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Plastics lobbyists make up biggest group at vital UN treaty talks

Fossil fuel and chemical industry representatives outnumber those of the EU or host country South KoreaRecord numbers of plastic industry lobbyists are attending global talks that are the last chance to hammer out a treaty to cut plastic pollution across the world.The key issue at the conference will be whether caps on global plastic production will be included in the final UN treaty. Lobbyists and leading national producers are furiously arguing against any attempt to restrain the amount that can be produced, leaving the talks on a knife-edge. Continue reading...

Record numbers of plastic industry lobbyists are attending global talks that are the last chance to hammer out a treaty to cut plastic pollution across the world.The key issue at the conference will be whether caps on global plastic production will be included in the final UN treaty. Lobbyists and leading national producers are furiously arguing against any attempt to restrain the amount that can be produced, leaving the talks on a knife-edge.New analysis by the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) shows 220 fossil fuel and chemical industry representatives, more plastic producers than ever, are represented at the UN talks in Busan, South Korea.Taken as a group, they would be the biggest delegation at the talks, with more plastic industry lobbyists than representatives from the EU and each of its member states, (191) or the host country, South Korea, (140), according to the Centre for International Environmental Law. Their numbers overwhelm the 89 delegates from the Pacific small island developing states (PSIDs), countries which are among those suffering the most from plastic pollution.Sixteen lobbyists from the plastics industry are at the talks as part of country delegations. China, the Dominican Republic, Egypt, Finland, Iran, Kazakhstan, and Malaysia all have industry vested interests within their delegations, the analysis shows. The plastic producer representatives also outnumber delegates from the Scientists’ Coalition for an Effective Plastics Treaty by three to one.Approximately 460m tonnes of plastics are produced annually, and production is set to triple by 2060 under business-as-usual growth rates.More than 900 independent scientists have signed a declaration calling UN negotiators to agree on a comprehensive and ambitious global plastics treaty, based on robust scientific evidence, to end plastic pollution by 2040.According to the Scientists’ Declaration, the harm caused by plastic pollution cannot be prevented by improvements in waste management alone.But the world’s plastic producers have lobbied repeatedly against caps. Countries with large fossil fuel industries such as Saudi Arabia, Russia and Iran, called the “like-minded” group, have eschewed production cuts and emphasised waste management as the main solution to the crisis.Delphine Levi Alvares, the global petrochemical campaign coordinator at CIEL, said: “From the moment the gavel came down … to now, we have watched industry lobbyists surrounding the negotiations with sadly well-known tactics of obstruction, distraction, intimidation, and misinformation.“Their strategy – lifted straight from the climate negotiations playbook – is designed to preserve the financial interests of countries and companies who are putting their fossil-fuelled profits above human health, human rights, and the future of the planet.”She said the mandate for the treaty was clear: to end plastic pollution.“Ever-growing evidence from independent scientists, frontline communities, and Indigenous peoples clearly shows that this won’t be achieved without reducing plastic production. The choice is clear: our lives or their bottom line.”skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionGraham Forbes, the head of Greenpeace’s delegation, said: “The analysis exposes a desperate industry willing to sacrifice our planet and poison our children to protect its profits. Fossil fuel and petrochemical lobbyists, aided by a handful of member states, must not dictate the outcome of these critical negotiations.“The moral, economic, and scientific imperatives are clear: by the end of the week, member states must deliver a global plastics treaty that prioritises human health and a livable planet over CEO payouts.”Plastic waste has more than doubled, from 156m tonnes in 2000 to 353m tonnes in 2019, and only 9% was ultimately recycled, according to an OECD report.The Guardian and Unearthed revealed last week that five fossil fuel and chemical companies, who formed a voluntary alliance to end plastic waste, have produced 1,000 times more new plastic than the waste they have cleared in five years.Two of those five companies, Dow and Exxon Mobil, some of the world’s biggest producers of plastic, are among the best represented plastic industry lobbyists at the Busan talks, with five and four delegates respectively.

Where Do Butterflies Migrate From? Clues Can Be Found in Pollen on Their Bodies

Trillions of insects move around the globe each year. Scientists are working on new ways to map those long-distance journeys

A painted lady perches on a flower. Ennio Borgato / iNaturalist CC By-SA 4.0 On a warm summer morning in Ypres, Belgium, 66-year-old Sylvain Cuvelier steps into his blooming garden with his 14-year-old granddaughter, hoping to identify and count all the fluttering butterflies. Other days, he helps scientists by netting butterfly samples. Then he records each sighting’s location using GPS, logs them in his Excel database and sometimes sends the samples to his academic colleagues, who will analyze pollen grains clinging to the insects’ bodies. Those tiny pollen grains, gathered by citizen scientists like Cuvelier, are helping researchers study a process that until now has been largely inscrutable: the migratory patterns of insects as they move around the globe over the course of multiple generations. Using pollen, scientists have been able to identify where individual butterflies began their journeys, and even infer the events that likely triggered their migration. The knowledge may help conservationists better understand some of the effects of climate change—not only on the insects themselves, but also on their migrations and the ecosystems they inhabit. A lot of insects spend their whole lives in one place. Many others migrate, as many birds do, to avoid harsh weather, to find food or to breed. Some estimates suggest that trillions of insects migrate across the globe each year, yet scientists know little about where they go or how they get there. Tracking insect migration is not as straightforward as tracking birds or mammals. With birds, “you can attach a ring to the leg or use radio tracking, and it’s easy to prove that they move from point A to B,” says Tomasz Suchan, a molecular ecologist at the Polish Academy of Sciences in Krakow. But most insects are too small for these techniques to be successful. In North America, researchers have had some success tracking monarch butterflies, known for their remarkable migration from southern Canada and the northern United States to central Mexico. In the early 1990s, the Monarch Watch citizen science initiative began tagging butterflies around the Rocky Mountains. Over two million monarchs have been tagged, with more than 19,000 recoveries reported in Mexico, where monarchs congregate to roost for the winter. This has helped biologists to track their migration routes. Butterflies without such well-defined aggregations are more difficult to track, however. For example, painted lady butterflies often appear in Europe in the fall, sometimes in great abundance. “Then they disappear, and we don’t really know where they go,” says Gerard Talavera, an entomologist at the Botanical Institute of Barcelona. Some years back, Talavera and his team realized they might be able to track the butterflies indirectly, by studying the pollen that accumulates on their bodies. Every time a butterfly visits a flower for a sip of nectar, it also picks up grains of pollen. If the researchers could identify plants from their pollen, confirm where and when the plants were blooming, and keep tracing them as the butterflies reached different geographic regions, perhaps they could follow the butterflies’ overall journey. “The method is like we put a GPS on them,” Talavera says. “Because we cannot do that, this is the closest we can go.” Pollen migratory maps The scientists were able to test the idea in 2019, when painted ladies experienced one of their sporadic population booms. In March of that year, as swarms of the butterflies appeared in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, the citizen scientists netted butterfly samples, then preserved them in an alcohol mixture and shipped them to Talavera’s lab. There, researchers isolated the pollen grains attached to the butterflies’ bodies and sequenced a particular stretch of the pollen DNA that offers a unique signature for each plant species, a process known as metabarcoding. All the while, citizen scientists kept netting butterfly samples as the population surge gradually spread through eastern, northern and western Europe over the following months, reaching southern Morocco in early November. Analyzing pollen collected from 264 butterflies from ten different countries in seven months, the researchers identified 398 different plants they could use to track the butterflies’ movements backward through the year. From this, they found that swarms of butterflies observed in Russia, Scandinavia and the Baltic countries were likely the offspring of butterflies originating from the surge in Arabia and the Middle East. This appears to have spread to Eastern Europe, then Scandinavia and then to Western Europe, resulting in a noticeable population boom in the United Kingdom, France and Spain. From there, the butterflies may have migrated to southern Morocco, likely continuing on to tropical Africa to complete their annual cycle. The pollen record even suggested a reason why painted ladies suddenly became so abundant in 2019. Butterflies collected from the eastern Mediterranean, right in the beginning of the population spike, were carrying pollen from plant species found primarily in semi-arid shrublands, grasslands and salt marshes of northern Arabia and the Middle East. Examining satellite images, the researchers noticed that from December 2018 to April 2019, those plants experienced big boosts in growth following a period of unusually heavy rainfall. That burst of growth, the researchers speculate, may have provided ideal conditions for the butterflies to feed and breed, kicking off the population explosion and leaving a ripple effect that affected many generations. Talavera and his team have used pollen signatures to track other butterfly movements as well. In 2013, for example, painted lady butterflies had been found resting on the coast of South America, in French Guiana. Painted ladies don’t normally live in South America, and it was a mystery where they had come from. A decade later, Talavera’s team sampled pollen from the still-preserved butterfly bodies and found that Guiera senegalensis, a common plant found only in sub-Saharan Africa, was by far the most common type of pollen attached to these butterflies. By analyzing coastal surveys, wind patterns, pollen and environmental conditions, they confirmed that the butterflies probably crossed the Atlantic in up to eight days’ worth of continuous flight from Africa. This finding marked the first verified instance of an insect crossing the Atlantic. “The use of pollen metabarcoding to track where each generation of butterflies comes from and how they progress through the cycle is super novel,” says Christine Merlin, a biologist at Texas A&M University and co-author of an article on the neurobiology of butterfly migration in the Annual Review of Entomology. Because it identifies individual plant species, she notes, this method promises greater precision than the standard method, isotope signature analysis, which tracks regional variations in the insects’ chemical makeup. While painted ladies serve as a model system for understanding insect migration, researchers say they are confident that this method could be suited for tracking other migrating pollinators that actively visit flowers to collect nectar, including other butterflies, syrphid flies, wasps, beetles and moths. Tracking migration routes of insects could be of growing importance in the face of changing climate, because such insects can carry fungal diseases in addition to pollen. In fact, Suchan detected many species of fungi in some butterflies. Approximately 1,000 fungi are known to affect insects, and over 19,000 can affect crops. Thus, migrating insects could potentially spread these fungal diseases across continents, posing risks to ecosystems and economies. Talavera, Suchan and colleagues hope that using pollen signatures to map changing migration patterns could help to predict where fungal disease outbreaks might occur. Cuvelier, meanwhile, hopes to continue counting butterflies with his granddaughter. Ecologists will increasingly need more “big data” to understand large-scale phenomena, he says. Without citizen scientists, he says, “it is impossible for researchers to gather such databases.” Besides, he adds, young people have more to learn from citizen science than just how to catch a butterfly. “They learn about nature,” he says, “and this fosters curiosity in the world.”Knowable Magazine is an independent journalistic endeavor from Annual Reviews. Get the latest Science stories in your inbox.

Fast Fashion Affects Climate, Exploits Workers and Creates Enormous Textile Waste

Fast fashion may seem cheap, but it’s taking a costly toll on the planet—and on millions of young people

November 26, 20244 min readFast Fashion Affects Climate, Exploits Workers and Creates Enormous Textile WasteFast fashion may seem cheap, but it’s taking a costly toll on the planet—and on millions of young peopleBy Paula M. Carbone & The Conversation USGeorgi Fadejev/Getty ImagesThe following essay is reprinted with permission from The Conversation, an online publication covering the latest research.Fast fashion is everywhere – in just about every mall, in the feeds of influencers on social media promoting overconsumption, and in ads constantly popping up online.Fast fashion's focus on the continual production of new clothing is marked by speedy cycles that give the concept its name. Fast fashion is intended to quickly copy high-end designs, but with low-quality materials, resulting in poorly made clothing intended to be worn once or twice before being thrown away.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.One of fast fashion’s leading companies, Zara, has a mission to put clothes in stores 15 days after the initial design. Another, Shein, adds up to 2,000 new items to its website daily.While others in the fashion industry are working toward more sustainable clothing, fast fashion is focused on profit. The market’s value was estimated at about US$100 billion in 2022 and growing quickly. It’s a large part of the reason global clothing production doubled from 2000 to 2014.The big winners in this game are the corporations. The industry has a reputation for exploiting workers and for excessive pollution and extraordinary waste. Consumers are pulled into an unhealthy, spiraling pressure to buy more as cheap clothes fall apart fast.Fast fashion also has a growing impact on the global climate. It is responsible for an estimated 8% to 10% of global greenhouse gas emissions, and its emissions are projected to grow quickly as the industry expands.I teach courses that explore fast fashion and sustainability. The industry’s growth seems unstoppable – but a combination of legislation and willpower might just rein it in.Understanding the harmAbout 60 percent of fast-fashion items are made from synthetic textiles derived from plastics and chemicals that start their life as fossil fuels. When this synthetic clothing is laundered or thrown in landfills to decompose, it can release microplastics into the environment. Microplastics contain chemicals including phthalates and bisphenol A that can affect the health of humans and animals.Natural fibers have their own impacts on the environment. Growing cotton requires large quantities of water, and pesticides can run off from farmlands into streams, rivers and bays. Water is also used in chemically treating and dyeing textiles. A 2005 United Nations-led report on cotton’s water use estimated that, on average, a single cotton T-shirt requires about 700 gallons (2,650 liters) of water from crop to clothing rack, with about 300 gallons (1,135 liters) of that water used for irrigation.The chemicals used to process textiles for clothing for the fashion industry also contaminate wastewater with heavy metals, such as cadmium and lead, and toxic dyes. And that wastewater ends up in waterways in many countries, affecting the environment and wildlife.Fast fashion’s high output also creates literally mountains of waste. More than 90 million tons of textile waste ends up in landfills globally each year, by one estimate, adding to greenhouse gases as it slowly decomposes. Only a small percentage of discarded clothing is recycled.From fashionista to environmental guardianIn many cultures, people’s self-perception is intimately connected to fashion choices, reflecting culture and alliances.The allure of buying new items comes from many sources. Influencers on social media play into FOMO– the fear of missing out. Cheap items can also lead to impulse buys.Research shows that shopping can also create a euphoric sense of happiness. However, fast fashion’s speed and marketing can also train consumers into “psychological obsolescence,” causing them to dislike purchases they previously enjoyed, so they quickly replace them with new purchases.Famous personalities may be helping to push back on this trend. Social media explodes when a first ladyor Kate Middleton, the Princess of Wales, wears an outfit more than once. The movement #30wearschallenge is starting with small steps, by urging consumers to plan to wear every piece of clothing they buy at least 30 times.Upcycling – turning old clothing into new clothing items – and buying sustainable and high-quality clothes that can last for years is being promoted by the United Nations and other organizations, including alliances in the fashion industry.Some influencers are also promoting more sustainable fashion brands. Research has shown that peer influence can be a powerful driver for making more sustainable choices. The largest market for fast fashion is Gen Z, ages 12 to 27, many of whom are also concerned about climate change and might reconsider their fast-fashion buys if they recognized the connections between fast fashion and environmental harm.Some governments are also taking steps to reduce waste from fashion and other consumer products. The European Union is developing requirements for clothing to last longer and prohibiting companies from throwing out unsold textiles and footwear. France has pending legislation that, if passed, would ban publicity for fast-fashion companies and their products, require them to post the environmental impact of their products, and levy fines for violations.Changes in consumer habits, new technologies and legislation can each help reduce demand for unsustainable fashion. The cost of cheap clothes worn a few times also adds up. Next time you buy clothing, think about the long-term value to you and the planet.This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The Longevity Hot Spots That Weren’t

