciary in history. This may be his most enduring legacy—and he was able to accomplish it in part because he’s a white man, which neutralizes the right’s favorite racist dog whistles. Harris won’t be so lucky. Today, two-thirds of Biden’s 15-member Cabinet are non-white or female; if you include the acting secretaries of labor as well as housing and urban development, the Cabinet is majority-women. Nearly two-thirds of Biden’s confirmed, lifetime judicial appointees are women, according to tallies by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, and nearly two-thirds are people of color—judges and justices who will have an impact long after Biden leaves office.There are also numerous firsts: Biden appointed the first Muslim woman to a federal court and the first Native Hawaiian woman ever to serve as a lifetime judge. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland is the first Native American to serve as a Cabinet secretary. Karine Jean-Pierre is the first Black female White House press secretary. And, most prominently, Ketanji Brown Jackson is the first Black female Supreme Court justice.Previous Democratic presidents have pledged to appoint a Cabinet and senior staff that look like America. But Biden actually delivered.“What he has done is historic. What he has done is unprecedented,” civil rights leader Ralph Neas, former director of the Leadership Conference, told me. “Joe Biden has literally changed the face of the federal government’s leadership. Such achievements have been talked about for decades. But Joe Biden was the one who did it.” While Biden’s hiring accomplishments haven’t gotten much attention, they are very much by design, says Jessica Fulton, vice president of policy for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The Biden-Harris transition team in 2020—for which Fulton volunteered—set very public goals for hiring a team that was diverse in every way, not just their race, gender, or ethnicity, she told me. (Notably, more than 40 percent of Biden’s confirmed, lifetime judicial nominees have been people with experience as public defenders or civil rights advocates, the Leadership Conference said.) And then the Biden administration partnered with organizations and initiatives committed to diversity to help identify qualified candidates who otherwise might not be on the administration’s radar screen, she said. It’s not about racking up diversity statistics for its own sake; it’s about bringing a different perspective to roles that affect marginalized communities, Fulton noted. Having Cecelia Rouse, who was, from 2021 to 2023, the first Black woman to chair the Council of Economic Advisers in its 75-year history, or Shalanda Young, the first Black woman to head the Office of Management and Budget, provides a minority experience to jobs more often held by white males. Ditto Reta Jo Lewis, the first Black woman and person of color to head the Export-Import Bank, and Michael S. Regan, the first Black man to head the Environmental Protection Agency. Biden is even outpacing Barack Obama’s two-term record on diversity in the Cabinet and courts: Obama successfully appointed 16 women to Cabinet or sub-Cabinet positions during his eight years while Biden has successfully appointed 13 in less than one term, according to the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. A then-record 42 percent of Obama’s judicial picks were women, according to a Pew Research Center analysis, less than Biden’s majority-female slate of court picks. Pew calculated that 36 percent of all of Obama’s judicial appointees were non-white; a Washington Post analysis in May shows the reverse for Biden: 36 percent of his overall judicial selections are white.And of course, it was Biden who made the historic pick of Jackson to the high court. It was something civil rights advocates had hoped Obama would do but understood why it would have been risky (and he did pick two women, one of whom is the first Latina on the court). While the American public elected a man who could bring his own Black experience to the job, they didn’t always want to hear it. Witness what happened when Obama had the nerve to express his personal reaction to Henry Louis “Skip” Gates, the late Black Harvard professor, being arrested by local police after he entered his own home (a neighbor had reported a possible burglary). Obama said the Cambridge police “acted stupidly,” rightly noting that “you probably don’t need to handcuff a guy, a middle-aged man who uses a cane, who’s in his own home”—but the backlash was loud enough that he hosted an awkward “beer summit” at the White House with Gates and the arresting officer. “It’s hard for a person of color, who was a first, was a trailblazer, to make an appointment like that” to the Supreme Court, Montré Carodine, a University of Alabama School of Law professor, told me. “Biden has the privilege of not having to think about that.”One of the reasons Biden has not gotten much credit from the progressive community—or criticism from the right, except for endorsing Harris for the nomination—is that he is white and male.“There was always this expectation that Barack Obama [was] going to favor Black people,” said Christopher Stout, an Oregon State University professor and author of the book The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals. “All African American candidates have to be really careful in how they talk about race,” and definitely in how they put people of color in positions of power, he added. “Whites don’t have the same fear that [Biden] is going to favor African Americans, because he’s one of them.”In other words: If Harris wins the White House this fall, and then attempts to do Biden one better in the diversity of her appointments, rest assured that Republicans will be in hysterics over her “DEI” picks.

