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World Will Miss Paris Climate Target as Nitrous Oxide Rises, Report Says

News Feed
Thursday, October 31, 2024

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Failing to curb emissions of nitrous oxide will make it impossible to meet the main goal of the Paris climate agreement to keep global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, according to the first major global assessment of the pollutant released on Thursday.Nitrous oxide is the third most prevalent greenhouse gas and the worst ozone-depleting gas.The Global Nitrous Oxide Assessment (N2O) report is similar to the 2021 Global Methane Assessment, which showed that human-caused methane emissions can be reduced by up to 45% this decade and laid the groundwork for 150 countries to commit to the Global Methane Pledge to curb those emissions by 30% by 2030.Nitrous oxide emissions, driven primarily by the agricultural use of synthetic fertilizers and manure, have increased globally by 40% since 1980, and are on pace to rise 30% over 2020 levels by 2050, the report said.Taking global action to reduce emissions of nitrous oxide (N2O) could avoid the equivalent of up to 235 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide emissions by 2100, it said.A U.S. State Department official told Reuters earlier this year that slashing N2O emissions from production of fertilizers or the production of materials like nylon is cheap, costing as little as $10 per metric ton through projects using the voluntary carbon offset market."Ambitious action to reduce nitrous oxide emissions could move the world closer to meeting a wide range of global climate, ozone and other environmental and human health goals," said the assessment, published by the Climate and Clean Air Coalition of over 180 governments, NGOs, and international organizations.U.S. officials also met with Chinese counterparts to discuss cooperating on slashing N2O emissions. The countries are the biggest emitters of the greenhouse gas.(Reporting by Valerie Volcovici; Editing by Sonali Paul)Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters.

By Valerie VolcoviciWASHINGTON (Reuters) - Failing to curb emissions of nitrous oxide will make it impossible to meet the main goal of the Paris...

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Failing to curb emissions of nitrous oxide will make it impossible to meet the main goal of the Paris climate agreement to keep global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, according to the first major global assessment of the pollutant released on Thursday.

Nitrous oxide is the third most prevalent greenhouse gas and the worst ozone-depleting gas.

The Global Nitrous Oxide Assessment (N2O) report is similar to the 2021 Global Methane Assessment, which showed that human-caused methane emissions can be reduced by up to 45% this decade and laid the groundwork for 150 countries to commit to the Global Methane Pledge to curb those emissions by 30% by 2030.

Nitrous oxide emissions, driven primarily by the agricultural use of synthetic fertilizers and manure, have increased globally by 40% since 1980, and are on pace to rise 30% over 2020 levels by 2050, the report said.

Taking global action to reduce emissions of nitrous oxide (N2O) could avoid the equivalent of up to 235 billion metric tons of carbon dioxide emissions by 2100, it said.

A U.S. State Department official told Reuters earlier this year that slashing N2O emissions from production of fertilizers or the production of materials like nylon is cheap, costing as little as $10 per metric ton through projects using the voluntary carbon offset market.

"Ambitious action to reduce nitrous oxide emissions could move the world closer to meeting a wide range of global climate, ozone and other environmental and human health goals," said the assessment, published by the Climate and Clean Air Coalition of over 180 governments, NGOs, and international organizations.

U.S. officials also met with Chinese counterparts to discuss cooperating on slashing N2O emissions. The countries are the biggest emitters of the greenhouse gas.

(Reporting by Valerie Volcovici; Editing by Sonali Paul)

Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Trump’s Election Is a Disaster for the Climate—and an Opportunity