In 1999, a Belgian demographer, Michel Poulain, heard about an Italian island where people lived to be 100 and older while remaining mentally and physically active. Intrigued, Poulain visited Sardinia, where he validated people’s ages according to their birth records. Using a blue pen as he crossed the island, he marked on a map the spots where he found the oldest villagers. “From that time, it is called the blue zone,” he explained to me over the phone in June.Four years after his first trip, Poulain published an academic paper on “blue zones,” as these sites became known, in the journal Experimental Gerontology. In the paper, he speculated about the factors that led to such long lives. Was it low levels of immigration plus high levels of inbreeding? More men than women lived longer; perhaps there was an environmental influence? Shortly after publication, Poulain got a call from Dan Buettner, a long-distance cyclist and National Geographic explorer. Buettner was chasing his own longevity hot spot—a city in Okinawa, Japan, where, he’d heard, people also lived to be very old. Buettner hoped to incorporate Poulain’s work and write about both locations; his National Geographic article on the blue zones ran in 2005.In subsequent articles, books, a TED talk, and eventually a hit Netflix series, Buettner and Poulain expanded their research, naming three more blue zones in Ikaria, Greece; Nicoya, Costa Rica; and Loma Linda, California. Along the way, Buettner, who has a gravelly voice and an easy charisma, developed theories about what made the blue zones special. It wasn’t genetics, he suggested, but the environment. Physical movement was built into peoples’ daily routines, through their work, their commutes, and the surrounding geography. Plant-based foods dominated their diets, and they reported a sense of purpose and belonging. The conditions of their lives stood in stark contrast to those of most Americans, Buettner observed on the first episode of the Netflix show, which aired in 2023. And the consequences for the United States were grim. Life expectancy here was notably declining when compared to peer countries. In 2023, it dropped to 76.4 years, the shortest it had been in almost 20 years.It probably isn’t a coincidence that, as life expectancy diminishes, we have grown fixated on living longer. Longevity has lately emerged as a wellness trend, if you can call it that, given how long humans have lusted after some version of a fountain of youth. In the first recorded story, the Epic of Gilgamesh, a king desperately searches for the secret to everlasting life. But there is undeniably a renewed focus in medicine on uncovering the secrets of long life. Billionaire Peter Thiel, a co-founder of PayPal, has spent millions on anti-aging research, and Google maintains a secretive life science company, Calico, to research the biology of aging. On TikTok and X, longevity gurus and influencers suggest that we can combine lifestyle interventions with biomedical advancements to keep our bodies going—and going, and going.Buettner didn’t want to confine his and Poulain’s discoveries to written stories that might, at best, be recycled as fables. He wanted to effect real change in a world he saw becoming sicker around him. In 2009, he got a million-dollar grant from the AARP to see whether blue zones could be made, not just found. Buettner selected Albert Lea, Minnesota, near his home in Minneapolis, as the test city for a for-profit company he called the Blue Zones Project. “If you try to convince people to change their behavior, you fail,” he told me. “The whole idea was to change their environment so you’re setting them up for success instead of failure.” In the 15 years since it was established, the company, which Buettner eventually sold to the health care system Adventist Health, has enlisted more than 70 communities and more than four million people in the United States to participate.But there are a few problems. The Blue Zones Project markets itself as a public health program, but it doesn’t measure its outcomes as rigorously as comparable initiatives run by academic institutions, so it’s hard to tell how effective it is. It’s also expensive. Largely for cost-related reasons, many of the participating towns and cities gave up their certifications as Blue Zones communities. And as the company grapples with how to help people live longer, healthier lives, the original blue zones are facing their own identity crisis. The data that shows concentrated populations of centenarians, some critics now allege, is flawed. Can you turn a U.S. city into a blue zone if the zones don’t exist in the first place?In early June, I walked on the five-mile path that wraps around Fountain Lake in the center of Albert Lea. This was no ordinary sidewalk, but a “Blue Zones Walkway,” constructed as part of the city’s certification. Cathy Malakow-sky, the current head of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project, guided me through all the changes the town had made to transform itself. Malakowsky, who grew up in Iowa and moved to Albert Lea when she was a junior in high school, has an endearing Midwestern lilt to her voice. After going to college six miles away, she came back to marry her high school boyfriend and raise her children. She’s divorced now, but committed to Albert Lea. She began as a volunteer during the pilot project, and took over as the Blue Zones Project lead about two years ago.Later that day, Malakowsky gave me a tour of downtown. To obtain certification, cities must agree that at least 20 percent of residents; 25 percent of grocery stores, locally owned restaurants, and public schools; and 50 percent of the top 20 employers will adhere to a “healthy-living plan.” For workplaces, this can include offering healthier snack options, a break room with yoga mats, or suggested routes for employees to take walk breaks during the day. Cities also receive assessments from Blue Zones consultants for how to improve the built environment. Malakowsky pointed out new crosswalks and sidewalk extensions, along with stop signs that slow traffic. As part of the project, Albert Lea added flowerpots, benches, and trash cans that double as bike racks. “We have invested millions of dollars in sidewalks and trails to make walking easier,” Malakowsky said. At the end of the initiative’s first year, the Blue Zones Project announced that residents of Albert Lea had gained an average of 2.9 years of life expectancy. The project was deemed a success.As we got into Malakowsky’s car and drove to see more of Albert Lea’s trails, she told me about the Blue Zones Project’s True Vitality Test, which asks questions about diet, lifestyle, mental health, and social and work life. When she took it, the results said she would live until she was 88, but be healthy only until 80, unless she made changes to her diet. I noticed that the Blue Zones Project is replete with catchy—and trademarked—terminology. There’s the Life Radius, the Power 9, the 12 Pillars, and Vitality surveys, all borrowing lessons from the blue zones about how to eat, be active, and spend time in community.Jargon aside, there’s no doubt that the Blue Zones Project’s suggestions are generically good: Make your cities more walkable, improve your connections to your neighbors and family, and eat healthier foods. Naomi Imatome-Yun, the executive vice president of the company, told me it was “the largest public health project in the country.” And the blue zones tap into a powerful truth: that despite how much Americans spend on health care, our overall health is only minimally related to medical care—about 10 to 20 percent, according to research on the social determinants of health. This helps explain how the United States can spend an exorbitant amount of money on individual treatments while Americans remain so sick. Countless studies show, for instance, how income influences health outcomes. A 40-year-old man in the poorest 1 percent of the U.S. population will die, on average, 14.6 years sooner than a man in the top 1 percent. For women, the gap is about 10 years. A study done in Baltimore found a 20-year disparity between a man’s lifespan in a poor neighborhood and that of a man in a wealthy area.This idea has been in medicine’s shadow since at least the nineteenth century, when Rudolf Virchow, a German doctor considered to be one of the founders of “social medicine,” wrote a report on a typhus epidemic in Prussia from 1847 to 1848, saying that instead of medical intervention, it was social conditions that needed to improve in order to treat the disease. Virchow even became skeptical of germ theory, because he thought it would distract from the social factors that caused diseases. Poverty caused illness, not invisible pathology. Virchow helped establish Berlin’s sewer system, on the theory that sanitation systems are one of the most impactful health interventions.“From all evidence, the main determinant of your healthy life expectancy is the wealth of the family you’re born to, your occupation, and your level of education,” said Paul Crawshaw, a professor in public policy at England’s Teesside University, who has been working on place-based initiatives for decades. “The million-dollar question is can you really import that from one place to another?”The answer hits the participating towns in their pocketbooks. The Blue Zones Project is a for-profit company: It costs money to bring it into your town and get branded as a Blue Zones community. Private partners will sponsor the costs of the Blue Zones Project team, event planning, or advertising. Any larger changes made, often at Blue Zones Project’s recommendation, are funded by cities themselves. Once the sponsorship money goes away, so does the certification, which requires payment to be maintained each year.“I think any new intervention that’s trying to scale and is touted as promising should put it to the test,” said Atheendar Venkataramani, a health economist, internal medicine physician, and associate professor at the Perelman School of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, who runs clinical trials on place-based initiatives. “If you’re spending money on this, you’re not spending money on something else.”After the reported success of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project in 2011, Terry Bran­stad, Iowa’s governor at the time, enlisted the company to make Iowa the healthiest state in the country. In January 2012, a competition was announced among cities in Iowa to become the next Blue Zones demonstration sites. After visiting Albert Lea, I took a five-day road trip through the communities that had participated in the program, to see what, if any, effects still lingered.I was surprised to learn that, unlike Albert Lea, which was certified in 2016 and still maintains the credential, Mason City, Marion, Muscatine, and Iowa City, all former blue zones, are no longer. Wellmark Blue Cross and Blue Shield had invested $25 million to pay for the Blue Zones certification. Once the money ran out, the Iowa cities couldn’t justify the cost, several government officials told me when I visited.The loss of certification didn’t mean that people gave up on bettering their communities. In Waterloo, Iowa, I visited All-In, a grocery store that opened in 2023. Sherman Wise, its co-owner, helped run the town’s Blue Zones Project. After the blue zones came and left Waterloo, the area around All-In was still a food desert—until Wise’s business became the first Black-owned independent grocery store in Waterloo. Wise wanted the store to be more than just a place to buy produce. It hosted an after-school program that taught children about cooking and healthy eating, and a class taught by a financial literacy coach. It collaborated with the Iowa Department of Corrections on life skills programs. Wise said that if the Blue Zones Project left a legacy, it was in the policies passed in order to reach certification. For example, schools changed their rules about the kinds of treats kids can bring in for their birthdays. Though the certification expired, those rules remain.Sue Beach, Waterloo’s other Blue Zones Project lead, said that she was very aware of the time limit. For a while, the initiative was kept alive by unpaid volunteers. “They wanted us to pay to continue to have the blue zone certification, but we really couldn’t do that,” she explained. In Marion, City Council member Sara Mentzer, the former lead for Marion’s Blue Zones Project, told me something similar. “The licensing was more than could be sustained,” she said. Mentzer now runs a different health initiative called Be Well Marion, which consists of programs supporting healthy eating, activity, and community involvement that are not dissimilar from the Blue Zones Project.In Mason City, officials told me that the city had recently spent $18 million developing a huge bike park and mountain biking trails. The town, home to two Frank Lloyd Wright buildings and the inspiration for The Music Man, didn’t need the Blue Zones Project to direct residents to do this; it’s what they wanted. Before leaving, I walked through an outsider-art sculpture park called Rancho Deluxe, which displayed a graffitied Blue Zones sign from the campaign hanging upside down.Brevard, North Carolina, launched a Blue Zones Project, but the city didn’t maintain the certification. A local reporter, Dan Dewitt, wrote that the City Council clashed with the company because it had been “pushing these initiatives for years” while “the real work was done by city staffers and consultants.” Nevertheless, the city still had to pay for the Blue Zones Project. In Phoenix, several community groups published a letter saying they didn’t want or need the Blue Zones Project, since it would take funding away from preexisting initiatives. “Projects like these often overshadow and push out cultural solutions that are already in place,” members wrote.The letter expressed a legitimate worry: that there might not be enough resources to fund the Blue Zones Project and similar projects already in the works. In August, the All-In grocery closed—first temporarily, then permanently. Other local stores had also recently shut down, The Gazette, a newspaper in Cedar Rapids, reported, and many people were now resorting to dollar stores to buy food.The blue zones have been used as a marketing tool for real estate development. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that is adorned with the Blue Zones brand.The Blue Zones Project describes itself as funded through private-public partnerships, but, as I learned in Iowa and Albert Lea, infrastructure changes are paid for by city funds, and governments have to approve any changes to policy. The fee pays for the advice from the Blue Zones Project, but also the branding. Earlier this year, The New York Times reported that the blue zones were being used as a “marketing tool” for a real estate development in Ave Maria, a town in Florida. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that also is adorned with the Blue Zones brand. A website that tracks realty trends reported that blue zone communities “are experiencing high demand, prompting numerous real estate companies to seek opportunities within them.”Despite asking city officials and the Blue Zones Project directly, over and over, how much the certification costs, I was never told a straight figure. “The costs vary widely depending on population size, length of the project, sectors we will be working in,” Imatome-Yun said in an email. Because of the nature of the private-public partnerships, it’s not information that’s accessible through freedom of information requests. “I’m not supposed to talk about our financial agreement with Blue Zones,” Malakowsky said when I asked her.This September, the Annals of Improbable Research magazine gave Saul Newman, a demographer at the Oxford Institute of Population Ageing, an Ig Nobel Prize in Demography for a 2024 paper on errors in centenarian age records. The sardonic awards are for research that “makes people laugh, and then think.” Their intended humor notwithstanding, the awards are well-respected.When I talked to Newman, it was before he won the prize, and he sounded exasperated. He had previously shown that other research on extreme age could be explained by a mistake in rounding numbers, he told me. When the mistake was corrected, evidence of remarkably long lives vanished. The research he criticized hasn’t been corrected or retracted. In his paper on the blue zones, Newman demonstrated that the factors predicting high ages in regions around the world consist of a lack of birth certificates, high poverty levels, and fewer 90-year-olds. This implies, he said, that shoddy paperwork and pension fraud—for instance, people saying elderly relatives are still alive in order to collect their welfare checks—are better explanations for blue zones than anything else. The high poverty rates in the blue zones may provide the motivation for such fraud.In Italy, recorded supercentenarians are more likely if a province has higher unemployment rates. People who are born in the Sardinian provinces Ogliastra and Medio Campidano are the least likely and second-least likely to survive from birth to age 55, Newman wrote, and according to Eurostat the Sardinian province of Olbia-Tempio has the eighth-fewest individuals alive over the age of 90—“yet somehow also ranked as the best province for survival to ages 100, 105, and 110.”When Newman looked at data from Japan’s statistics bureau, he didn’t find evidence that people who lived in Okinawa were healthier than those in the rest of the country. In fact, the island has high levels of obesity and alcohol consumption compared to other prefectures in Japan. It has the lowest per capita intake of sweet potatoes, a food profiled in the Blue Zones Netflix show as particularly healthy, and high meat consumption. Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones argued that people in Okinawa had strong “ikigai,” or sense of purpose, but Newman pointed out that Okinawans have the fourth-highest suicide rate in Japan for those over 65. The Power 9—Buettner’s top lifestyle prescriptions, inspired by the blue zones— “are directly contradicted in every single case,” Newman wrote, “usually through population-representative surveys of hundreds of thousands of people, with levels of inaccuracy that border on farce.”Some of Buettner’s collaborators issued a response to Newman’s research, arguing that “the ages of individuals in the officially recognized blue zones have been thoroughly validated, and their exceptional longevity is well-documented” through sources like civil databases and church archives. In a letter published on its website, the Blue Zones Project said that it doesn’t claim that blue zones hold more supercentenarians, but simply that they are healthy places with high life expectancies. The poverty that Newman alluded to, the letter explained, aided people living in the zones to avoid modernization and the Western diet. In Okinawa, it’s young people who “eat and drink too much” and have unhealthy lifestyles, which skewed the overall data. The letter pointed out that Newman’s paper was not peer-reviewed and had not been published in a journal.Beyond dubious demographic statistics, the other question hanging over the blue zones is how stable they are. At the end of 2023, a paper in the journal Demographic Research suggested that the blue zone in Costa Rica wasn’t so blue anymore. Using a new nationwide survey of 550,000 adults alive between 1990 and 2020, it found that those born before 1930 were living longer than expected, but not those born after. “Hotspots of extreme longevity are probably transient,” the paper concluded.Unsurprisingly, given what he sees as flawed research, Newman is skeptical about designing public health programs based on the blue zones. “You have someone with no medical expertise, no scientific expertise, and they are telling large sections of the population what to do, and they very easily get it very wrong,” he said to me about Buettner and the Blue Zones Project. “It might be nice to go and sit around the pot with grandma and then tell tales of the old time, but that’s not science.”And yet, in the midst of a culture that’s so focused on expensive supplements and individual health, it can be refreshing to encounter an accessible longevity philosophy that’s dedicated to making daily life healthier for everyone. Not through grueling exercise, fasting, or powdered greens, but through walking, eating delicious foods, and being surrounded by friends and family until old age. Perhaps the true virtue of the blue zones lies in how easily they lend themselves to marketing. In 1952, the psychologist G.D. Wiebe posed the question, after seeing the rise of advertising, “Why can’t you sell brotherhood and rational thinking like you sell soap?” The Blue Zones Project sells one version of a healthy lifestyle, and it can motivate coordination around policies and inspire the community to buy in. Is that such a bad thing?For his part, Poulain feels uncomfortable with how blue zones were commercialized as the idea was popularized, and he did not sign the letter that Buettner’s other collaborators wrote. He pointed out that the research he’s done doesn’t get at why people in the blue zones live a long time—just that they do—but he disputed Newman’s claims, saying that he personally validated centenarians himself.Poulain and I talked four days before his seventy-seventh birthday. He incorporates blue zone principles into his own life, he explained: He prioritizes eating fruits and vegetables, rides his bike as much as he can, and says hello to others while out hiking. After we spoke, he emailed me a photo of himself, with a shock of white hair and a fluffy white beard, laughing and embracing a centenarian in Galicia, Spain, where he is in the process of certifying a new blue zone.Poulain and Buettner don’t speak any more. Poulain criticized Buettner for profiting off trademarks, and his company for not funding research into the factors that lead to longevity in the blue zones, all while pursuing commercial projects such as the Blue Zones–branded frozen meals that can be found in Whole Foods. Poulain worries that he may never discover what makes the original blue zones such healthy places to live—indeed, that the success of the brand is a danger to the blue zones themselves. “I had a researcher just today who in Ikaria cannot access centenarians because there were so many tourists arriving,” he said. “All because this is the island where you forget to die.”Is the Blue Zones Project a genuinely innovative program, or a trendy—and expensive—marketing ploy inspired by sound principles but uncertain data? The answer relies a lot on whether it works. In 2023, Dan Dewitt, the reporter from Brevard, compared statistics on Freeborn County—where Albert Lea is—from the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute’s rankings of counties’ public health to analysis from the Blue Zones Project itself. The institute showed that Freeborn County had improved its statewide health ranking between 2011 and 2018, but in 2022, that improvement slowed down. The rate of smoking increased, and that year the county had a 35 percent obesity rate—higher than the state’s, and higher than in 2011. The number of physically inactive adults was around 27 percent. In 2023, Freeborn County was rated 51 out of 87 counties in Minnesota.It also seems possible that any positive change the Blue Zones Project touts might have happened without the company’s involvement. The company considers the Beach Cities of California—Hermosa Beach, Manhattan Beach, and Redondo Beach—to be among its success stories; in these communities, it says, the program reduced smoking and childhood obesity, and constructed miles of bike and walking paths along the beaches. But if the towns had the money to participate in the program, Venkataramani said, they might have had the resources to achieve those same outcomes on their own.Most damningly, the evidence that the Blue Zones Project uses to illustrate its effectiveness is weak. The company assesses its communities through surveying from Gallup, the polling organization. In 2007, Gallup entered a partnership with Healthways, a health services company, to measure well-being at a national scale. When Healthways partnered with Blue Zones in 2009, it gave Gallup the job of evaluating Blue Zones Project communities. But the life expectancy improvement measurements from the Blue Zones Project come from the Blue Zones team, not from Gallup, said Dan Witters, a Gallup consultant and analyst. Witters confirmed that its surveys are not longitudinal samples, meaning compared over time, but rather successive random samples. Gallup evaluates people on 20 evidence-based metrics to see whether a community is improving compared to itself, and how that improvement compares to national surveys. There are no official control cities, though Gallup will compare a Blue Zones Project community to another city on which it has wellness data. Gallup isn’t, however, able to check whether those cities also have wellness programs of their own. The Build Healthy Places Network, an organization that keeps track of similar initiatives ongoing around the country, and what measurable impact they have, doesn’t list the Blue Zones Project in its database.“The question is, what are they telling us that a public health expert wouldn’t know?” Newman said. “Do I need someone to tell me that exercise is good for me? What benefit are these very expensive programs actually conveying?”As it stands, the Blue Zones Project’s approach to evaluation doesn’t pass the smell test for Venkataramani, the doctor and health economist. “The least valid design to make a causal inference is one where you’re kind of comparing yourself to yourself, but not anyone else,” he said, “using some sort of bespoke tool that may or may not be validated.” The Blue Zones Project’s Imatome-Yun didn’t respond to a request for comment on the company’s evaluation methods.Based on Gallup’s surveys, Witters argued, well-being does improve after blue zones are established, but he offered an interesting caveat: People with already high levels of well-being are more likely to know about the initiative, and those who both know about it and participate are those who show the biggest improvements. Crawshaw has seen this before, and it raises a troubling possibility. “A lot of health promotion initiatives that are not carefully designed to avoid this problem,” agreed Steven Woolf, director emeritus of the Center on Society and Health at Virginia Commonwealth University, “end up benefiting an advantaged population and creating an even bigger gap in health outcomes than existed to begin with.”Later in June, I moderated a panel at the Aspen Ideas: Health conference, where, as it happened, Dan Buettner was also speaking. After his conversation with Dean Ornish, a lifestyle medicine researcher, a crowd of people surrounded Buettner for 25 minutes before he broke off to sit with me on a bench on the Aspen Institute’s grounds. “We’re very Hippocratic in our approach,” Buettner told me. “None of our interventions would hurt anybody.” He added that a lot of the recommendations of the Blue Zones Project have been arrived at through trial and error. When I mentioned I had gone to Iowa, he shook his head, and said that, while he saluted the state’s efforts, the company had not been funded there for long enough to make the initiatives stick.I asked him about the importance of other social determinants when it came to health, like education or income inequality, and he said he had just returned from Scandinavia, where he was researching his next book. There, “everybody has access to health care, there’s better education, there’s better distribution of income,” he said. “I’m all for that. Tell me how you’re gonna do that in America. Good luck.”Buettner is a captivating public speaker. On the one hand, he captures the paradoxical simplicity and mystery of what it means to be well. On the other, he reminds us of concrete, achievable steps we can take for our health, such as eating more beans. When a woman approached him for a selfie, saying her daughter was a fan, he told her to record a video, and shot a face-to-cam message. I remembered how, in Albert Lea, Buettner’s footprints and signature were pressed into the wet cement of the Blue Zones Walkway—like Grauman’s Chinese Theatre.Instead of lamenting what we can’t do, Buettner wanted to focus on what can be done: “We can go into a city, and we can analyze it and can make it more walkable and bikeable.” The other lesson he said he’d learned from the Blue Zones Project is that he doesn’t get involved in “political squabbles.” Austin, Texas, for instance, isn’t a blue zone because the city wanted the initiative to focus on Black neighborhoods. “I said I can’t do that,” Buettner told me—not because he didn’t want to, but because he didn’t know how. “This is a populationwide intervention, or we’re not coming. We’re not favoring Blacks or gay people or rich people or poor people.”Because Buettner sold the company to Adventist Health, he said he couldn’t speak to its current practices. “I don’t know exactly how it’s being operated,” he said. “I’m told that they use my blueprint, but so much is in the execution.” He agreed that there’s pressure to default to personal lifestyle changes, such as exercise programs and Zumba and diets. “When I managed things, I tried to keep our budgets focused on permanent or semipermanent changes to the environment,” he said. He had made the company for-profit, he explained, because he believed it would be more impactful that way: “The moment anybody can access a brand for free, it gets slapped on junk food.”Buettner is very skilled at presenting the blue zones, and the brand, in an appealing way. In January 2012, Eric Carter, a Macalester College professor and health geographer, was teaching at Grinnell College when the Blue Zones Project arrived in Iowa. “Buettner had a real gift for taking epidemiological and demographic research and translating it into terms that people could use to maybe potentially make changes in their own lives,” Carter said to me in his office in St. Paul. “Maybe the blue zones aren’t meant to be the panacea for our public health problems. Maybe it is just something that’s just for the wellness space.”Whether for the “wellness space” or not, the impulse to look to older times or other places for better ways of living is reminiscent of a phenomenon described in a 1981 article in Nutrition Today by William Jarvis, a prominent nutritionist: the “myth of the healthy savage,” or the desire to romanticize remote parts of the world for their supposed longevity. The Hunza people, an indigenous community in the Himalayas, were touted as a bastion of health long before the blue zones. In a 1964 book called Hunza Health Secrets, the author, Renee Taylor, wrote that the people who lived in the region, which is in Pakistan, had “no cancer, no heart attacks, and practically no other disease to cut down men and women in the prime of life.” Men between 125 and 145 years old allegedly played volleyball. But the fantasy of the healthy savage usually turns out to be just that: a fantasy. For Hunza, incomplete birth and death rates and inaccurate measurements of disease explained the seeming lack of illness there. When a team of Japanese scientists went to Hunza in 1955, they found high rates of cancer and heart disease after examining 277 people. “We had to teach them how to cure disease, instead of learning how to be free from diseases,” the scientists concluded.Earlier this year, in May, I went to Sardinia for a weekend, taking a Ryanair flight from London. I drove inland, away from the touristy coastal hotels, to the Blue Zones area, a town called Seulo. Eventually, I passed a Blue Zones–branded sign informing me I was entering a “centenarians village.”Turning into Seulo, I felt the gravitational pull of a health intervention that was simpler. The myth of the blue zone isn’t a rejection of modernity per se, but of the material and social conditions of our time making us so sick, a promise to return to something more nurturing, something that exists underneath. Throughout Seulo, photos of elderly people hung on stone walls; the streets were empty. I saw hardly anyone, much less anyone older. I tried to eat lunch, but the only restaurant open was a delicatessen serving only sausage, and I don’t eat meat. In a café, my boyfriend ordered a coffee while I watched the other lone customer play a slot-machine game. As we drove out of town on a windy road, I ate a protein bar from my purse. We passed a sign, and I typed the words into Google Translate on my phone. “La Comunità più longeva al mondo”: the longest-lived community in the world.