From the moment, a month ago, that Kamala Harris became the Democrats’ presumptive nominee for president, she has been derided by Republicans as a “DEI hire” and “DEI vice president.” Besides being willfully ignorant of what DEI actually is and how it works, this an obviously racist attempt to demean a barrier-breaking Black woman. The absurd implication is that President Biden only chose Harris as his running mate in 2020 because of her race and gender—rather than, say, her impressive experience as San Francisco district attorney, California attorney general, or U.S. senator.

But there is an accidental truth buried in this GOP lunacy that Democrats ought to celebrate. Harris does owe her historic status as the first female, non-white major-party presidential nominee in part to the old white man who selected her as his vice president and then, in ending his campaign precisely when he did this summer, paved the way for her to assume the top of the ticket. And while she’s the most high-profile example, Harris is just one of a long list of women and people of color whom Biden has put into positions of authority in the executive and judicial branches.

In fact, somewhat under the radar, Biden has appointed what experts say is the most diverse high-ranking administration and judiciary in history. This may be his most enduring legacy—and he was able to accomplish it in part because he’s a white man, which neutralizes the right’s favorite racist dog whistles. Harris won’t be so lucky.

Today, two-thirds of Biden’s 15-member Cabinet are non-white or female; if you include the acting secretaries of labor as well as housing and urban development, the Cabinet is majority-women. Nearly two-thirds of Biden’s confirmed, lifetime judicial appointees are women, according to tallies by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, and nearly two-thirds are people of color—judges and justices who will have an impact long after Biden leaves office.

There are also numerous firsts: Biden appointed the first Muslim woman to a federal court and the first Native Hawaiian woman ever to serve as a lifetime judge. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland is the first Native American to serve as a Cabinet secretary. Karine Jean-Pierre is the first Black female White House press secretary. And, most prominently, Ketanji Brown Jackson is the first Black female Supreme Court justice.

Previous Democratic presidents have pledged to appoint a Cabinet and senior staff that look like America. But Biden actually delivered.

“What he has done is historic. What he has done is unprecedented,” civil rights leader Ralph Neas, former director of the Leadership Conference, told me. “Joe Biden has literally changed the face of the federal government’s leadership. Such achievements have been talked about for decades. But Joe Biden was the one who did it.”

While Biden’s hiring accomplishments haven’t gotten much attention, they are very much by design, says Jessica Fulton, vice president of policy for the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The Biden-Harris transition team in 2020—for which Fulton volunteered—set very public goals for hiring a team that was diverse in every way, not just their race, gender, or ethnicity, she told me. (Notably, more than 40 percent of Biden’s confirmed, lifetime judicial nominees have been people with experience as public defenders or civil rights advocates, the Leadership Conference said.) And then the Biden administration partnered with organizations and initiatives committed to diversity to help identify qualified candidates who otherwise might not be on the administration’s radar screen, she said.

It’s not about racking up diversity statistics for its own sake; it’s about bringing a different perspective to roles that affect marginalized communities, Fulton noted. Having Cecelia Rouse, who was, from 2021 to 2023, the first Black woman to chair the Council of Economic Advisers in its 75-year history, or Shalanda Young, the first Black woman to head the Office of Management and Budget, provides a minority experience to jobs more often held by white males. Ditto Reta Jo Lewis, the first Black woman and person of color to head the Export-Import Bank, and Michael S. Regan, the first Black man to head the Environmental Protection Agency.

Biden is even outpacing Barack Obama’s two-term record on diversity in the Cabinet and courts: Obama successfully appointed 16 women to Cabinet or sub-Cabinet positions during his eight years while Biden has successfully appointed 13 in less than one term, according to the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. A then-record 42 percent of Obama’s judicial picks were women, according to a Pew Research Center analysis, less than Biden’s majority-female slate of court picks. Pew calculated that 36 percent of all of Obama’s judicial appointees were non-white; a Washington Post analysis in May shows the reverse for Biden: 36 percent of his overall judicial selections are white.