It was 3 a.m. on Nov. 6. The baby growing inside me kicked hard as yet another set of electoral college votes flashed red on the TV screen for Trump. I couldn’t help but wonder if the kicking was her own act of protest in the waning hours of the 2024 election. After all, this child is the progeny of two environmental activists who have spent decades fighting the climate emergency, particularly federal fossil fuel production. It’s difficult to describe how grim that work looks right now. But this is also the moment to radically reimagine and rebuild our political system into one more responsive to people’s needs. That’s the potential of the next four years. It’s the transformation we need to meet the climate catastrophes ahead, far more powerful than Trump himself.   Today’s reality is harsh: The U.S. is the world’s largest oil and gas producer and liquified natural gas exporter, and fossil fuels are the dominant cause of climate chaos. Both the Trump and Biden administrations reached record oil and gas production during their successive terms. The Biden administration had a complex relationship with the climate crisis, embracing both clean and dirty energy as part of an all-of-the-above approach that contradicts scientists’ recommendations to safeguard the planet. Biden passed historic clean energy investments with his signature climate law, the Inflation Reduction Act. But that act also included additional oil and gas leasing on our public lands and waters. The administration then approved ConocoPhillips’ devastating Willow Project in Alaska, the nation’s largest oil drilling operation. In response to pressure from environmental justice communities and climate advocates, Biden also imposed a moratorium on new federal oil and gas leases in 2021 and paused approvals for new liquified natural gas terminals in 2024—bold moves that were eventually blocked by federal judges. Now we face the unfettered Trump 2.0 era, led by a man who shamelessly cheered “drill, baby, drill” and called climate change a “hoax” at his political rallies and appointed an ExxonMobil CEO to his first cabinet. All signs suggest this administration will focus on gutting environmental protections and padding the bloated pockets of fossil fuel corporations and their billionaire executives and shareholders.   For climate activists, Trump’s ascent means federal avenues to fight fossil fuels will be mostly blocked. Our three branches of government, designed to check one another and thwart abusive power, are now at risk of being monopolized by a climate-denying fascist.  Trump has vowed to ditch virtually all Biden administration regulations intended to cut carbon emissions and move away from fossil fuels. He will seek to slash positions of federal employees who have spent their careers trying to protect our air, water and wildlife. While the House of Representatives election results aren’t yet final, it’s clear that a Republican Senate will block any climate-fighting legislation. And the Supreme Court is severely compromised by its radical right wing. Trump has promised to replace Justice Samuel Alito and Justice Clarence Thomas with younger judges who could secure a radical right majority at the highest court until my unborn daughter is in her 30s. Without material reform to expand the court, this doesn’t bode well for multiple generations of women, as well as the working class, communities of color, migrant families, transgender people and our imperiled ecosystems. As many in the environmental movement have said this past week, we will resist as we did the first time. Biden has committed to filling the nearly 50 open judicial vacancies before leaving office. This move, if he can accomplish it, will be a vital lifeline to ensuring integrity of the judiciary at district and appeals court levels. As a lawyer who was part of the record onslaught of lawsuits against Trump during his first term, I think it’s important to note that 90 percent of our lawsuits were successful. They acted as a crucial bulwark against Trump’s attacks on our climate, health and safety. But resistance alone, which maintains the status quo, is no longer enough. The election rebuked that notion and the world’s environmental chaos confirms it. Our current system has driven the planet to break 1.5 degrees Celsius of warming this year. The Paris Agreement set this threshold as a dangerous tipping point for the world’s poorest communities, who disproportionately bear the brunt of climate change’s horrific consequences while the wealthiest disproportionately pollute.  We need to only look at the last year to see that when climate chaos tested the country, the current system failed. The cataclysmic Hurricane Helene, record heat waves, and relentless wildfires stole lives, demolished homes, wiped out jobs, and left survivors in profound social, economic, and emotional instability.To survive and thrive during the next four years and beyond, we have to build our political system anew. We need to reimagine how our politics can be genuinely responsive to what people need—not under the hateful rhetoric of the Republicans or the willful ignorance of the Democrats.  Building a responsive political system starts on the ground, driving intersectional solutions to climate chaos that are both community-focused and deeply resourced. The climate movement has to fully break out of its silo and build real political power with youth, labor, working families, migrants, the LGBTQ+ community, and other rights-based groups to grow a broad-based movement that centers justice at every step. Climate activists within the movement have already made important inroads on this intersectional organizing—including last year when hundreds of thousands around the world marched in the first mass mobilization to end fossil fuels—and we have many miles to go.Faced with an intractable federal government, activists can also take their battle to the states, for example fighting the detonation of carbon bombs like the Permian Basin. My colleagues at the Center for Biological Diversity, together with Indigenous, frontline and youth groups, recently filed a landmark case challenging the state of New Mexico for failing to uphold its constitutional duty to control oil and gas pollution and protect the health of its residents. Responding to pressure from local groups, the state also has created health buffers aimed at preventing school children from being poisoned by the oil industry as they sit in their classes.The byzantine world of state public utility commissions is also ground zero for bucking the racist, fossil fuel-dependent electricity system and designing democratic and affordable energy systems that serve the public’s interest. These black-box commissions—long dominated by regulators captured by fossil utilities and drowned in technical jargon to confuse the public—are the frontline of deciding state energy policy.Mass organizing of communities harmed by predatory utility rates, shutoffs and fossil fuel pollution can force these commissions to respond to people, not monopoly utility providers that have stifled alternative distributed energy to protect their profits. State utility commissions can ramp up rooftop and community solar systems and other renewable energy sources that displace polluting fossil fuels, loosen the death grip of corporate utilities, and make electricity affordable, clean and democratic. This isn’t just a fight against the climate emergency—which can feel abstract to some people. It’s a fight against entrenched power that threatens people’s pocketbooks, their health and their livelihoods. While we are all trying to make sense of what happened and why, our next steps are clear. The status quo needs to change, and it’s up to us to organize a new, intersectional mass people’s movement that can create the momentum for and help design the systems that will get us there. It may be that my daughter’s strong kicks are her way of signaling that she’s rearing to go. Fighting for a safe climate means fighting on every front for a chance of something that looks like justice.