In 1999, a Belgian demographer, Michel Poulain, heard about an Italian island where people lived to be 100 and older while remaining mentally and physically active. Intrigued, Poulain visited Sardinia, where he validated people’s ages according to their birth records. Using a blue pen as he crossed the island, he marked on a map the spots where he found the oldest villagers. “From that time, it is called the blue zone,” he explained to me over the phone in June.Four years after his first trip, Poulain published an academic paper on “blue zones,” as these sites became known, in the journal Experimental Gerontology. In the paper, he speculated about the factors that led to such long lives. Was it low levels of immigration plus high levels of inbreeding? More men than women lived longer; perhaps there was an environmental influence? Shortly after publication, Poulain got a call from Dan Buettner, a long-distance cyclist and National Geographic explorer. Buettner was chasing his own longevity hot spot—a city in Okinawa, Japan, where, he’d heard, people also lived to be very old. Buettner hoped to incorporate Poulain’s work and write about both locations; his National Geographic article on the blue zones ran in 2005.In subsequent articles, books, a TED talk, and eventually a hit Netflix series, Buettner and Poulain expanded their research, naming three more blue zones in Ikaria, Greece; Nicoya, Costa Rica; and Loma Linda, California. Along the way, Buettner, who has a gravelly voice and an easy charisma, developed theories about what made the blue zones special. It wasn’t genetics, he suggested, but the environment. Physical movement was built into peoples’ daily routines, through their work, their commutes, and the surrounding geography. Plant-based foods dominated their diets, and they reported a sense of purpose and belonging. The conditions of their lives stood in stark contrast to those of most Americans, Buettner observed on the first episode of the Netflix show, which aired in 2023. And the consequences for the United States were grim. Life expectancy here was notably declining when compared to peer countries. In 2023, it dropped to 76.4 years, the shortest it had been in almost 20 years.It probably isn’t a coincidence that, as life expectancy diminishes, we have grown fixated on living longer. Longevity has lately emerged as a wellness trend, if you can call it that, given how long humans have lusted after some version of a fountain of youth. In the first recorded story, the Epic of Gilgamesh, a king desperately searches for the secret to everlasting life. But there is undeniably a renewed focus in medicine on uncovering the secrets of long life. Billionaire Peter Thiel, a co-founder of PayPal, has spent millions on anti-aging research, and Google maintains a secretive life science company, Calico, to research the biology of aging. On TikTok and X, longevity gurus and influencers suggest that we can combine lifestyle interventions with biomedical advancements to keep our bodies going—and going, and going.Buettner didn’t want to confine his and Poulain’s discoveries to written stories that might, at best, be recycled as fables. He wanted to effect real change in a world he saw becoming sicker around him. In 2009, he got a million-dollar grant from the AARP to see whether blue zones could be made, not just found. Buettner selected Albert Lea, Minnesota, near his home in Minneapolis, as the test city for a for-profit company he called the Blue Zones Project. “If you try to convince people to change their behavior, you fail,” he told me. “The whole idea was to change their environment so you’re setting them up for success instead of failure.” In the 15 years since it was established, the company, which Buettner eventually sold to the health care system Adventist Health, has enlisted more than 70 communities and more than four million people in the United States to participate.But there are a few problems. The Blue Zones Project markets itself as a public health program, but it doesn’t measure its outcomes as rigorously as comparable initiatives run by academic institutions, so it’s hard to tell how effective it is. It’s also expensive. Largely for cost-related reasons, many of the participating towns and cities gave up their certifications as Blue Zones communities. And as the company grapples with how to help people live longer, healthier lives, the original blue zones are facing their own identity crisis. The data that shows concentrated populations of centenarians, some critics now allege, is flawed. Can you turn a U.S. city into a blue zone if the zones don’t exist in the first place?In early June, I walked on the five-mile path that wraps around Fountain Lake in the center of Albert Lea. This was no ordinary sidewalk, but a “Blue Zones Walkway,” constructed as part of the city’s certification. Cathy Malakow-sky, the current head of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project, guided me through all the changes the town had made to transform itself. Malakowsky, who grew up in Iowa and moved to Albert Lea when she was a junior in high school, has an endearing Midwestern lilt to her voice. After going to college six miles away, she came back to marry her high school boyfriend and raise her children. She’s divorced now, but committed to Albert Lea. She began as a volunteer during the pilot project, and took over as the Blue Zones Project lead about two years ago.Later that day, Malakowsky gave me a tour of downtown. To obtain certification, cities must agree that at least 20 percent of residents; 25 percent of grocery stores, locally owned restaurants, and public schools; and 50 percent of the top 20 employers will adhere to a “healthy-living plan.” For workplaces, this can include offering healthier snack options, a break room with yoga mats, or suggested routes for employees to take walk breaks during the day. Cities also receive assessments from Blue Zones consultants for how to improve the built environment. Malakowsky pointed out new crosswalks and sidewalk extensions, along with stop signs that slow traffic. As part of the project, Albert Lea added flowerpots, benches, and trash cans that double as bike racks. “We have invested millions of dollars in sidewalks and trails to make walking easier,” Malakowsky said. At the end of the initiative’s first year, the Blue Zones Project announced that residents of Albert Lea had gained an average of 2.9 years of life expectancy. The project was deemed a success.As we got into Malakowsky’s car and drove to see more of Albert Lea’s trails, she told me about the Blue Zones Project’s True Vitality Test, which asks questions about diet, lifestyle, mental health, and social and work life. When she took it, the results said she would live until she was 88, but be healthy only until 80, unless she made changes to her diet. I noticed that the Blue Zones Project is replete with catchy—and trademarked—terminology. There’s the Life Radius, the Power 9, the 12 Pillars, and Vitality surveys, all borrowing lessons from the blue zones about how to eat, be active, and spend time in community.Jargon aside, there’s no doubt that the Blue Zones Project’s suggestions are generically good: Make your cities more walkable, improve your connections to your neighbors and family, and eat healthier foods. Naomi Imatome-Yun, the executive vice president of the company, told me it was “the largest public health project in the country.” And the blue zones tap into a powerful truth: that despite how much Americans spend on health care, our overall health is only minimally related to medical care—about 10 to 20 percent, according to research on the social determinants of health. This helps explain how the United States can spend an exorbitant amount of money on individual treatments while Americans remain so sick. Countless studies show, for instance, how income influences health outcomes. A 40-year-old man in the poorest 1 percent of the U.S. population will die, on average, 14.6 years sooner than a man in the top 1 percent. For women, the gap is about 10 years. A study done in Baltimore found a 20-year disparity between a man’s lifespan in a poor neighborhood and that of a man in a wealthy area.This idea has been in medicine’s shadow since at least the nineteenth century, when Rudolf Virchow, a German doctor considered to be one of the founders of “social medicine,” wrote a report on a typhus epidemic in Prussia from 1847 to 1848, saying that instead of medical intervention, it was social conditions that needed to improve in order to treat the disease. Virchow even became skeptical of germ theory, because he thought it would distract from the social factors that caused diseases. Poverty caused illness, not invisible pathology. Virchow helped establish Berlin’s sewer system, on the theory that sanitation systems are one of the most impactful health interventions.“From all evidence, the main determinant of your healthy life expectancy is the wealth of the family you’re born to, your occupation, and your level of education,” said Paul Crawshaw, a professor in public policy at England’s Teesside University, who has been working on place-based initiatives for decades. “The million-dollar question is can you really import that from one place to another?”The answer hits the participating towns in their pocketbooks. The Blue Zones Project is a for-profit company: It costs money to bring it into your town and get branded as a Blue Zones community. Private partners will sponsor the costs of the Blue Zones Project team, event planning, or advertising. Any larger changes made, often at Blue Zones Project’s recommendation, are funded by cities themselves. Once the sponsorship money goes away, so does the certification, which requires payment to be maintained each year.“I think any new intervention that’s trying to scale and is touted as promising should put it to the test,” said Atheendar Venkataramani, a health economist, internal medicine physician, and associate professor at the Perelman School of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, who runs clinical trials on place-based initiatives. “If you’re spending money on this, you’re not spending money on something else.”After the reported success of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project in 2011, Terry Bran­stad, Iowa’s governor at the time, enlisted the company to make Iowa the healthiest state in the country. In January 2012, a competition was announced among cities in Iowa to become the next Blue Zones demonstration sites. After visiting Albert Lea, I took a five-day road trip through the communities that had participated in the program, to see what, if any, effects still lingered.I was surprised to learn that, unlike Albert Lea, which was certified in 2016 and still maintains the credential, Mason City, Marion, Muscatine, and Iowa City, all former blue zones, are no longer. Wellmark Blue Cross and Blue Shield had invested $25 million to pay for the Blue Zones certification. Once the money ran out, the Iowa cities couldn’t justify the cost, several government officials told me when I visited.The loss of certification didn’t mean that people gave up on bettering their communities. In Waterloo, Iowa, I visited All-In, a grocery store that opened in 2023. Sherman Wise, its co-owner, helped run the town’s Blue Zones Project. After the blue zones came and left Waterloo, the area around All-In was still a food desert—until Wise’s business became the first Black-owned independent grocery store in Waterloo. Wise wanted the store to be more than just a place to buy produce. It hosted an after-school program that taught children about cooking and healthy eating, and a class taught by a financial literacy coach. It collaborated with the Iowa Department of Corrections on life skills programs. Wise said that if the Blue Zones Project left a legacy, it was in the policies passed in order to reach certification. For example, schools changed their rules about the kinds of treats kids can bring in for their birthdays. Though the certification expired, those rules remain.Sue Beach, Waterloo’s other Blue Zones Project lead, said that she was very aware of the time limit. For a while, the initiative was kept alive by unpaid volunteers. “They wanted us to pay to continue to have the blue zone certification, but we really couldn’t do that,” she explained. In Marion, City Council member Sara Mentzer, the former lead for Marion’s Blue Zones Project, told me something similar. “The licensing was more than could be sustained,” she said. Mentzer now runs a different health initiative called Be Well Marion, which consists of programs supporting healthy eating, activity, and community involvement that are not dissimilar from the Blue Zones Project.In Mason City, officials told me that the city had recently spent $18 million developing a huge bike park and mountain biking trails. The town, home to two Frank Lloyd Wright buildings and the inspiration for The Music Man, didn’t need the Blue Zones Project to direct residents to do this; it’s what they wanted. Before leaving, I walked through an outsider-art sculpture park called Rancho Deluxe, which displayed a graffitied Blue Zones sign from the campaign hanging upside down.Brevard, North Carolina, launched a Blue Zones Project, but the city didn’t maintain the certification. A local reporter, Dan Dewitt, wrote that the City Council clashed with the company because it had been “pushing these initiatives for years” while “the real work was done by city staffers and consultants.” Nevertheless, the city still had to pay for the Blue Zones Project. In Phoenix, several community groups published a letter saying they didn’t want or need the Blue Zones Project, since it would take funding away from preexisting initiatives. “Projects like these often overshadow and push out cultural solutions that are already in place,” members wrote.The letter expressed a legitimate worry: that there might not be enough resources to fund the Blue Zones Project and similar projects already in the works. In August, the All-In grocery closed—first temporarily, then permanently. Other local stores had also recently shut down, The Gazette, a newspaper in Cedar Rapids, reported, and many people were now resorting to dollar stores to buy food.The blue zones have been used as a marketing tool for real estate development. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that is adorned with the Blue Zones brand.The Blue Zones Project describes itself as funded through private-public partnerships, but, as I learned in Iowa and Albert Lea, infrastructure changes are paid for by city funds, and governments have to approve any changes to policy. The fee pays for the advice from the Blue Zones Project, but also the branding. Earlier this year, The New York Times reported that the blue zones were being used as a “marketing tool” for a real estate development in Ave Maria, a town in Florida. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that also is adorned with the Blue Zones brand. A website that tracks realty trends reported that blue zone communities “are experiencing high demand, prompting numerous real estate companies to seek opportunities within them.”Despite asking city officials and the Blue Zones Project directly, over and over, how much the certification costs, I was never told a straight figure. “The costs vary widely depending on population size, length of the project, sectors we will be working in,” Imatome-Yun said in an email. Because of the nature of the private-public partnerships, it’s not information that’s accessible through freedom of information requests. “I’m not supposed to talk about our financial agreement with Blue Zones,” Malakowsky said when I asked her.This September, the Annals of Improbable Research magazine gave Saul Newman, a demographer at the Oxford Institute of Population Ageing, an Ig Nobel Prize in Demography for a 2024 paper on errors in centenarian age records. The sardonic awards are for research that “makes people laugh, and then think.” Their intended humor notwithstanding, the awards are well-respected.When I talked to Newman, it was before he won the prize, and he sounded exasperated. He had previously shown that other research on extreme age could be explained by a mistake in rounding numbers, he told me. When the mistake was corrected, evidence of remarkably long lives vanished. The research he criticized hasn’t been corrected or retracted. In his paper on the blue zones, Newman demonstrated that the factors predicting high ages in regions around the world consist of a lack of birth certificates, high poverty levels, and fewer 90-year-olds. This implies, he said, that shoddy paperwork and pension fraud—for instance, people saying elderly relatives are still alive in order to collect their welfare checks—are better explanations for blue zones than anything else. The high poverty rates in the blue zones may provide the motivation for such fraud.In Italy, recorded supercentenarians are more likely if a province has higher unemployment rates. People who are born in the Sardinian provinces Ogliastra and Medio Campidano are the least likely and second-least likely to survive from birth to age 55, Newman wrote, and according to Eurostat the Sardinian province of Olbia-Tempio has the eighth-fewest individuals alive over the age of 90—“yet somehow also ranked as the best province for survival to ages 100, 105, and 110.”When Newman looked at data from Japan’s statistics bureau, he didn’t find evidence that people who lived in Okinawa were healthier than those in the rest of the country. In fact, the island has high levels of obesity and alcohol consumption compared to other prefectures in Japan. It has the lowest per capita intake of sweet potatoes, a food profiled in the Blue Zones Netflix show as particularly healthy, and high meat consumption. Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones argued that people in Okinawa had strong “ikigai,” or sense of purpose, but Newman pointed out that Okinawans have the fourth-highest suicide rate in Japan for those over 65. The Power 9—Buettner’s top lifestyle prescriptions, inspired by the blue zones— “are directly contradicted in every single case,” Newman wrote, “usually through population-representative surveys of hundreds of thousands of people, with levels of inaccuracy that border on farce.”Some of Buettner’s collaborators issued a response to Newman’s research, arguing that “the ages of individuals in the officially recognized blue zones have been thoroughly validated, and their exceptional longevity is well-documented” through sources like civil databases and church archives. In a letter published on its website, the Blue Zones Project said that it doesn’t claim that blue zones hold more supercentenarians, but simply that they are healthy places with high life expectancies. The poverty that Newman alluded to, the letter explained, aided people living in the zones to avoid modernization and the Western diet. In Okinawa, it’s young people who “eat and drink too much” and have unhealthy lifestyles, which skewed the overall data. The letter pointed out that Newman’s paper was not peer-reviewed and had not been published in a journal.Beyond dubious demographic statistics, the other question hanging over the blue zones is how stable they are. At the end of 2023, a paper in the journal Demographic Research suggested that the blue zone in Costa Rica wasn’t so blue anymore. Using a new nationwide survey of 550,000 adults alive between 1990 and 2020, it found that those born before 1930 were living longer than expected, but not those born after. “Hotspots of extreme longevity are probably transient,” the paper concluded.Unsurprisingly, given what he sees as flawed research, Newman is skeptical about designing public health programs based on the blue zones. “You have someone with no medical expertise, no scientific expertise, and they are telling large sections of the population what to do, and they very easily get it very wrong,” he said to me about Buettner and the Blue Zones Project. “It might be nice to go and sit around the pot with grandma and then tell tales of the old time, but that’s not science.”And yet, in the midst of a culture that’s so focused on expensive supplements and individual health, it can be refreshing to encounter an accessible longevity philosophy that’s dedicated to making daily life healthier for everyone. Not through grueling exercise, fasting, or powdered greens, but through walking, eating delicious foods, and being surrounded by friends and family until old age. Perhaps the true virtue of the blue zones lies in how easily they lend themselves to marketing. In 1952, the psychologist G.D. Wiebe posed the question, after seeing the rise of advertising, “Why can’t you sell brotherhood and rational thinking like you sell soap?” The Blue Zones Project sells one version of a healthy lifestyle, and it can motivate coordination around policies and inspire the community to buy in. Is that such a bad thing?For his part, Poulain feels uncomfortable with how blue zones were commercialized as the idea was popularized, and he did not sign the letter that Buettner’s other collaborators wrote. He pointed out that the research he’s done doesn’t get at why people in the blue zones live a long time—just that they do—but he disputed Newman’s claims, saying that he personally validated centenarians himself.Poulain and I talked four days before his seventy-seventh birthday. He incorporates blue zone principles into his own life, he explained: He prioritizes eating fruits and vegetables, rides his bike as much as he can, and says hello to others while out hiking. After we spoke, he emailed me a photo of himself, with a shock of white hair and a fluffy white beard, laughing and embracing a centenarian in Galicia, Spain, where he is in the process of certifying a new blue zone.Poulain and Buettner don’t speak any more. Poulain criticized Buettner for profiting off trademarks, and his company for not funding research into the factors that lead to longevity in the blue zones, all while pursuing commercial projects such as the Blue Zones–branded frozen meals that can be found in Whole Foods. Poulain worries that he may never discover what makes the original blue zones such healthy places to live—indeed, that the success of the brand is a danger to the blue zones themselves. “I had a researcher just today who in Ikaria cannot access centenarians because there were so many tourists arriving,” he said. “All because this is the island where you forget to die.”Is the Blue Zones Project a genuinely innovative program, or a trendy—and expensive—marketing ploy inspired by sound principles but uncertain data? The answer relies a lot on whether it works. In 2023, Dan Dewitt, the reporter from Brevard, compared statistics on Freeborn County—where Albert Lea is—from the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute’s rankings of counties’ public health to analysis from the Blue Zones Project itself. The institute showed that Freeborn County had improved its statewide health ranking between 2011 and 2018, but in 2022, that improvement slowed down. The rate of smoking increased, and that year the county had a 35 percent obesity rate—higher than the state’s, and higher than in 2011. The number of physically inactive adults was around 27 percent. In 2023, Freeborn County was rated 51 out of 87 counties in Minnesota.It also seems possible that any positive change the Blue Zones Project touts might have happened without the company’s involvement. The company considers the Beach Cities of California—Hermosa Beach, Manhattan Beach, and Redondo Beach—to be among its success stories; in these communities, it says, the program reduced smoking and childhood obesity, and constructed miles of bike and walking paths along the beaches. But if the towns had the money to participate in the program, Venkataramani said, they might have had the resources to achieve those same outcomes on their own.Most damningly, the evidence that the Blue Zones Project uses to illustrate its effectiveness is weak. The company assesses its communities through surveying from Gallup, the polling organization. In 2007, Gallup entered a partnership with Healthways, a health services company, to measure well-being at a national scale. When Healthways partnered with Blue Zones in 2009, it gave Gallup the job of evaluating Blue Zones Project communities. But the life expectancy improvement measurements from the Blue Zones Project come from the Blue Zones team, not from Gallup, said Dan Witters, a Gallup consultant and analyst. Witters confirmed that its surveys are not longitudinal samples, meaning compared over time, but rather successive random samples. Gallup evaluates people on 20 evidence-based metrics to see whether a community is improving compared to itself, and how that improvement compares to national surveys. There are no official control cities, though Gallup will compare a Blue Zones Project community to another city on which it has wellness data. Gallup isn’t, however, able to check whether those cities also have wellness programs of their own. The Build Healthy Places Network, an organization that keeps track of similar initiatives ongoing around the country, and what measurable impact they have, doesn’t list the Blue Zones Project in its database.“The question is, what are they telling us that a public health expert wouldn’t know?” Newman said. “Do I need someone to tell me that exercise is good for me? What benefit are these very expensive programs actually conveying?”As it stands, the Blue Zones Project’s approach to evaluation doesn’t pass the smell test for Venkataramani, the doctor and health economist. “The least valid design to make a causal inference is one where you’re kind of comparing yourself to yourself, but not anyone else,” he said, “using some sort of bespoke tool that may or may not be validated.” The Blue Zones Project’s Imatome-Yun didn’t respond to a request for comment on the company’s evaluation methods.Based on Gallup’s surveys, Witters argued, well-being does improve after blue zones are established, but he offered an interesting caveat: People with already high levels of well-being are more likely to know about the initiative, and those who both know about it and participate are those who show the biggest improvements. Crawshaw has seen this before, and it raises a troubling possibility. “A lot of health promotion initiatives that are not carefully designed to avoid this problem,” agreed Steven Woolf, director emeritus of the Center on Society and Health at Virginia Commonwealth University, “end up benefiting an advantaged population and creating an even bigger gap in health outcomes than existed to begin with.”Later in June, I moderated a panel at the Aspen Ideas: Health conference, where, as it happened, Dan Buettner was also speaking. After his conversation with Dean Ornish, a lifestyle medicine researcher, a crowd of people surrounded Buettner for 25 minutes before he broke off to sit with me on a bench on the Aspen Institute’s grounds. “We’re very Hippocratic in our approach,” Buettner told me. “None of our interventions would hurt anybody.” He added that a lot of the recommendations of the Blue Zones Project have been arrived at through trial and error. When I mentioned I had gone to Iowa, he shook his head, and said that, while he saluted the state’s efforts, the company had not been funded there for long enough to make the initiatives stick.I asked him about the importance of other social determinants when it came to health, like education or income inequality, and he said he had just returned from Scandinavia, where he was researching his next book. There, “everybody has access to health care, there’s better education, there’s better distribution of income,” he said. “I’m all for that. Tell me how you’re gonna do that in America. Good luck.”Buettner is a captivating public speaker. On the one hand, he captures the paradoxical simplicity and mystery of what it means to be well. On the other, he reminds us of concrete, achievable steps we can take for our health, such as eating more beans. When a woman approached him for a selfie, saying her daughter was a fan, he told her to record a video, and shot a face-to-cam message. I remembered how, in Albert Lea, Buettner’s footprints and signature were pressed into the wet cement of the Blue Zones Walkway—like Grauman’s Chinese Theatre.Instead of lamenting what we can’t do, Buettner wanted to focus on what can be done: “We can go into a city, and we can analyze it and can make it more walkable and bikeable.” The other lesson he said he’d learned from the Blue Zones Project is that he doesn’t get involved in “political squabbles.” Austin, Texas, for instance, isn’t a blue zone because the city wanted the initiative to focus on Black neighborhoods. “I said I can’t do that,” Buettner told me—not because he didn’t want to, but because he didn’t know how. “This is a populationwide intervention, or we’re not coming. We’re not favoring Blacks or gay people or rich people or poor people.”Because Buettner sold the company to Adventist Health, he said he couldn’t speak to its current practices. “I don’t know exactly how it’s being operated,” he said. “I’m told that they use my blueprint, but so much is in the execution.” He agreed that there’s pressure to default to personal lifestyle changes, such as exercise programs and Zumba and diets. “When I managed things, I tried to keep our budgets focused on permanent or semipermanent changes to the environment,” he said. He had made the company for-profit, he explained, because he believed it would be more impactful that way: “The moment anybody can access a brand for free, it gets slapped on junk food.”Buettner is very skilled at presenting the blue zones, and the brand, in an appealing way. In January 2012, Eric Carter, a Macalester College professor and health geographer, was teaching at Grinnell College when the Blue Zones Project arrived in Iowa. “Buettner had a real gift for taking epidemiological and demographic research and translating it into terms that people could use to maybe potentially make changes in their own lives,” Carter said to me in his office in St. Paul. “Maybe the blue zones aren’t meant to be the panacea for our public health problems. Maybe it is just something that’s just for the wellness space.”Whether for the “wellness space” or not, the impulse to look to older times or other places for better ways of living is reminiscent of a phenomenon described in a 1981 article in Nutrition Today by William Jarvis, a prominent nutritionist: the “myth of the healthy savage,” or the desire to romanticize remote parts of the world for their supposed longevity. The Hunza people, an indigenous community in the Himalayas, were touted as a bastion of health long before the blue zones. In a 1964 book called Hunza Health Secrets, the author, Renee Taylor, wrote that the people who lived in the region, which is in Pakistan, had “no cancer, no heart attacks, and practically no other disease to cut down men and women in the prime of life.” Men between 125 and 145 years old allegedly played volleyball. But the fantasy of the healthy savage usually turns out to be just that: a fantasy. For Hunza, incomplete birth and death rates and inaccurate measurements of disease explained the seeming lack of illness there. When a team of Japanese scientists went to Hunza in 1955, they found high rates of cancer and heart disease after examining 277 people. “We had to teach them how to cure disease, instead of learning how to be free from diseases,” the scientists concluded.Earlier this year, in May, I went to Sardinia for a weekend, taking a Ryanair flight from London. I drove inland, away from the touristy coastal hotels, to the Blue Zones area, a town called Seulo. Eventually, I passed a Blue Zones–branded sign informing me I was entering a “centenarians village.”Turning into Seulo, I felt the gravitational pull of a health intervention that was simpler. The myth of the blue zone isn’t a rejection of modernity per se, but of the material and social conditions of our time making us so sick, a promise to return to something more nurturing, something that exists underneath. Throughout Seulo, photos of elderly people hung on stone walls; the streets were empty. I saw hardly anyone, much less anyone older. I tried to eat lunch, but the only restaurant open was a delicatessen serving only sausage, and I don’t eat meat. In a café, my boyfriend ordered a coffee while I watched the other lone customer play a slot-machine game. As we drove out of town on a windy road, I ate a protein bar from my purse. We passed a sign, and I typed the words into Google Translate on my phone. “La Comunità più longeva al mondo”: the longest-lived community in the world.