And of course, it was Biden who made the historic pick of Jackson to the high court. It was something civil rights advocates had hoped Obama would do but understood why it would have been risky (and he did pick two women, one of whom is the first Latina on the court). While the American public elected a man who could bring his own Black experience to the job, they didn’t always want to hear it. Witness what happened when Obama had the nerve to express his personal reaction to Henry Louis “Skip” Gates, the late Black Harvard professor, being arrested by local police after he entered his own home (a neighbor had reported a possible burglary). Obama said the Cambridge police “acted stupidly,” rightly noting that “you probably don’t need to handcuff a guy, a middle-aged man who uses a cane, who’s in his own home”—but the backlash was loud enough that he hosted an awkward “beer summit” at the White House with Gates and the arresting officer.

“It’s hard for a person of color, who was a first, was a trailblazer, to make an appointment like that” to the Supreme Court, Montré Carodine, a University of Alabama School of Law professor, told me. “Biden has the privilege of not having to think about that.”

One of the reasons Biden has not gotten much credit from the progressive community—or criticism from the right, except for endorsing Harris for the nomination—is that he is white and male.

“There was always this expectation that Barack Obama [was] going to favor Black people,” said Christopher Stout, an Oregon State University professor and author of the book The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals. “All African American candidates have to be really careful in how they talk about race,” and definitely in how they put people of color in positions of power, he added. “Whites don’t have the same fear that [Biden] is going to favor African Americans, because he’s one of them.”

In other words: If Harris wins the White House this fall, and then attempts to do Biden one better in the diversity of her appointments, rest assured that Republicans will be in hysterics over her “DEI” picks.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Roads can become more dangerous on hot days – especially for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists

We tend to adapt quickly to rain. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat.

Munbaik Cycling Clothing/UnsplashDuring heatwaves, everyday life tends to feel more difficult than on an average day. Travel and daily movement are no exception. But while most of us know rain, fog and storms can make driving conditions challenging, not many people realise heat also changes transport risk. In particular, research evidence consistently suggests roads, trips and daily commutes can become more dangerous on very hot days compared with an average day. The key questions are how much more dangerous, who is most affected, whether the risk is short-lived or lingers and how this information can be used to better manage road safety during extreme heat. Who is most at risk? The clearest picture comes from a recent multi-city study in tropical and subtropical Taiwan. Using injury data across six large cities, researchers examined how road injury risk changes as temperatures rise, and how this differs by mode of travel. The results show what researchers call a sharp, non-linear increase in risk on very hot days. It’s non-linear because road injury risk rises much more steeply once temperatures move into the 30–40°C range. It is also within this range that different travel modes begin to clearly separate in terms of their susceptibility to heat-related risk. This Taiwan study found injury risk for pedestrians more than doubled during extreme heat. Cyclist injuries soared by around 80%, and motorcyclist injuries by about 50%. In contrast, the increase for car drivers is much smaller. The pattern is clear: the more exposed the road user, the bigger the heat-related risk. The pattern is also not exclusive to a single geographical region and has been observed in other countries too. A long-running national study from Spain drew on two decades of crash data covering nearly 2 million incidents and showed crash risk increases steadily as temperatures rise. At very high temperatures, overall crash risk is about 15% higher than on cool days. Importantly, the increase is even larger for crashes linked to driver fatigue, distraction or illness. A nationwide study in the United States found a 3.4% increase in fatal traffic crashes on heatwave days versus non-heatwave days. The increase is not evenly distributed. Fatal crash risk rises more strongly: on rural roads among middle-aged and older drivers, and on hot, dry days with high UV radiation. This shows extreme heat does not just increase crash likelihood, but also the chance that crashes result in death. That’s particularly true in settings with higher speeds and less forgiving road environments. Taken together, the international evidence base is consistent: the likelihood of crashes, injury risk and fatal outcomes all increase during hot days. Why heat increases road risk, and why the effects can linger Across the three studies, the evidence points to a combination of exposure and human performance effects. The Taiwan study shows that risk increases most sharply for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists. These are groups that are physically exposed to ambient heat and, in some cases, exertion. In contrast, occupants of enclosed vehicles show smaller increases in risk. This suggests that direct exposure to heat plays a role in shaping who is most affected. The Spanish study suggests that the largest heat-related increases occur in crashes involving driver fatigue, distraction, sleepiness or illness. This indicates that heat affects road safety not only through environmental conditions, but through changes in human performance that make errors more likely. Importantly, the Spanish data also show that these effects are not always confined to the hottest day itself. They can persist for several days following extreme heat, consistent with cumulative impacts such as sleep disruption and prolonged fatigue. High solar radiation refers to days with intense, direct sunlight and little cloud cover. In the US study, heat-related increases in fatal crashes were strongest under these conditions. Although visibility was not directly examined, these are also conditions associated with greater glare, which may make things even less safe. How can the extra risk be managed? The empirical evidence does not point to a single solution, but it does indicate where risk is elevated and where things become less safe. That knowledge alone can be used to manage risk. First, reducing exposure matters. Fewer trips mean less risk, and flexible work arrangements during heatwaves can indirectly reduce road exposure altogether. Second, risk awareness matters. Simply recognising that heatwaves are higher-risk travel days can help us be more cautious, especially for those travelling without the protection of an enclosed vehicle. We tend to adapt quickly to rain. As soon as the first drops hit the windscreen, we reduce speed almost subconsciously and increase distance to other vehicles. This, in fact, is a key reason traffic jams often start to develop shortly after roads become wet. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat. Milad Haghani receives funding from the Australian government (the Office of Road Safety).Zahra Shahhoseini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