It was 3 a.m. on Nov. 6. The baby growing inside me kicked hard as yet another set of electoral college votes flashed red on the TV screen for Trump. I couldn’t help but wonder if the kicking was her own act of protest in the waning hours of the 2024 election. After all, this child is the progeny of two environmental activists who have spent decades fighting the climate emergency, particularly federal fossil fuel production. It’s difficult to describe how grim that work looks right now. But this is also the moment to radically reimagine and rebuild our political system into one more responsive to people’s needs. That’s the potential of the next four years. It’s the transformation we need to meet the climate catastrophes ahead, far more powerful than Trump himself.   Today’s reality is harsh: The U.S. is the world’s largest oil and gas producer and liquified natural gas exporter, and fossil fuels are the dominant cause of climate chaos. Both the Trump and Biden administrations reached record oil and gas production during their successive terms. The Biden administration had a complex relationship with the climate crisis, embracing both clean and dirty energy as part of an all-of-the-above approach that contradicts scientists’ recommendations to safeguard the planet. Biden passed historic clean energy investments with his signature climate law, the Inflation Reduction Act. But that act also included additional oil and gas leasing on our public lands and waters. The administration then approved ConocoPhillips’ devastating Willow Project in Alaska, the nation’s largest oil drilling operation. In response to pressure from environmental justice communities and climate advocates, Biden also imposed a moratorium on new federal oil and gas leases in 2021 and paused approvals for new liquified natural gas terminals in 2024—bold moves that were eventually blocked by federal judges. Now we face the unfettered Trump 2.0 era, led by a man who shamelessly cheered “drill, baby, drill” and called climate change a “hoax” at his political rallies and appointed an ExxonMobil CEO to his first cabinet. All signs suggest this administration will focus on gutting environmental protections and padding the bloated pockets of fossil fuel corporations and their billionaire executives and shareholders.   For climate activists, Trump’s ascent means federal avenues to fight fossil fuels will be mostly blocked. Our three branches of government, designed to check one another and thwart abusive power, are now at risk of being monopolized by a climate-denying fascist.  Trump has vowed to ditch virtually all Biden administration regulations intended to cut carbon emissions and move away from fossil fuels. He will seek to slash positions of federal employees who have spent their careers trying to protect our air, water and wildlife. While the House of Representatives election results aren’t yet final, it’s clear that a Republican Senate will block any climate-fighting legislation. And the Supreme Court is severely compromised by its radical right wing. Trump has promised to replace Justice Samuel Alito and Justice Clarence Thomas with younger judges who could secure a radical right majority at the highest court until my unborn daughter is in her 30s. Without material reform to expand the court, this doesn’t bode well for multiple generations of women, as well as the working class, communities of color, migrant families, transgender people and our imperiled ecosystems. As many in the environmental movement have said this past week, we will resist as we did the first time. Biden has committed to filling the nearly 50 open judicial vacancies before leaving office. This move, if he can accomplish it, will be a vital lifeline to ensuring integrity of the judiciary at district and appeals court levels. As a lawyer who was part of the record onslaught of lawsuits against Trump during his first term, I think it’s important to note that 90 percent of our lawsuits were successful. They acted as a crucial bulwark against Trump’s attacks on our climate, health and safety. But resistance alone, which maintains the status quo, is no longer enough. The election rebuked that notion and the world’s environmental chaos confirms it. Our current system has driven the planet to break 1.5 degrees Celsius of warming this year. The Paris Agreement set this threshold as a dangerous tipping point for the world’s poorest communities, who disproportionately bear the brunt of climate change’s horrific consequences while the wealthiest disproportionately pollute.  