Solar superstorm in 664 BCE recorded in tree rings

Scientists have narrowed down the date of a solar superstorm that occurred some 2,600 years ago to 664 BCE, based on a spike in carbon-14 in ancient tree rings. The post Solar superstorm in 664 BCE recorded in tree rings first appeared on EarthSky.

NASA’s Solar Dynamics Observatory (SDO) captured this image of a giant solar prominence on August 31, 2012. Although large and dramatic, it did not come close to having the power of a solar superstorm. Image via NASA/ SDO/ AIA/ Goddard Space Flight Center. Scientists narrowed down the date of a solar superstorm that occurred more than 2,600 years ago to 664 BCE, based on a spike in carbon-14 in ancient tree rings. The carbon-14 spike was found in ancient wood, including wood from an Iron Age child’s burial chamber in Russia. This event was one of six solar superstorms that have occurred in the past 14,500 years, said the scientists. The 2025 EarthSky lunar calendar makes a great gift. Get yours today! Solar superstorm date confirmed in tree rings About 2,600 years ago, ancient Assyrians witnessed a fiery red glow across the night sky. And they recorded this significant event on a stone tablet. We now know they saw bright auroras caused by a powerful solar storm. On November 20, 2024, scientists said they believe they’ve found evidence of this event in tree rings. Furthermore, they’ve pinpointed that it happened in 664 BCE, 2,688 years ago. The researchers published their discovery in the peer-reviewed journal Communications Earth & Environment on August 23, 2024. If a storm of that magnitude were to occur today, it would have a serious impact on our power and communications infrastructures. But it probably would not be catastrophic. Power grids and communications systems are growing increasingly resilient in weathering solar storms. To learn more, catch up with this informative interview with David Wallace, a professor of electrical engineering at Mississippi State University. A closeup of tree rings, with the ring corresponding to 664 BCE labeled in the image. This wood came from a larch log at an archaeological site. It was part of a child’s burial chamber. Image via Irina Panyushkina. Used with permission. Carbon-14 in tree rings reveal an extreme solar event Irina Panyushkina at the University of Arizona led the team studying tree rings in ancient logs. In particular, they were measuring the amount of carbon-14 in the tree rings. They discovered a much higher concentration of carbon-14 in rings that were formed in 664 BCE. This type of carbon-14 signature, in other studies, has been associated with solar superstorms. What is carbon-14? It’s a type of radioactive carbon that forms continually in the atmosphere. Cosmic ray particles interact with nitrogen in the upper atmosphere to create carbon-14. Eventually, carbon-14 combines with oxygen to form carbon dioxide. Over a few months, that carbon dioxide containing carbon-14 makes its way to the lower atmosphere. There, trees take it up and store it in wood tissue. During a solar superstorm, the sun releases enormous amounts of particles. These particles strike the Earth’s atmosphere, creating a much higher amount of carbon-14 than usual. As a result, trees alive during such an event absorb and store that additional carbon-14 in that year’s tree rings. How often do solar superstorms occur? Scientists have identified six solar superstorms – known as Miyake events – that have happened in the past 14,500 years. They occurred in 7176 BCE, 5410 BCE, 5259 BCE, around 660 BCE, 774 CE and 993 CE. For all Miyake events, high carbon-14 spikes were found in tree rings of ancient wood corresponding to those dates. Also, scientists have found corroborating evidence in ancient ice core samples from Greenland and Antarctica. (Higher levels of beryllium-10 and chlorine-36, found in the ice, were a result of interactions between particles from the sun during the storm and the Earth’s atmosphere.) However, there was uncertainty about the 660 BCE event. Scientists had known, from previous tree ring data and ice core studies, that a superstorm occurred around that time, but they did not know exactly when it happened. This new study narrowed the date to 664 BCE. When will the next solar superstorm occur? Panyushkina said: Tree rings give us an idea of the magnitude of these massive storms, but we can’t detect any type of pattern, so it is unlikely we’ll ever be able to predict when such an event is going to happen. Still, we believe our paper will transform how we search and understand the carbon-14 spike signal of extreme solar proton events in tree rings. The energy from this type of event not only changes the atmosphere’s radiocarbon content but also the atmosphere’s chemistry. We are trying to figure out how those short-lived and powerful events affect the Earth system as a whole. The wood that revealed the 664 BCE solar superstorm The researchers used dead trees that lived a long time ago to study ancient tree rings. One of the wood samples came from a well-preserved tree from a riverbank at the Polar Urals, a mountain range in Russia. Another was an archaeological timber from an ancient larch tree. Panyushkina told EarthSky more about it: The archaeological wood is from a small child’s [burial] chamber made of larch logs from the highlands of the Altai Mountains. It belongs to the Pazyryk culture, associated with the Siberian Scythians. I worked on an archaeological project to date these burials, known as kurgans, in 2003. Local archaeologists from Novosibirsk [in Russia] excavated the cemetery, and I collected wood samples from the kurgans for dendrochronology and dating. Researchers took a wood sample from this child’s burial chamber, made from larch logs. It was part of a kurgan, a type of burial mound associated with the Pazyryk culture of the Iron Age. Image via Irina Panyushkina. Used with permission. A cross-section of one of the logs from the burial chamber, showing the larch tree rings. Image via Irina Panyushkina. Used with permission. Using tree rings to study past climate and to date events Dendrochronology is the study of tree rings to date events and changes in the environment. In temperate climates, where the seasons change, trees usually form annual rings. The size and density of each ring is determined by environmental conditions during that year. As a result, tree rings provide valuable insight into past climate in a particular region. Tree rings can also be used for dating events. To do that, scientists build a long chronological timeline of ring patterns for a region, starting from living trees to progressively older dead trees. To date a tree ring sample, they compare the sample’s pattern to the reference chronological timeline, looking for a match. That match allows them to identify a date for their wood sample. Bottom line: Scientists have narrowed down the date of a solar superstorm that occurred over 2,600 years ago to 664 BCE, based on a spike in carbon-14 in ancient tree rings. Source: The timing of the ca-660 BCE Miyake solar-proton event constrained to between 664 and 663 BCE Via University of Arizona Read more: Biggest solar superstorm yet, glimpsed in ancient tree ringsThe post Solar superstorm in 664 BCE recorded in tree rings first appeared on EarthSky.

Bored of Turkey? Here’s Some High-End, Lab-Grown Foie Gras.

This story was originally published by Wired and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. At an upscale sushi bar in New York last week, a smattering of media and policy types chowed down on a menu of sushi rolls, Peking duck tapas, and mushroom salad. But what made this menu unusual was the one ingredient that […]

This story was originally published by Wired and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. At an upscale sushi bar in New York last week, a smattering of media and policy types chowed down on a menu of sushi rolls, Peking duck tapas, and mushroom salad. But what made this menu unusual was the one ingredient that ran through the dishes—foie gras made from quail cells brewed in a bioreactor. The event, catered by the sushi chef Masa Takayama, was a launch party for Australian cultivated meat firm Vow, which will sell its foie gras at a handful of restaurants in Singapore and Hong Kong. The meal was decadent—one course featured a mountain of black truffle—but that was mostly the point. Vow and its CEO, George Peppou, are angling cultivated meat as a luxury product—an unusual positioning for an industry where many founders are motivated by animal welfare and going toe-to-toe with mass-produced meat. But while growing meat in the lab still remains eye-wateringly expensive, Peppou is trying to turn the technology’s Achilles’ heel into his advantage. “I feel like the obituary has already been written for our industry,” he says. “But just because Californians can’t do something doesn’t mean something can’t be done.” It’s for venues that want “to use ingredients to distinguish themselves,” or “that have removed foie gras from their menus due to cruelty.” That something is making cultivated meat while turning a profit. The big challenge facing the industry—along with the bans and the lack of venture capital cash—is that it costs a lot to grow animal cells in bioreactors. Reliable figures are hard to come by, but one research paper with data provided by companies in 2021 put the cost of cultivated meat between $68 and $10,000 per pound, depending on production methods. A lot of startups say they have drastically cut production costs since their early experiments, but prices are still way higher than factory farmed chicken at around $2.67 per pound. The two best-funded startups in the space—Eat Just and Upside Foods—have both brought out cultivated chicken products. But Peppou, who leans into his reputation in the industry as something of a provocateur, says that approach doesn’t make sense. “Making chicken was always a terrible idea,” he says. The fundamentals of cultivated meat are pricey. The business of growing animal cells outside of their bodies is usually the domain of medical researchers and pharmaceutical companies. Animal cells grown in culture are used to make vaccines and medicines, which are sold in tiny volumes for sky-high prices. The cultivated meat industry needs some of the same ingredients to grow the cells it wants to sell as meat, but unlike the pharma industry, it needs to grow huge volumes of cells and sell them at grocery store prices. The major cost right now is what’s called cell media—the broth of liquid, nutrients, amino acids, and growth factors fed to cells while they’re growing. The off-the-shelf standard cell media for growing stem cells is called Essential 8, and it costs upwards of $400 per liter. That’s fine if you’re a scientist growing a few cells in a petri dish, but growing a single kilogram of cultivated meat might require 10 of liters of media, quickly sending costs sky-rocketing. Cultivated meat companies need to find cheaper sources for their ingredients and buy them in bulk in order to drive their costs down. “Ultimately the industry needs to prove that it can scale,” says Elliot Swartz, principal scientist for cultivated meat at the Good Food Institute, a nonprofit focused on advancing alternative proteins. Just a few crucial ingredients in cell media are a major factor pushing up costs for cultivated meat companies, most of which are still operating at a tiny scale, producing kilograms of meat per production cycle rather than the tons they are aiming for. “My biggest concern is always the scalability and the ability to industrialize something,” says Ido Savir, CEO of Israeli cultivated meat company SuperMeat. His company has just released a report estimating that—if produced at scale—it could grow chicken meat at $11.80 per pound, close to the price for pasture-raised chicken in the US. But this assumes production in bioreactors up to 25,000 liters—several orders of magnitude higher than the 10-liter scale the company is currently working at. “We’re improving every month,” he says. Savir is aiming at a much lower price point than Peppou, and hopes to partner with food manufacturers who might license his technology to add cultivated meat into their mix of options. “We’re more interested in the mass market,” he says. Dutch company Meatable has indicated it wants to follow a similar approach—licensing its technology to the handful of firms that already produce much of the US’s meat. Other cultivated meat companies want to sell to consumers under their own brands, but are still targeting the mass meat industry. Peppou is skewing decidedly in the opposite direction. He declines to name a price, but says his foie gras is at the “higher end” of the market—somewhere in the region of hundreds of dollars per pound. The foie gras is 51 percent Japanese quail cells—which also make up the parfait that Vow has sold in Singapore since April—plus a plant-based fat mix and corn husk flavorings. “It’s either for a venue that wants to use ingredients to distinguish themselves,” says Peppou, or it’s for “large hotels or caterers that have removed foie gras from their menus due to cruelty.” Conventional foie gras is made by force-feeding ducks or geese until their livers swell with fatty deposits. Production is banned in the United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, and California among other places. Another cultivated meat company, France-based Gourmey, also makes foie gras, although its product is not currently on sale anywhere. “If you look at a lot of deep technology companies, it’s kind of a game of just not dying.” Vow’s quail parfait is on the menu at around six restaurants in Singapore, including being sold as a $15 (USD) bar snack and as part of a $185 tasting menu. In Peppou’s telling, going high-end is a way to spin cultivated meat’s high costs and low production volumes as a luxury proposition. “I believe the biggest challenge we have is how to shape consumer sentiment around this category. And the most efficient way to do that in my mind is to be in the most influential places with the relatively limited volume we have available.” SuperMeat’s Savir says that luxury cultivated meat products “have a place,” but that he is more interested in the mass market where he can complement the current production of meat. That will mean continuing to drive production costs down. One option is to mix cultivated meat with much cheaper plant-based ingredients. Savir says that they’re aiming at products that are around 30 percent cultivated meat cells and 70 percent plant-based ingredients. Several other firms are taking a similar strategy. In Singapore, Eat Just sells cultivated chicken strips that are only 3 percent chicken cells. The industry is also hoping that customers will pay premium prices because of the potential environmental benefits of making meat outside of animal bodies. Savir says he has spoken with a “very big” pizza company that says replacing just 5 to 10 percent of its chicken toppings with cultivated chicken would make a substantial dent in its carbon footprint. Even replacing a fraction of a percent of the $50 billion broiler chicken industry in the US would require a monumental scaling-up of cultivated meat production. “If you’re competing against chicken, which is the lowest-cost meat product, then you either have to go to very large scales or create hybrid products that have lower inclusion rates,” says Swartz of the Good Food Institute. But with investor dollars in short supply, companies are having to get creative about how they plan to get products into the world and achieve many founders’ ultimate goal of displacing at least some conventional meat production. Even though he’s targeting the luxury market, Peppou says he still isn’t turning a profit on his cultured quail parfait or foie gras, although his margin is much better than it would be if he were competing with factory-farmed chicken. “If you look at a lot of deep technology companies, it’s kind of a game of just not dying,” he says. “And it’s figuring out ways to not die long enough to get good enough to win in a market which probably doesn’t exist yet.” That means the route ahead for Vow might not look totally different from other cultivated meat companies. “The volumes are going to be low, it’s mostly going to be in restaurants. They’re going to be iterating on these products over time before they get any sort of mass market entry point,” says Swartz. “In the short term, what I’m looking forward to is getting more people that are trying this for the first time, not trying it because they’re excited about cultivated meat, but generally because they’re interested.”