West Virginia Program That Helped Communities Tackle Abandoned Buildings Is Running Out of Money

A West Virginia program that helped communities demolish abandoned buildings is running out of money, and state lawmakers haven't proposed any new solutions

From their home on Charleston’s, West Virginia's West Side, Tina and Matt Glaspey watched the house on the corner of First Avenue and Fitzgerald Street go downhill fast. A family with a young daughter left because they didn’t feel safe. The next owner died. After that, the police were responding regularly as people broke into the vacant home. The Glaspeys say that in just two years, the small brick house went from occupied to condemned, left without power or water, repeatedly entered by squatters. “One day, we noticed a bright orange sticker on the door saying the building was not safe for habitation,” Tina said. “It shows how quickly things can turn, in just two years, when nothing is done to deal with these properties.” City officials say the house is following the same path as hundreds of other vacant properties across Charleston, which slowly deteriorate until they become unsafe and are added to the city’s priority demolition list, typically including about 30 buildings at a time. Until this year, a state program helped communities tear these buildings down, preventing them from becoming safety hazards for neighborhoods and harming property values. But that money is now depleted. There is no statewide demolition program left, no replacement funding, and no legislation to keep it running, leaving municipalities on their own to absorb the costs or leave vacant buildings standing. Across West Virginia, vacant properties increase while a state program designed to help runs out of money The state’s Demolition Landfill Assistance Program was established in 2021 and was funded a year later with federal COVID-19 recovery funds. Administered through the Department of Environmental Protection, the fund reimbursed local governments for the demolition of abandoned buildings that they couldn’t afford on their own. The state survey was the first step in the program to determine the scope of the need and assess local government capacity to address it. It was distributed to all 55 counties and more than 180 municipalities. However, the need is far greater. Carrie Staton, director of the West Virginia Brownfields Assistance Center, has worked with communities on abandoned buildings for about 14 years. She said most counties don’t have the resources, funding or staffing to manage dilapidated housing on their own. “We’re just so rural and so universally rural. Other states have at least a couple of major metro areas that can support this work,” she said. “We don’t. It just takes longer to do everything.” Charleston has spent millions demolishing hundreds of vacant buildings As the state’s largest city, Charleston has more tools than most local governments, including access to federal funds that smaller communities don’t have. That has allowed the city to spend more than $12 million over the past seven years demolishing over 700 unsafe and dilapidated structures.But John Butterworth, a planner for the city, said Charleston still relied on state demolition funding to help cover those costs, which averaged about $10,000 per property, including any environmental cleanup. “It’s a real cost,” he said. “It’s a necessary one to keep neighbors safe, but it is very expensive.”He said the city received $500,000 from the state program during its last round of funding to help tear down properties that drew repeated complaints from neighbors. “I think people are really relieved when we can say that the house that’s been boarded up for a year or more is coming down,” he said. “Where the concern often comes from neighbors is, what comes next?”One vacant home on Grant Street had fallen into disrepair before being demolished in May of last year. Cracks filled the walls. Dirt and moldy debris were caked on the floors. Broken glass and boarded-up windows littered the property as plants overtook the roof and yard. Eventually, the city was able to get the owner to donate the property, which was then given to Habitat for Humanity as part of its home-building program. Now, the property is being rebuilt from scratch. Construction crews have already built the foundation, porch and frame, and it is expected to be finished within the year after its groundbreaking last October. Andrew Blackwood, executive director of Habitat for Humanity of Kanawha and Putnam counties, said the property stood for at least five years, deteriorating. The home had signs of vandalism and water damage and was completely unsalvageable. He said that of the 190 homes the organization has built in both counties, nearly 90% of them have been complete rebuilds after the previous structure was demolished. A statewide problem without a statewide plan Lawmakers have said they recognize the scale of the problem, but none have proposed other ways for tearing down dangerous structures. Fayette County used state demolition money as it was intended, which was to tear down unsafe buildings that had become public safety hazards to nearby residents. With help from the state program, the county tore down 75 dilapidated structures, officials said, removing some of the most dangerous properties while continuing to track the progress of others through a countywide system. County leaders hoped to expand their demolition efforts on their own this year, but those plans have been put on hold. The county had to take over operations of a local humane society after it faced closure and will need to fundraise, said John Breneman, president of the Fayette County Commission. Former Sen. Chandler Swope, R-Mercer, said that kind of budget pressure is exactly why he pushed for state involvement in demolition funding. Swope, who helped create the state fund for the demolition of dilapidated buildings in 2021, said the idea grew from what he saw in places where population loss left empty homes, which local governments had no way to tear down.“They didn’t have any money to tear down the dilapidated properties, so I decided that that should be a state obligation because the state has more flexibility and more access to funding,” he said.Swope said he’d always viewed the need as ongoing, even as state budgets shift from year to year.“I visualized it as a permanent need. I didn’t think you would ever get to the point where it was done,” he said. “I felt like the success of the program would carry its own priority.” But four years later, that funding is gone, and lawmakers haven’t found a replacement. Other states, meanwhile, have created long-term funding for demolition and redevelopment.Ohio, for example, operates a statewide program that provides counties with annual demolition funding. Funds are appropriated from the state budget by lawmakers. Staton said West Virginia’s lack of a plan leaves communities stuck.“Abandoned buildings are in every community, and every legislator has constituents who are dealing with this,” she said. “They know it’s just a matter of finding the funding.”And back on the West Side, the Glaspeys are left staring at boarded windows and an overgrown yard across the street. Matt said, “Sometimes you think, what’s the point of fixing up your own place if everything around you is collapsing?” This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