We need to only look at the last year to see that when climate chaos tested the country, the current system failed. The cataclysmic Hurricane Helene, record heat waves, and relentless wildfires stole lives, demolished homes, wiped out jobs, and left survivors in profound social, economic, and emotional instability.To survive and thrive during the next four years and beyond, we have to build our political system anew. We need to reimagine how our politics can be genuinely responsive to what people need—not under the hateful rhetoric of the Republicans or the willful ignorance of the Democrats.  Building a responsive political system starts on the ground, driving intersectional solutions to climate chaos that are both community-focused and deeply resourced. The climate movement has to fully break out of its silo and build real political power with youth, labor, working families, migrants, the LGBTQ+ community, and other rights-based groups to grow a broad-based movement that centers justice at every step. Climate activists within the movement have already made important inroads on this intersectional organizing—including last year when hundreds of thousands around the world marched in the first mass mobilization to end fossil fuels—and we have many miles to go.Faced with an intractable federal government, activists can also take their battle to the states, for example fighting the detonation of carbon bombs like the Permian Basin. My colleagues at the Center for Biological Diversity, together with Indigenous, frontline and youth groups, recently filed a landmark case challenging the state of New Mexico for failing to uphold its constitutional duty to control oil and gas pollution and protect the health of its residents. Responding to pressure from local groups, the state also has created health buffers aimed at preventing school children from being poisoned by the oil industry as they sit in their classes.The byzantine world of state public utility commissions is also ground zero for bucking the racist, fossil fuel-dependent electricity system and designing democratic and affordable energy systems that serve the public’s interest. These black-box commissions—long dominated by regulators captured by fossil utilities and drowned in technical jargon to confuse the public—are the frontline of deciding state energy policy.Mass organizing of communities harmed by predatory utility rates, shutoffs and fossil fuel pollution can force these commissions to respond to people, not monopoly utility providers that have stifled alternative distributed energy to protect their profits. State utility commissions can ramp up rooftop and community solar systems and other renewable energy sources that displace polluting fossil fuels, loosen the death grip of corporate utilities, and make electricity affordable, clean and democratic. This isn’t just a fight against the climate emergency—which can feel abstract to some people. It’s a fight against entrenched power that threatens people’s pocketbooks, their health and their livelihoods. While we are all trying to make sense of what happened and why, our next steps are clear. The status quo needs to change, and it’s up to us to organize a new, intersectional mass people’s movement that can create the momentum for and help design the systems that will get us there. It may be that my daughter’s strong kicks are her way of signaling that she’s rearing to go. Fighting for a safe climate means fighting on every front for a chance of something that looks like justice.