What a Trump administration means for the federal hydrogen energy push

The incoming Trump administration could decrease the viability of the nascent U.S. hydrogen economy with changes in clean energy funding, trade, climate and environmental policies, according to legal and industry experts. The Biden administration made a big bet on hydrogen — with seven proposed, federally funded hydrogen hub networks, an initiative born from the administration’s 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. The hubs are all still in early phases of development, however, the Department of Energy (DOE) has allocated $7 billion in federal funding for the hubs, which support the Biden administration's objective of reaching net-zero carbon emissions nationwide by 2050 and achieving a 100% “clean” electrical grid by 2035. The projects, which will use both renewable and fossil fuel energy to create hydrogen, have already faced criticism from community members and advocacy groups who say details of the projects remain hazy, public input is being planned after industry partners have already received millions of dollars in public funding, and communities don’t have agency in the decision-making. While much remains uncertain with the upcoming Trump presidency, experts said it’s unlikely the projects would be abandoned entirely. However, the initiative could be harder to fund, less focused on slowing climate change – which could impact production sales to places with stricter environmental rules, like the EU – and deepen the lack of community engagement many advocates have denounced. “I think there will be a lot of pressure from the oil and gas industry on the Trump administration to basically keep the hydrogen provisions but to make them more lenient and friendly toward fossil fuel interests,” Matt Lifson, an attorney with the Institute for Policy Integrity at the NYU School of Law, told EHN. Policy shifts that could impact the the hydrogen hubsThe DOE has already provided some funding for five of the seven hubs — $131.7 million, with the Gulf Coast and Midwest hubs receiving funds most recently on November 20 — but much of the $7 billion earmarked for the hubs is set to be distributed over the next decade.Any funding that hasn’t been distributed when Trump takes office could be reallocated through federal budget reconciliation, according to legal and policy experts. Reconciliation bills can’t be filibustered and the process has been used to pass at least 22 bills since the process was established in 1974, including the Biden administration's 2022 Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). “A lot will depend on the contracts the federal government has already signed with the hydrogen hub developers,” said Lifson. “Even if Congress changes the law, there could potentially still be a contractual claim the hubs could pursue for the money.”Trump’s policies on clean energy tax credits could also impact the hubs. Trump has repeatedly called into question the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which doled out clean energy tax credits over the past four years. Trump’s pick to head the Treasury Department Scott Bessent recently called the IRA a “doomsday machine for the budget.” If Trump cuts tax credits for the industry, that means he would most likely get rid of a 10-year tax credit for hydrogen production established by the IRA but not yet finalized. The tax cut “has been a cornerstone for accelerating clean energy investments and job creation,” Katie Ellet, chief executive officer of ETCH, a decarbonization and hydrogen production company, and previous president of hydrogen energy and mobility for Air Liquide North America, told EHN.“While the hydrogen market’s transition was underway before the IRA … the legislation significantly amplified this momentum,” Ellet added.Before the recent election, the Biden administration promised to finalize the clean hydrogen production tax credit by the end of the year. However, the rule could be overturned under the Congressional Review Act, which allows Congress to overturn final rules issued by federal agencies within 60 days. If that happened, it would also bar “substantially similar legislation” from being passed in the future, so it’s unclear if the Biden administration will finalize the rule. As currently written, the tax credits incentivize lower levels of carbon emissions in hydrogen production. “Whether the Biden administration finalizes the rule and it gets repealed, or whether they don’t finalize it and the Trump administration proposes a new rule, it’s not hard to imagine the Trump administration issuing a final rule that’s extremely lenient toward emissions accounting,” Lifson said. “That would be very bad from a climate perspective.”Trump’s final decision on the hydrogen energy tax credits will also influence markets. The EU is currently finalizing policies that will prevent it from buying hydrogen produced using fossil fuels rather than clean energy sources, and if the tax credit incentivizes the creation of hydrogen using fossil fuels, the U.S. could end up with a surplus.“While the hydrogen market’s transition was underway before the IRA … the legislation significantly amplified this momentum." - Katie Ellet, ETCHIn addition to the $7 billion in federal funds that have been set aside for the hubs, an estimated $40 billion in private investments will also be needed to complete the projects. If Trump rolls back climate policies, as he did during his last presidency and has vowed to do again, it could lessen demand for hydrogen energy in the U.S., which could scare away the necessary private investors.“Federal policy plays a critical role in shaping the pace and scale of clean energy adoption,” said Ellet, who oversaw $1 billion in investments across the U.S. for Air Liquide, a partner in six of the seven hubs. “That said, global market dynamics and established corporate commitments continue to offer a solid foundation for sustained private sector investment in clean energy.”Environmental justice deprioritizedEnvironmental justice frameworks that aren’t part of legal statutes are some of the easiest targets for elimination.A prime example is the Biden Administration’s Justice40 initiative, a federal mandate to allocate 40% of federal investments in climate, clean energy, housing, among others, to “disadvantaged communities that are marginalized by underinvestment and overburdened by pollution.”The federal hydrogen hub networks are one of the first major tests of the Justice40 initiative, but even in pre-development phases advocates and communities shared grievances around community engagement and transparency. Most recently, advocates were notified just hours before the DOE announcement of phase one funding for the Midwest Hydrogen Hub, according to the advocacy group Just Transition Northwest Indiana. “We were literally in a meeting with DOE and the [Office of Clean Energy Demonstrations] minutes before the announcement was made, with no mention that the award was being dropped today,” the group said in a press release. “We are justifiably stunned to see it suddenly flash over our news feed. We are fed up with the continuous lack of transparency.”Many worry that these issues will worsen under the Trump administration. Project 2025 — a policy blueprint that Trump distanced himself from on the campaign trail but that now seems central to his Cabinet picks and plans — explicitly calls into question whether the government should be addressing the roles of race and income in pollution exposure, and aims to dismantle the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.“A lot of the alarming practices we were seeing under Biden are likely to continue under Trump, if not worsen,” Batoul Al-Sadi, a senior associate at the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), told EHN.Margaret Cook, deputy director of climate equity and resilience at the Houston Advanced Research Center, said the Center’s position as one the hub’s community engagement partners was finalized last week with phase one awards.“The contract signed recently with DOE for the first phase includes community engagement,” Cook said. “I can’t speculate about how a new administration would affect the project. Updates to the Justice40 Assessment and Implementation Strategy will be made at the end of each phase, and relevant information will be shared for community input.”While the future of the hubs' community engagement and emissions reduction rollout remains unclear until Trump begins his term, out of the four hubs EHN was able to reach none stated concerns for the continuation of their projects.Trump has also vowed to fast-track industrial development permitting, which could hamper community engagement but help projects get developed faster.“The incoming administration has clear goals around energy independence, job creation and boosting domestic production … all priorities deeply embedded in the hydrogen hubs,” Ellet said. “I anticipate that there will be continued support for the hubs.”It’s possible that companies and investors might plan for the longer term by taking climate needs and importance of community buy-in into account even if they aren’t required to by law. During the last Trump presidency, for example, large auto manufacturers including Mercedes-Benz, Honda, Ford, Volkswagen and BMW announced they wouldn’t adhere to the Trump administration’s rollback of emission standards and would instead continue to comply with the previous standards enacted by the Obama administration to reduce planet-warming carbon dioxide emissions.“We know there’s bipartisan support and that both blue and red states have benefitted from clean energy investments,” Lauren Piette, a senior associate attorney for EarthJustice’s clean energy program, told EHN. “I worry about what the next administration could do with those investments, but my hope is there’s a groundswell of support from members of the public, legislators and policymakers who understand our future runs on clean energy and we need to get there sooner rather than later.”

The incoming Trump administration could decrease the viability of the nascent U.S. hydrogen economy with changes in clean energy funding, trade, climate and environmental policies, according to legal and industry experts. The Biden administration made a big bet on hydrogen — with seven proposed, federally funded hydrogen hub networks, an initiative born from the administration’s 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. The hubs are all still in early phases of development, however, the Department of Energy (DOE) has allocated $7 billion in federal funding for the hubs, which support the Biden administration's objective of reaching net-zero carbon emissions nationwide by 2050 and achieving a 100% “clean” electrical grid by 2035. The projects, which will use both renewable and fossil fuel energy to create hydrogen, have already faced criticism from community members and advocacy groups who say details of the projects remain hazy, public input is being planned after industry partners have already received millions of dollars in public funding, and communities don’t have agency in the decision-making. While much remains uncertain with the upcoming Trump presidency, experts said it’s unlikely the projects would be abandoned entirely. However, the initiative could be harder to fund, less focused on slowing climate change – which could impact production sales to places with stricter environmental rules, like the EU – and deepen the lack of community engagement many advocates have denounced. “I think there will be a lot of pressure from the oil and gas industry on the Trump administration to basically keep the hydrogen provisions but to make them more lenient and friendly toward fossil fuel interests,” Matt Lifson, an attorney with the Institute for Policy Integrity at the NYU School of Law, told EHN. Policy shifts that could impact the the hydrogen hubsThe DOE has already provided some funding for five of the seven hubs — $131.7 million, with the Gulf Coast and Midwest hubs receiving funds most recently on November 20 — but much of the $7 billion earmarked for the hubs is set to be distributed over the next decade.Any funding that hasn’t been distributed when Trump takes office could be reallocated through federal budget reconciliation, according to legal and policy experts. Reconciliation bills can’t be filibustered and the process has been used to pass at least 22 bills since the process was established in 1974, including the Biden administration's 2022 Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). “A lot will depend on the contracts the federal government has already signed with the hydrogen hub developers,” said Lifson. “Even if Congress changes the law, there could potentially still be a contractual claim the hubs could pursue for the money.”Trump’s policies on clean energy tax credits could also impact the hubs. Trump has repeatedly called into question the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which doled out clean energy tax credits over the past four years. Trump’s pick to head the Treasury Department Scott Bessent recently called the IRA a “doomsday machine for the budget.” If Trump cuts tax credits for the industry, that means he would most likely get rid of a 10-year tax credit for hydrogen production established by the IRA but not yet finalized. The tax cut “has been a cornerstone for accelerating clean energy investments and job creation,” Katie Ellet, chief executive officer of ETCH, a decarbonization and hydrogen production company, and previous president of hydrogen energy and mobility for Air Liquide North America, told EHN.“While the hydrogen market’s transition was underway before the IRA … the legislation significantly amplified this momentum,” Ellet added.Before the recent election, the Biden administration promised to finalize the clean hydrogen production tax credit by the end of the year. However, the rule could be overturned under the Congressional Review Act, which allows Congress to overturn final rules issued by federal agencies within 60 days. If that happened, it would also bar “substantially similar legislation” from being passed in the future, so it’s unclear if the Biden administration will finalize the rule. As currently written, the tax credits incentivize lower levels of carbon emissions in hydrogen production. “Whether the Biden administration finalizes the rule and it gets repealed, or whether they don’t finalize it and the Trump administration proposes a new rule, it’s not hard to imagine the Trump administration issuing a final rule that’s extremely lenient toward emissions accounting,” Lifson said. “That would be very bad from a climate perspective.”Trump’s final decision on the hydrogen energy tax credits will also influence markets. The EU is currently finalizing policies that will prevent it from buying hydrogen produced using fossil fuels rather than clean energy sources, and if the tax credit incentivizes the creation of hydrogen using fossil fuels, the U.S. could end up with a surplus.“While the hydrogen market’s transition was underway before the IRA … the legislation significantly amplified this momentum." - Katie Ellet, ETCHIn addition to the $7 billion in federal funds that have been set aside for the hubs, an estimated $40 billion in private investments will also be needed to complete the projects. If Trump rolls back climate policies, as he did during his last presidency and has vowed to do again, it could lessen demand for hydrogen energy in the U.S., which could scare away the necessary private investors.“Federal policy plays a critical role in shaping the pace and scale of clean energy adoption,” said Ellet, who oversaw $1 billion in investments across the U.S. for Air Liquide, a partner in six of the seven hubs. “That said, global market dynamics and established corporate commitments continue to offer a solid foundation for sustained private sector investment in clean energy.”Environmental justice deprioritizedEnvironmental justice frameworks that aren’t part of legal statutes are some of the easiest targets for elimination.A prime example is the Biden Administration’s Justice40 initiative, a federal mandate to allocate 40% of federal investments in climate, clean energy, housing, among others, to “disadvantaged communities that are marginalized by underinvestment and overburdened by pollution.”The federal hydrogen hub networks are one of the first major tests of the Justice40 initiative, but even in pre-development phases advocates and communities shared grievances around community engagement and transparency. Most recently, advocates were notified just hours before the DOE announcement of phase one funding for the Midwest Hydrogen Hub, according to the advocacy group Just Transition Northwest Indiana. “We were literally in a meeting with DOE and the [Office of Clean Energy Demonstrations] minutes before the announcement was made, with no mention that the award was being dropped today,” the group said in a press release. “We are justifiably stunned to see it suddenly flash over our news feed. We are fed up with the continuous lack of transparency.”Many worry that these issues will worsen under the Trump administration. Project 2025 — a policy blueprint that Trump distanced himself from on the campaign trail but that now seems central to his Cabinet picks and plans — explicitly calls into question whether the government should be addressing the roles of race and income in pollution exposure, and aims to dismantle the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.“A lot of the alarming practices we were seeing under Biden are likely to continue under Trump, if not worsen,” Batoul Al-Sadi, a senior associate at the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), told EHN.Margaret Cook, deputy director of climate equity and resilience at the Houston Advanced Research Center, said the Center’s position as one the hub’s community engagement partners was finalized last week with phase one awards.“The contract signed recently with DOE for the first phase includes community engagement,” Cook said. “I can’t speculate about how a new administration would affect the project. Updates to the Justice40 Assessment and Implementation Strategy will be made at the end of each phase, and relevant information will be shared for community input.”While the future of the hubs' community engagement and emissions reduction rollout remains unclear until Trump begins his term, out of the four hubs EHN was able to reach none stated concerns for the continuation of their projects.Trump has also vowed to fast-track industrial development permitting, which could hamper community engagement but help projects get developed faster.“The incoming administration has clear goals around energy independence, job creation and boosting domestic production … all priorities deeply embedded in the hydrogen hubs,” Ellet said. “I anticipate that there will be continued support for the hubs.”It’s possible that companies and investors might plan for the longer term by taking climate needs and importance of community buy-in into account even if they aren’t required to by law. During the last Trump presidency, for example, large auto manufacturers including Mercedes-Benz, Honda, Ford, Volkswagen and BMW announced they wouldn’t adhere to the Trump administration’s rollback of emission standards and would instead continue to comply with the previous standards enacted by the Obama administration to reduce planet-warming carbon dioxide emissions.“We know there’s bipartisan support and that both blue and red states have benefitted from clean energy investments,” Lauren Piette, a senior associate attorney for EarthJustice’s clean energy program, told EHN. “I worry about what the next administration could do with those investments, but my hope is there’s a groundswell of support from members of the public, legislators and policymakers who understand our future runs on clean energy and we need to get there sooner rather than later.”