Webinar: Cell Tower Risks 101 - What You Need To Know To Protect Your Community

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Funding bill excludes controversial pesticide provision hated by MAHA

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental...

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Known as Section 453 for its position in a House bill released earlier this year, it has drawn significant ire from MAHA-aligned activists. Opponents of the provision argue that it can be a liability shield for major chemical corporations, preventing them from facing failure-to-warn lawsuits by not disclosing health effects of their products. MAHA figures celebrated the provision’s exclusion from the legislation. “MAHA WE DID IT! Section 453 granting pesticide companies immunity from harm has been removed from the upcoming House spending bill!” MAHA Action, a political action committee affiliated with the movement, wrote on X. The issue is one that has divided Republicans, a party that has traditionally allied itself with big business.  “The language ensures that we do not have a patchwork of state labeling requirements. It ensures that one state is not establishing the label for the rest of the states,” Rep. Mike Simpson (R-Idaho) said earlier this year.  However, the growing MAHA movement has been critical of the chemical industry. The legislation is part of a bicameral deal reached to fund the departments of the Interior, Justice, Commerce, and Energy, as well as the EPA. And while the provision’s exclusion represents a win for the MAHA movement for the moment, the issue is far from settled. Alexandra Muñoz, a toxicologist and activist who is working with the MAHA movement said she’s “happy to see” that the provision was not included in the funding bill. However, she said, “we still have fronts that we’re fighting on because it’s still potentially going to be added in the Farm Bill.” She also noted that similar fights are ongoing at the Supreme Court and state level. The Supreme Court is currently weighing whether to take up a case about whether federal law preempts state pesticide labeling requirements and failure-to-warn lawsuits. The Trump administration said the court should side with the chemical industry. Meanwhile, a similar measure also appeared in a 2024 version of the Farm Bill. —Emily Brooks contributed. Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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