LISTEN: Pradnya Garud on the role of unions in climate justice

Pradnya Garud joins the Agents of Change in Environmental Justice podcast to discuss the role of unions in climate and environmental justice.Garud, a current Agents of Change fellow and an environmental health data equity strategist for the Oregon Health Authority in the Data and Epidemiology Unit, also talks about what health data equity looks like on the ground, her immigration story, and how she grappled with some of India’s social and environmental issues in her dissertation research.The Agents of Change in Environmental Justice podcast is a biweekly podcast featuring the stories and big ideas from past and present fellows, as well as others in the field. You can see all of the past episodes here.Listen below to our discussion with Garud and subscribe to the podcast at iTunes or Spotify.Agents of Change in Environmental Justice · Pradnya Garud on the role of unions in climate justiceTranscriptBrian BienkowskiPradnya, how are you doing today?Pradnya Garud I'm okay. How are you?Brian Bienkowski I am doing wonderful. And where are you joining us from today?Pradnya Garud I'm in Eugene, Oregon,Brian Bienkowski and how is it out there today?Pradnya Garud It's, It's sunny. It's nice, actually, yeah, it got really cold last week, but then we got back the sun. So last few days of sun before it gets cold and rainy.Brian Bienkowski Before the gray Pacific Northwest descends on you all. So you are from far from there. You are from Mumbai. So can you tell me about growing up in Mumbai, India?Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah, sure. So, yeah. I was born in Mumbai, and spent most of my adult life in Thane city, which is like just north east of Mumbai. And my maternal, actually grandparents, lived in labor camp in of Mumbai. So those labor camps were built by the British. It was basically like residents for migrant laborers who came from regions around Mumbai to work in railways or textile mills or just fill like, you know, labor needs in in colonial like Mumbai and my that became like my grandparents, like residents, they were like, I think, two generations living in the labor camps. And my mom grew up there. And so by growing up like we visited my grandparents during summer vacations and like festival celebrations. So I was mainly raised in very vibrant working class neighborhoods. There was always like, you know, things going around you religious and wedding processions, like music on loudspeakers playing in different languages, aroma of, like, different Indian cuisines, because, like, it was a migrant community. So they were like people from all across India, mainly like Southern India, yeah. So the environment was like where you always were surrounded by people, and all of your senses were activated. And like then I was like, you know, studying at University of Mumbai, like most of my schooling happened in Thane, but I studied at university level in Mumbai, and my family and my community members were, in general, influenced by the anti-caste movement, which has a long legacy from the from the state that I come from. So like many working class families, like you know, across across board, like and my family also saw education as a way to improve, like, one's living conditions. So my parents put a lot of emphasis on education. They wanted things for me which they couldn't have. So it so given this background, like, you know, and it was, like, very natural for me, like I was very interested in, like, study. So it naturally gravitated towards books and like learning in general, and like pursuing higher education.Brian Bienkowski So for those of us, not first of all, when I've never been India, but whenever I think of it the way you described it, being kind of colorful and hitting a lot of senses is what I think of. I always think of kind of vibrancy and color. And I don't know, it's probably just popular depictions, you know, I don't know. But can you explain for listeners, the caste system in India? I don't know if folks who aren't terribly familiar with that, you know, I don't know a lot about it, but I'd like to hear about that and maybe how it opened your eyes, at an early age, to environmental injustice.Pradnya Garud Yeah, for sure. So caste system is an hierarchical social structure in which people are divided based on their birth.So divided in birth-based caste groups. This grouping usually influences like social and cultural practices, like where one lives, what one eats, and like who one interacts with. One of the main like, important aspect of caste is as a form of social hierarchy. It determines what kind of labor one does. So for example, we have generations of people who are engaged in laboring like caste occupations such as weaving, shepherding, farming, tanning, fishing, amongst many. So because caste has historically determined one's occupation, there is a hierarchy between like laboring and non-laboring caste groups. So to put it simply, the majority of like people from lower caste groups, who largely make up the working class, are engaged in economic production process while as handful of upper caste groups control resources and the means of production. Just just to highlight that point a little bit: so the ownership of land, employment and leadership of private sector and public sectors is usually dominated by few upper caste groups. So in this context, which is very similar to what we see in other countries, working class people and in India, like lower caste groups, are –and especially in the cities– are situated in areas where there are poor living conditions, and