Will Disaster Relief Come Through for North Carolina’s Small Farms?

After the storm subsided, DelCogliano fretted for hours until finally a text came through from an unknown number: “Farm flooded,” her husband, Gaelan Corozine, wrote. “I’m safe. Love you.” The next day, Corozine—who drove over 50 miles of washed-out roads to reunite with his family—told them that everything was gone. “We were all hugging and […] The post Will Disaster Relief Come Through for North Carolina’s Small Farms? appeared first on Civil Eats.

When Hurricane Helene ripped through North Carolina this September, Nicole DelCogliano sheltered with her two daughters in Asheville, while her husband rode out the storm alone on their 16-acre organic vegetable farm, Green Toe Ground, in nearby Yancey County. After the storm subsided, DelCogliano fretted for hours until finally a text came through from an unknown number: “Farm flooded,” her husband, Gaelan Corozine, wrote. “I’m safe. Love you.” The next day, Corozine—who drove over 50 miles of washed-out roads to reunite with his family—told them that everything was gone. Green Toe Ground farm in Yancey County, North Carolina, after Hurricane Helene. (Photo courtesy of Green Toe Ground) “We were all hugging and sobbing together,” DelCogliano later recalled, her voice quavering. Road closures blocked their return to the farm, so the family hiked over hills and hitched rides. Arriving there felt like seeing the aftermath of an earthquake, DelCogliano said. “The whole landscape was different, trees everywhere . . . barn rubble everywhere, our van on the side of the road and the tunnels a mess of plastic and metal.” Green Toe Ground Farm is nestled into a bend of the South Toe River, which crested at 30 feet above its normal height during Helene, inundating the farm. When the river ebbed from their fields, it took all their crops, scoured the topsoil from one field, and left sand deposits in two others. The storm destroyed their four high tunnels, two utility buildings, and barn. It swept away the potatoes, winter squash, and dried flowers for wreath-making, stored in the barn, and their 20-year-old horse, Star Darling, which they found wrapped in barbed wire and badly injured. Their home, which is set back from the river, was spared, though many neighbors weren’t so lucky, DelCogliano said. DelCogliano estimates they lost 30 percent of their annual revenue because the farm was fully planted. The infrastructure will cost $150,000 to replace, and tree removal and land grading will add further costs. All told, the storm will cost the family roughly $300,000. Green Toe Ground is one of many small, diversified farms serving local markets in western North Carolina that was devastated by Hurricane Helene. The full extent of regional agricultural damages is unknown, but “many [farms] have had 50 to 100 percent of their crops wiped out, infrastructure destroyed, and lots of topsoil loss and soil contamination from the flooding,” said Aaron Johnson, co-director of policy at the Rural Advancement Foundation International-USA (RAFI). Farmers who didn’t lose everything are struggling to find markets for crops that were spared.   “Every farm in our network will be impacted by the storm, either by direct damage or through loss of market outlets,” said Sarah Hart, communications coordinator at Appalachian Sustainable Agriculture Project (ASAP), a membership organization with 900 farms and 400 food businesses. A Limited Federal Safety Net In the storm’s immediate aftermath, neighbors offered DelCogliano a lifeline. “People came together to clear the roads, bring out chainsaws . . . help each other navigate basic food and water,” she said. “The only thing we had was each other.” Vermont farmers lost $44 million due to extreme weather in 2023, but received only $1.5 million in USDA relief funds. Over the short term, western North Carolina’s tight-knit food and farming community is helping farmers recover. RAFI, ASAP, and other groups are offering small grants and helping connect farmers to markets for products not destroyed by the flood, including relief organizations. Other organizations are raising money to pay farmers who have been donating products to relief groups. Wendy Burgh, co-owner of Dry Ridge Farm, a small poultry and livestock operation in Mars Hill, North Carolina, donated $4,000 worth of eggs the first week after the storm and was later repaid by Farm Connection. “Getting paid was a game changer, both emotionally and for the financial stability of the farm,” she said. Over the longer term, however, North Carolina farmers face a limited safety net to help them recoup losses and rebuild their operations. Charitable aid can only go so far. Some state aid is available for farmers, but the bulk of disaster assistance comes from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)—the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) covers personal losses only. Yet there are many obstacles to obtaining USDA relief, including onerous paperwork, low payouts, coverage exclusions, and a shortage of staff. Also, some of the agency’s emergency relief funds depend on ad hoc congressional approval, which means payments can arrive years after a disaster. What’s more, USDA’s federal crop insurance, commodity support, and disaster relief programs were designed for, and largely benefit, big commodity-crop growers. “Most farmers in the United States are small or mid-sized family farmers, but these are the producers that are left behind from the USDA programs that are supposed to help in the aftermath of disaster,” said Billy Hackett, a policy specialist at the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition (NSAC) and author of the report “Unsustainable: State of the Farm Safety Net.” Navigating USDA’s Relief Programs It’s still early days for USDA’s response to North Carolina’s disaster. The experience of Vermont farmers after epic flooding in 2023 and 2024, however, offers a window into the shortcomings of a federal disaster relief system that may be further weakened under a second Trump administration. Vermont farmers lost $44 million due to extreme weather in 2023, but received only $1.5 million in USDA relief funds, according to the Vermont Agricultural Recovery Task Force. What’s more, only 30 percent of the state’s 6,800 farms carry crop insurance. Ansel Ploog, co-owner of Flywheel Farm in Woodbury, Vermont, standing at the edge of the creek that swelled in 2023, taking all of the farm’s crops. (Photo credit: Meg Wilcox) For small farmers in the wake of disaster, getting USDA relief can be daunting—especially when they’re coping with traumatic loss. Trauma can lead to cognitive impairment, lack of concentration, and difficulty with problem solving or even just reading complex forms, noted Ansel Ploog, co-owner of Flywheel Farm in Woodbury, Vermont, which flooded in 2023. Ploog said she was too exhausted by the paperwork requirements, which were hard to translate to her two-acre farm, and hardship in her community, to apply for relief. “The harder part [of recovery] is navigating all the resources,” DelCogliano said. “I felt paralyzed every time I opened my computer, like, let me go drag some shit around. It’s way easier.” “There’s no one in this area who isn’t traumatized in some way,” said Wendy Brugh, co-owner of Dry Ridge Farm, a small poultry and livestock operation in Mars Hill, North Carolina, whose farm lost a hoop house and much of its fencing. Her biggest problem has been finding ongoing markets for the thousands of eggs her farm produces daily. “Being in the presence of that kind of destruction [in the community] on a regular basis is heavy.” Farmer support organizations are helping farmers with USDA paperwork and deadlines—but they can only do so much, notes Roland McReynolds, executive director of Carolina Farm Stewardship Association, which compiled a comprehensive listing of relief resources for farmers. The USDA held webinars last month to explain its relief programs, noting on October 7 that it had embedded staff with FEMA and had more than 200 people involved in the response. “We’re looking for ways that we can streamline, that we can enhance our flexibility to get folks in, that we can reduce barriers . . . to make it easier for folks to take advantage of our programs,” said Robert Bonnie, USDA’s Under Secretary for Farm Production and Conservation. While that’s encouraging, Maddie Kempner, policy and organizing director at the Northeast Organic Farming Association (NOFA) Vermont cautions, “the availability of a lot of these [USDA] programs ends up being like a mirage,”  because farmers learn that exclusions make them ineligible, or the payouts are too small to make the applications worth the trouble. Federal programs that can help smaller, diversified farms recover from extreme weather include the noninsured crop disaster assistance program (NAP) and the Whole Farm Revenue Protection program (WFRP). For both, farmers must be enrolled before disaster strikes. USDA also offers cost-share programs for needs such as land cleanup and tree removal, and for losses in livestock, feed, and grazing land. Emergency loans are sometimes available, too. Farmers access all these programs, except WFRP, through USDA’s Farm Service Agency (FSA) network. The Noninsured Crop Disaster Program (NAP) NAP is a hybrid crop insurance and disaster assistance program designed for farmers unable to access traditional crop insurance, which is geared for big farms. It offers free basic coverage for new and socially disadvantaged farmers, including women. But NAP has been relatively under-enrolled in western North Carolina, said McReynolds. “Anticipating a one in 100-, 500- or 30,000-year flooding event just wasn’t on folks’ radar.” Moreover, crops must be planted before certain dates under NAP, and those dates don’t match up with southern Appalachian crop seasons. Green Toe Ground did not have NAP protection. The program requires farmers to enroll each crop individually, which is a burden for farmers like DelCogliano, who grows 30 different organic vegetables and raises a few animals to create compost for soil health. “The most cumbersome aspect with diversified vegetable farming is, it’s hard to fit into the USDA boxes,” she said. Other farmers have had mixed experience with NAP. Digger’s Mirth Collective Farm in Winooski, Vermont, for example, lost $250,000 in revenue after 2023’s massive floods, but thus far has been reimbursed only $1,300, according to Hilary Martin, one of its members. “I spent so many hours, I had literal back pains from the paperwork involved in submitting all our crop information and losses,” she said. After the farm flooded again in July 2024, Martin said the collective decided not to bother filing a claim until their FSA agent urged them to file. But when Martin filed for 2024 losses, she learned they weren’t eligible because they had replanted before their agent visited the farm. “We were just way more aggressive about replanting,” this year, she said. While they had taken pictures and documented everything they had done, they had violated the terms of coverage. That means they will not receive any reimbursements from USDA for their 2024 losses. Instead, they have relied on state and local charitable funds. Having to wait for an FSA agent to visit your farm makes it that much harder when the staffing at those offices is minimal, said Kempner. USDA has waived that requirement for farmers impacted by Helene. David Marchant, co-owner of River Berry Farm in Fairfax, Vermont, a diversified vegetable and fruit grower, makes NAP work for him, which he receives for free. “The federal programs are good,” he said. “[But] they’re very, very slow. The amount of paperwork is extraordinary. You got to know how to figure it out.” Whole Farm Revenue Protection The Whole Farm Revenue Protection program (WFRP) was created in part to address NAP shortcomings. It allows farmers to enroll in crop insurance based on their overall revenue rather than on a crop-by-crop basis. Nevertheless, participation remains low, with only 1,967 U.S. farmers (.01 percent of farms) purchasing a policy in 2023. Complicated rules and paperwork, farmer skepticism, and disinterested insurance agents who make more money from policies covering one or two crops on large farms discourage farmers from enrolling, according to the NSAC report. Crop losses also have to be substantial for a payout to make a difference, noted Marchant. Tiny Bridge farm in Hendersonville, North Carolina, before Hurricane Helene. (Photo courtesy of Ed Graves) DelCogliano was not covered by WFRP, which is not uncommon in western North Carolina. In fact, less than five percent of the farmers in ASAP’s network are covered by any crop insurance, said Hart. Ed Graves, however, was motivated to purchase the coverage after experiencing bad flooding on his Hendersonville farm in  2021. His five-acre organic vegetable farm, Tiny Bridge, lost all its fall plantings to Hurricane Helene—broccoli, cauliflower, potatoes, leafy greens, carrots, radishes, and turnips. He pays $1,500 annually to carry WFRP and hopes to be reimbursed $10,000 from it, based on his earnings the past three years. Tiny Bridge immediately after Hurricane Helene. (Photo courtesy of Ed Graves) “I know how to fill out paperwork,” he said. “Maybe it’s because I worked in civil service for 20 years, so I understand how to ask for what I need from a bureaucracy.” Cost-Sharing and Emergency Loans Several USDA disaster relief grant programs are a good fit for smaller farms, such as the Emergency Conservation Program (ECP) and the Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP), both of which help farmers clean up and regrade disaster-impacted land. Neither of these programs covers the costs of soil testing or rebuilding, although farmers can seek assistance for longer-term soil health improvement, such as cover crop planting, through USDA’s Natural Resources Conservation Services (NRCS). RAFI has been most successful helping farmers apply for ECP, Johnson said, noting that some farmers have already received preliminary approval for land clearing and grading work. They’ll be reimbursed for 75 percent of the costs up to a $125,000 cap, depending on their farm size, though it’s unclear how quickly they’ll receive that money. “While we cannot predict the exact timing of payments being issued, we can assure that every effort is made to provide the resources needed to get the assistance to those who need it as soon as possible,” a USDA spokesperson said in an email to Civil Eats. DelCogliano filed an application for ECP funds but has not yet received approval and does not know how much money the farm may receive. Brugh estimates it will cost $100,000 to get all the dangerous trees removed from her farm, and she is exploring multiple sources of funding, including ECP. For farmers who don’t have prior NAP or WFRP coverage, and whose major losses are crops, equipment or buildings, a USDA emergency loan is about all that is available to them. “It’s shocking for a farmer who has hundreds of thousands of dollars in losses, who has maybe had to lay off their entire crew, especially at the peak of harvest season, to be told all they can offer you is a loan,” Kempner said. USDA’s emergency loans become available when the agricultural secretary or president declares a disaster in their county, but these are historically underutilized, in part because they often have higher interest rates than USDA direct loans, a USDA spokesperson said in an email to Civil Eats. In other words, if a farmer qualifies for private credit, they are not eligible for a USDA emergency loan. For Joie Lehouillier, co-owner of Foote Brook Farm in Vermont, it “was a real kick in the teeth” to be told that her good relationship with a private lender disqualified her from a lower-interest USDA loan. Lehouillier’s farm lost 95 percent of its crops and more than half a million dollars in equipment and supplies in the 2023 floods, she said. “Even though we got a tremendous amount of help through [state funding], it’s going to be a struggle for the next few years to just get back on our feet,” especially with the high-interest debt, she added. The Farm Bill, the Future, and Prospects for Reform  In addition to the programs above, USDA provides supplemental emergency disaster funds to farmers when approved by Congress. Prior to the Biden Administration, that aid went only to farmers enrolled in a crop insurance or disaster program, leaving out most small farms. Congress has not yet appropriated such aid for 2023 or 2024 disasters. President Biden recently asked Congress to authorize $24 billion in emergency relief funds for USDA, appealing for that aid to reach all impacted farmers, including those not enrolled in a USDA program. Hackett told Civil Eats that there is considerable momentum to pass a relief bill, and that it’s “very possible” that the current Congress will authorize disaster assistance inclusive of all farmers. That possibility becomes “less likely” with the next Congress, Hackett said.  Advocates have proposed changes to the farm bill to make USDA’s safety net more inclusive of small farmers hit by extreme weather. But Congress will likely not pick up the bill until later in 2025. With Republicans regaining control of the U.S. Senate, Congress has bigger fish to fry, such as a tax overhaul package, Johnson said. In the meantime, a USDA spokesperson said, “the farm bill expiration does not impact the ability of FSA and NRCS to support producers impacted by hurricanes,” and that “hurricane recovery efforts will continue through the administration transition.” “There’s no one in this area who isn’t traumatized in some way.” Kempner, of NOFA Vermont, is pessimistic that a Republican farm bill will embrace the reforms that are needed to help small-scale, diversified farmers remain resilient in the face of climate change. She is also concerned about Trump’s history of withholding aid for communities that don’t support him politically. Nevertheless, she said, “It’s important that we’re talking to each other across state lines about the kinds of structural changes that we need to be pushing for long term,” such as the creation of a permanently available disaster relief program within USDA based on farm revenue and with a short turnaround of, say, 30 days. DelCogliano, meanwhile, awaits the results of soil tests to learn what remediation may be necessary as she plans how to rebuild Green Toe Ground. “It’s a lot of things to figure out—the barn, the greenhouses, all the systems.” On top of that, she has to figure out how to rebuild for resiliency to increasingly extreme weather. The whole riparian zone has changed, she said. “Any big rain event is going to be much higher impact than before, because there’s nothing on the sides of the rivers holding it [within] its banks anymore. What would a rebuild look like in a way that could mitigate risk? Where’s our safety valve?” Like many other farmers, DelCogliano and Corozine are waiting for USDA approval of their application for land cleanup reimbursements. Meanwhile, they’re relying on a personal GoFundMe account and local charitable aid to pay their bills. “I still don’t have an idea of what [federal support] is going to look like,” DelCogliano said. “And that’s challenging.” The post Will Disaster Relief Come Through for North Carolina’s Small Farms? appeared first on Civil Eats.