they are disproportionately impacted by environmental hazards like floods, extreme heat and harmful industrial waste and pollutants. So I have experienced and witnessed these environmental justice issues in my community while growing up.Brian Bienkowski So what is a moment or event that has helped shaped your identity up to this point?Pradnya Garud So it's like very hard question, actually to think about like a single moment or an event. I like to think that how I understand myself has evolved and is composite of like my life experiences and people I have interacted with. Until my master's degree, I studied sciences, so I was though I was acutely aware of the social and environmental inequalities, I didn't really have an analytical or a systems level understanding of like, you know why certain section of the society, despite working so hard, lives in poverty and breathes bad air quality or don't have access to clean drinking water. So mostly, reading anti-caste literature and engaging with activists and community organizers helped me make sense of the world around me. So this provided, like you know, an education beyond the bounds of university education, and this learning also helped me to see how my lived experiences and background connected with circumstances of other people and communities in South Asia and other parts of the world.Brian Bienkowski So you, you came to the US in 2016 to attend the University of Arizona. So can you, can you talk about this, this immigration experience? What was it like for you, personally and professionally?Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah. So I moved in the US and fall of 2016 for my PhD studies, and I came directly to Tucson, which is like approximately 70 miles from the US-Mexico border. And so I started my first semester in the fall of 2016 and I had to contend with, like, this intense period leading up to the presidential elections, especially like the dehumanizing language related to immigrants. It was a pretty, actually confusing and challenging time to be a young immigrant woman navigating the US academic system and just in general, day to day life. But fortunately, like I, found like community amongst the immigrant rights activist groups in Tucson and had a great support system in form of my PhD advisor. And also, like, University of Arizona is a Hispanic serving institution. So I was introduced to a lot of issues related to the Spanish-speaking communities in the US, and to the social and environmental problems across central and like, you know, South America, which, which I was not like much aware before coming to the US. And academically, I think it really helped me develop to be an interdisciplinary thinking thinker and to make connections to people and communities that were different from me, and I also, like you know, was able to draw insights that sharpened my analysis of cast labor and environment.Brian Bienkowski Do you miss home?Pradnya Garud I do, every day.Brian Bienkowski Do you get back?Pradnya Garud I did, yeah, I just went last year, yeah, last winter, back home. I wanted to spend some time, because during pandemic, it became very difficult. I couldn't go for three years. So.Brian Bienkowski So you are now an environmental health data equity strategist – I love that, I love that term– for the Oregon Health Authority. So broadly speaking, what does an environmental health data equity strategist do?Pradnya Garud Yeah. So I think, like you know, my main role for this position is democratizing environmental public health data, because in public health, like, data is everything that determines, like, policy interventions that determines, like, you know, like, how, like, you know, how communities can protect themselves. So, so I think this is like, it's important, given also that data has always traditionally been available for selected group of experts or people, like with high numerical literacy. So my role is basically, like you know, intended to bridge that divide. It's a huge divide, and like you know, we are working on bridging that divide and making data basically available and accessible in anunderstandable format to the public, and especially to the environmental justice communities. And the main like, the main aim of this position is to reduce structural barriers and to facilitate, like, meaningful participation, to inform environmental and climate and health related interventions.Brian Bienkowski So can you talk, just to backtrack a little bit, I know, in your PhD dissertation project, could you, you know, you tied together issues of caste, labor and environmental justice, and I wondered if you could talk about that a little bit.Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah. So, so, like, I mentioned, like, you know, I studied environmental sciences, and I was, like, very interested in, like, how to think about, like, you know, the social and like, you know, structure of caste in environmental issues. So I specifically was looking at, like, environmental sustainable initiatives in middle class neighborhoods, which are mostly like, you know, upper caste, like gated communities, like high income, like high consuming, like, you know, communities. And so I was looking at, like, you know, the initiatives that they were coming. So what happened, like, you know, in the 1990s this was like liberalization period where, like, Indian economy was open to the like, you know, like free market, lot of U.S. multinational companies were set up. And like, you know, we had this expanding middle class, which was, like, you know, very led, very global lifestyle. And like, you know, we had, like, a lot of development, high-end development to accommodate these people. And like, you know, that was more source of environmental inequalities in urban India. But like, the narrative was like, you know, very anti poor, that poor people were considered as, like, you know, responsible for environmental pollution. For the classic example that comes to my mind is plastic pollution. Like, you know, poor people were seen as, like, using more plastic and like, you know, like, as compared to, like, you know, these, like, environmentally conscious communities. So I was looking at like, you know, waste management practices, like, you know, initiatives which were coming up in these high-end neighborhoods, and what, like my research showed, is that these based-management or sustainability kind of practices were entirely dependent oncaste labor. Like exploitative caste labor, they reproduce this caste hierarchies like you know, through these, through though they were, like, branded as progressive, like, environmentally progressive, but socially they were actually, like, you know, reproducing the same, like, you know, very exploitative dynamics. So my research kind of, like, yeah, demonstrated that. And like, you know, brought back, like, you know. And also, like, I think in environmental scholarship in India, caste was never... the question of caste was never taken up, like, you know, in a serious way, in a theoretical way. So I tried to bring that forward that we cannot understand environmental issues and solutions unless you really, like, take the caste question head on. So. So, yeah. So that was, like, my project. And like, I did, like, ethnographic work, and, like, you know, participatory work with the with the middle class, like, you know, communities. And like, yeah. So, yeah, that's that was basically, like, my PhD. It was more of like, you know, I like to think it more like, you know, exploration for myself, because I was so curious, like, you know, I was like, like, carrying all these experiences with me, and I just wanted to, like, you know, be able to understand it for myself.Brian Bienkowski So your current position there in Oregon is represented by the service employees, International Union, SEIU. I think most people have heard of that, and you are part of their local 503 climate justice committee. So I was wondering if you could first, kind of talk broadly about the role you see unions playing in climate and environmental justice, and then about your specific role on this committee.Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah, for sure. Like, this might sound a little bit basic, but I would like, you know, like to explain like, the origin of like labor unions as an institution which is rooted in like industrial development, right? Like, when industries and factories were getting set up for large scale manufacturing, it produced profits for the owners, and like, you know, the workers were generating those profits. But like facing long working hours, low pay, unsafe working condition, like harmful exposure, like, for example, in the case of, like, you know, mining workers, or any other industrial type of like, you know, work. and so collectively, like workers come together, came together to form unions to advocate for themselves, and also like to create a kind of balance, right? like and like labor unions like are often like, thought of as an institutions that advances bread and butter issues. But if we look at look historically like labor unions took up issues that are related to environmental justice long before emergence of mainstream environmental movement. Because, like you know, how hazards, like affected workers and their communities, for example, like fight for clean air, clean water, like you know, industrial cleanup were taken up with taken up by unions like United Steelworkers, United Auto Workers. Also unions played an important role in improving social determinants of health, such as access to affordable health care, improved public housing. Now, like you know, there is literature which establishes very clearly that social determinants of health directly are related to environmental health. Like, you know, of communities. So actually, like, you know, like, I like to think of unions as very effective in advancing public health and environmental justice. So the SEIU, SEIU, which is service employee International Union, Shout out to my local, SEIU 503, We represent like, you know, SEIU overall, represents 2 million workers, mostly in healthcare, public service and Property Services in the US and Canada. And it's centering lot of, like, environmental and climate justice issues, like many other unions because, like, you know, the membership shapes the priority of the Union. And I, like, you know, I think because SEIU membership is so largely, like, you know, represents the healthcare workers who are the frontline responders, right for the climate, like, climate-related health impacts, they're seeing it very closely. Like, for example, like increase of emergency visits during heat events, or like, you know, floods or like tornadoes. So they are, like, very acutely aware. So I think that's why, like, you know, like, I think SEIU has, like, kind of been a leader in environmental justice and, like, climate justice work. And SEIU 503, is local. Like, you know, the climate justice committee, my role, I think, like, you know, I'm relatively new. I have been part of the Union for past two years, but I have been very actively engaged in, like, doing educational workshops, because, like, you know, because of my background as