Who’s responsible for waste? A Q&A about the ‘conspiracy’ of overconsumption.

The director of Netflix’s “Buy Now!” says companies should be accountable for the trash they generate.

The last few weeks of the year are always a special time — for shopping.  According to the National Retail Federation, a United States trade group, Americans will spend nearly $1 trillion on clothes, electronics, trinkets, and other goods during the 2024 holiday season, which it defines as November 1 through December 31. That’s about a fifth of the whole year’s retail sales in just two months. Will all that shopping make people happier? Probably not — more than half of Americans say they regret their previous Black Friday purchases, according to one national survey. Polling suggests the high people get from buying stuff is ephemeral; it fades quickly, only fueling the desire to buy more. Perhaps the biggest loser in the cycle of overconsumption, however, is the planet. Obscured by the low prices featured in online flash sales are externalized costs to climate and the environment — in the form of raw material extraction, climate pollution from manufacturing and transport, and the waste that results when products and their packaging are eventually thrown away. By some estimates, the retail industry accounts for a quarter of global greenhouse gas emissions. The internet is littered with blogs and opinion articles claiming consumers are to blamed — that “our need to shop is ruining our planet.” But Flora Bagenal, the producer of a new Netflix documentary called Buy Now! The Shopping Conspiracy sees an injustice in that framing. Why should everyday people feel guilty, the film asks, when manufacturers and retail companies are doing everything within their power to drive up the pace of consumption? These corporations have designed products to break down quickly, promised that recycling would keep the planet clean, and precision-engineered their advertisements and marketplaces to make the shopping impulse all but irresistible — all while passing the environmental toll onto the public. “I’ve always felt that we don’t hold our companies to account,” Bagenal told Grist. “I wanted to explore that from the perspective of somebody who feels caught up in the system as much as everyone else.” Bagenal lives in the United Kingdom and has produced several other documentaries on topics including the anti-vaccine movement and mental health care. Without explicitly using the term, Buy Now! makes the case for an alternative paradigm called the “polluter pays principle,” which holds that companies — not the public — should be held financially responsible for dealing with the waste they generate. In wonkier terms, the idea manifests as “extended producer responsibility,” or EPR, policies that typically require large companies to pay into a central fund for waste management and prevention. In the U.S., five states have passed EPR laws for packaging. Through interviews with former executives at Adidas, Amazon, and Apple, Buy Now! argues that consumer goods companies have knowingly abdicated their responsibility to the public good. Grist sat down with Bagenal to discuss the film and how she and her team of executive producers went about conveying the polluter pays principle to a general audience. This interview has been edited for length and clarity. Courtesy of Netflix Q. What was your motivation for producing a film about overconsumption, and the role of big consumer goods companies in turning it into a crisis? A. We knew the waste problem was a really big problem, but we were worried about making something depressing that people turn away from. And so gradually, we evolved our thinking into shifting away from piles of rubbish and landfills and things like that — instead, we thought: Well, where’s it all coming from? And as you start peeling back the layers and going another step back, you realize that any film about waste is really going to have to be about who’s making the stuff that becomes waste. That was really a revelation for us — we realized that we could tell the story a bit differently and target companies that hadn’t been held accountable. Q. The film’s subtitle is “The Shopping Conspiracy,” hinting at the strategies companies use to get people to buy more while still denying responsibility for the resulting trash. But one could argue that this is exactly what we’d expect from companies incentivized to maximize their profits. Why do you think their behavior warrants being called out as a conspiracy? A. We had a lot of conversations about this — in the back of the taxi, in the back of the studio, in the edit suite. There’s no table where these imaginary execs sat around and decided to do this and then laid it on the world. But the conspiracy comes from the fact that you can’t work for one of these companies and not know the truth: that, while we’re all here trying to do our best, feeling guilty and wondering what we can do, these big companies are well aware of the impact they have on the planet and are still not doing enough. If I go down to the shop and decide to not buy a pot of yogurt because it might not be recyclable, nothing will change. But if a company like Adidas or Amazon or Apple actually decided to sell less stuff or make a product that would last three times as long, then something would change. Q. The philosophy you’re describing — that polluters should pay for their pollution — has been popularized among policy wonks as “extended producer responsibility.” What strategies did you use to make that idea more accessible? A. EPR is really popular in NGO [nongovernmental organization] and business circles, but we felt it was going to be really hard to communicate in a film and to get people to care. So we spent a lot of time trying to crystallize it into something that feels so obvious, that is hard to fight against. And actually, it was Erik Liedtke, the former Adidas exec, who hit the nail on the head at the end of the film. He said, “Stop putting it on us [the public], stop telling us it’s our responsibility. You produce this stuff, you need to account for its life after it gets thrown away.”  We also called the film “Buy Now!” to get at that moment when you press the button and you decide to give your money to a company. That transaction is the bit that makes money, that’s the bit that the industry is interested in. But once you press “buy now,” you’re making a contract that you don’t know about — you’re now a caretaker of this thing, and it’s your responsibility until you dispose of it, and then it becomes the whole world’s responsibility. The only one who’s not really responsible anymore is the company. Shoppers line up at a store with loaded carts. Courtesy of Netflix Q. Several countries and U.S. states have passed EPR laws, and environmental groups have put forward some ambitious proposals for new ones. But what’s the bigger-picture solution that those policies should be paired with? A. There is a lot of good stuff now that companies are doing. The fashion industry in particular has embraced the idea of EPR, and some of the consumer goods companies like Coca-Cola have talked about it. I think it’s really, really important as a tool for governments to hold companies to account and to share the costs of environmental impacts. But it doesn’t solve the problem entirely. I think all of us still need to buy less stuff, and companies need to make less stuff. It’s fine to tax [companies] for the end-of-life stuff, but it doesn’t get away from the fact that reduction is the ultimate goal. Q. Despite everything you describe about corporate responsibility for climate and environmental pollution, it can still be hard for people to imagine how to resist beyond individual actions — like by shopping less. How do you hope viewers will take action? A. Well, not shopping doesn’t have to be just forgoing something. It feels quite satisfying as an act of resistance to be like, “You know what? I’m not going to spend my precious time and money on this company. I don’t need another coat.”  But the people that I really think about are the people who are working inside companies and have been feeling guilty for a long time. The people who feel like there’s something wrong and they’ve tried to change it and no one’s listened, or that they’re not in the right job and they could be using their time and the energy to do something that is more constructive. It’s those people I would love to watch this and have a change of heart. We’ve already seen some reactions to the trailer from people who work in advertising who basically have said, “You know, we sell this shit to you, that’s what we do all day long. And we all feel really bad about it.” I would love it if there were a few people who saw this and took it as an opportunity to say, “You know what? I can do better than this.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Who’s responsible for waste? A Q&A about the ‘conspiracy’ of overconsumption. on Nov 27, 2024.

Paradise lost? How cruise companies are ‘eating up’ the Bahamas

Another vast tourist resort project promising jobs and prosperity. But critics say such developments imperil the pristine environments they advertiseRead more in this seriesJoseph Darville has fond memories of swimming with his young son off the south coast of Grand Bahama island, and watching together as scores of dolphins frolicked offshore. A lifelong environmentalist now aged 82, Darville has always valued the rich marine habitat and turquoise blue seas of the Bahamas, which have lured locals and tourists alike for generations.The dolphins are now mostly gone, he says, as human encroachment proliferated and the environment deteriorated. “You don’t see them now; the jetskis go by and frighten them off.Joseph Darville is worried that the big cruise lines and developers will ‘come in and eat what’s left of our country’. Photograph: Richard Luscombe/the Guardian Continue reading...

Joseph Darville has fond memories of swimming with his young son off the south coast of Grand Bahama island, and watching together as scores of dolphins frolicked offshore. A lifelong environmentalist now aged 82, Darville has always valued the rich marine habitat and turquoise blue seas of the Bahamas, which have lured locals and tourists alike for generations.The dolphins are now mostly gone, he says, as human encroachment proliferated and the environment deteriorated. “You don’t see them now; the jetskis go by and frighten them off.“There’s a lot going on. It’s a tragedy – and continues to be a tragedy,” says Darville.Now, he fears further acceleration of the decline, with the scheduled opening next year of Carnival Cruise Line’s vast Celebration Key resort, now under construction on the island’s south coast.The sprawling entertainment complex across a mile-long beach, already stripped of its protective mangroves, will ultimately bring up to an additional 4 million people a year to the island, Carnival says, with four of its ships able to dock simultaneously.Concerns about giant cruise ships bringing multitudes of tourists, and pollution, to the ecologically fragile Bahamas are nothing new. Neither is the concept of foreign-owned cruise companies buying land to build private retreats exclusively for their passengers: Disney’s Castaway Cay, a private island near Great Abaco, last year celebrated its 25th birthday.But if only for their scale alone, Celebration Key and two other expansive developments just like it, either recently opened or being built elsewhere in the 700-island archipelago, represent a worrisome new threat, campaigners say.Cruise companies have spent at least $1.5bn (£1.1bn) since 2019 buying or leasing land in the Caribbean, according to a Bloomberg analysis in May, and Darville wonders what that means for the future of his beloved islands.As executive chair of the environmental group Save the Bays, he was part of an alliance that fought against the Grand Bahama development, as well as Disney’s Lookout Cay at Lighthouse Point, which opened on Eleuthera island in June, and Royal Caribbean’s Royal Beach Club at Paradise Island, which broke ground in April.“It has to stop somewhere; we have to preserve something for our future generations, for our own native Bahamians,” Darville says. “We cannot always be seduced by these cruise lines and other developers who come in and eat what’s left of our country.”When Disney put out its proposal, no matter what they said or how they did it, there was going to be a catastrophic impactThe “seductions” he sees are the cruise lines touting the supposed economic advantages to the Bahamas of being allowed to buy and develop land, promoting what he claims are questionable environmental credentials, and pledging community investments for locals in terms of jobs and grants for small businesses and education.Such messaging has been well received in a country still struggling to recover from Hurricane Dorian in 2019, the worst natural disaster in its history, which prompted the near-collapse of the tourism industry.An unemployment rate that reached almost 20% after the storm and subsequent Covid-19 pandemic has finally dropped back into single figures, but a stroll around once-bustling Freeport, the largest town, cruise port and commercial hub of Grand Bahama, provides plenty of evidence of the island’s decline.The waterfront 542-room Grand Lucayan resort, formerly the grande dame of Grand Bahamian tourism, sits mostly empty, abandoned and awaiting a buyer, with only a small portion of the development still open.The adjacent straw market, once a thriving hub of souvenir stalls, entertainment and refreshment, is largely bereft of customers, even when a cruise ship is in town. And taxi drivers can spend a day or more waiting at the airport or cruise terminal without earning a fare.It is hardly surprising, then, that the cruise companies, amplified by the Bahamian government, honed their pitches for land deals to receptive ears, focused on the jobs they would create and the dollars they would bring in.Carnival, for example, says all but two of the 31 construction companies working on Celebration Key are owned by Bahamians. Job fairs over the summer, offering employment with perks including medical insurance and paid time-off, were swamped.Disney says it created more than 200 “high-quality” jobs for locals at Lookout Cay, has invested more than $1m into the local economy since it opened, and has promised almost as much again for playgrounds, sports fields and infrastructure for the island’s students.On Paradise Island, Royal Caribbean’s deal for the 7-hectare (17-acre) site included a promise that Bahamians “will be invited” to own up to 49% of the venture.The websites of all three projects are also heavy with words and phrases such as “environmental commitment”, “sustainability” and “responsibility”.Meanwhile, Isaac Chester Cooper, the Bahamas’ tourism minister, continues to cite a Tourism Economics study, prepared for Carnival in 2019, stating that the “development, construction and ongoing operation of Celebration Key” would create thousands of Bahamian jobs and generate a $1.5bn boost for the Bahama’s GDP.By contrast, Carnival Corporation recorded an all-time high $21.6bn annual revenue in 2023; Royal Caribbean’s revenue increased 57% year-on-year to $13.9bn; and that of Disney’s Magical Cruise Company, while smaller at $2.2bn, still represented a rise of almost 91%.Cooper did not return a request for comment from the Guardian.Darville concedes it is harder to push an environmental message in such circumstances. “Whenever there’s word there’s going to be cruise ship development coming to the Bahamas, the first thing the government looks at, and the people generally, is how many people will be employed, what economic benefits we’re going to derive,” he saysHe says that ignores the environmental impact and damage caused by developments on previously pristine Bahamas beaches. Mangrove destruction is a particular concern, given the protection the trees provide against storm surge from hurricanes.But campaigners say the projects are also significantly detrimental to wildlife, in water and on land, as well as precious coral reefs already imperilled by rising sea temperatures.At Lookout Cay, Disney built a half mile-long pier to allow cruise liners to dock, driving countless support posts deep into the seabed. The company insisted that “viable individual corals within the pier’s footprint were expertly relocated to improve the health of struggling coral reefs in the area”.Darville is sceptical and worries about the effect on coral reefs and fish populations of thousands of people in the water slathered in chemical-based sunscreens. “When Disney was putting out its proposal, no matter what they said or how they did it, there was going to be a catastrophic impact,” he says.Gail Woon, executive director of the educational non-profit group Earthcare, and partner of the Global Cruise Activist Network, an alliance of industry critics, says previous developments in the islands that were touted as environmentally friendly turned out to be anything but.She cites a private golf resort where residences can cost tens of millions of dollars, but construction and operations destroyed coral just offshore.“We had coral reef biologists testify that if you put a golf course on the beach and fertilise the grass, the run-off will go into the ocean and kill the coral because they can’t take large amounts of nitrogen and phosphorus,” she says.“They went ahead and did it anyway, then where there should have been pristine sand and clear water they have these big clumps of green and brown macro-algae that smothers the corals. They were destroying the product they were trying to promote.”Through projects such as Earthcare’s EcoKids, Woon and others around the Bahamas are working to educate the next generation about environmental challenges facing the country and the world.It’s a message reinforced at Conservation Cove, a small but thriving living laboratory east of Freeport where cruise ship tourists and pupils on school field trips learn the importance of coral reefs and mangrove restoration.Javan Hunt, mangrove nursery coordinator at Conservation Cove, says: “If you make decisions based on ignorance you allow people to run over you, or sell you something that’s not in your best interest.“So for me the most important thing is to educate those coming up, so that in five years, 10 years and beyond, they can make informed decisions – and won’t just smile when someone is presenting shit to them and telling them it’s treasure.”

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