an educator, I think that suits my skill set, also providing a lot of policy inputs and building collaboration with other unions on climate justice issues. Just to give you an example, last month, we had a CIU 503 general council meeting, and we passed a resolution. We passed, actually multiple resolutions on climate related issues, but one specific resolution that I had authored was related to public housing for climate justice, given that, like, you know, both housing crisis and climate crisis are escalating, and there is such a need for climate resilient public housing, so it actually overwhelmingly passed. So that kind of indicates, the commitment of SEIU for climate justice workBrian Bienkowski So labor unions and enviro groups, you know, the NRDCsand Green Peace's of the world, they've often kind of been portrayed, you know, accurately or not, as being at odds with one another. And I actually remember talking to you about this when we were in person over dinner one night, and it was I was so nice to hear about your thoughts. I come from a union family from Detroit, and I've always seen them as they should be working together these groups. But of course, that isn't always the case. So understanding there's all this diversity amongst environmental groups and labor unions, can you talk a little bit more about this kind of alleged butting of heads? And maybe some places you see such groups could work together more?Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah, I remember you sharing about your family's union involvement. That was so nice to hear. So just like again, like, you know, thinking through little bit of history, like, so unions, like, you know, the examples that I gave, were very strong during industrial period, right, like, you know, until the 60s, we really see, like, like, you know, relatively high union density. And because, like, the US industrial, industrial sector was so strong, there was a lot of manufacturing in the US and and also, like, you know, World War Two, like you know, like it, it was so important manufacturing for a manufacturing sector in the US. But like, since the 70s onwards, when there were like implementation of de-industrialization policies, you see like decline of unions, because the industrial jobs were getting shipped elsewhere. And like, you know, you see decline of like unions and union power, especially like, you know, in the Midwest region, like, you know, The Industrial Belt of the US. And we really see like, you know, like decline and like, you know, lot of the neoliberal policies, right that were implemented. And so unions were in very defensive positions, because they had to, like, they were like, you know, they were in decline, and they had to protect, like, you know, whatever jobs were left. Like, good, good, good paying jobs were left, right? This was like, little bit of the historical context that we are like that to situate, like, you know, the union world. And also, when this is happening, also there is dwindling of social safety nets, right? And like now, at the present context, we see that there is like, such high cost of education, there is, like, no real alternative for working class people to have a better life. So holding on to jobs like even, like you know, for example, like the extractive industry unions are seen as environmentally conservative. Again, like, you know, there's a lot of diversity, but this is an overall perception, right? that they're pro-fracking and like, you know, like, because those generate jobs. But like, but then we have to, like, really situate that, that when this is happening, there is, like, really no other alternative for people other than holding to Union protected jobs to live a dignified life, right? And like, in the case of the environmental and climate groups, so unlike you know, many scholars have pointed that out that there is a lack of awareness of working class realities, and like, vacuum of working class leadership across race and gender in climate advocacy groups. Again, I'm not generalizing, but that this is the scholarly work that we have seen. Like, you know, why there is this tension. So, having said that, like, you know, it really, like, it doesn't, there is like truth to this, but it really doesn't represent the full picture. Because again, we see like, you know, when, when, like, the interest of like labor and like, you know, like labor rights, health and environment, when we are bringing that together. For example, the blue,-green coalitions, they create a unique identity, collective identity, and they have been able to, like, you know, combine forces and like, really,come forward to bring like, social and environmental changes.Brian Bienkowski Excellent. And I would implore listeners to check out both Pradnya and Moksha, another fellow's essay looking at the just transition and the interplay between unions and environmental groups, and we will put links to both of those in the show notes. So Pradnya, I have to ask you, you know, everybody that works in the environmental field, there's a certain amount of crises that we deal with and write about and think about and collect data on, and I'm wondering, what you do to maintain your your mental health and sanity? How do you take care of yourself?Pradnya Garud How do I take care? that's always such a hard question again, you know, I'm trying to, I'm not good at like, you know, but I'm really trying post PhD. I'm really trying to, like, take care of myself. And I think one of the fun things that I do is like, playing taiko, which is the Japanese drumming, which is a very great way to, like, you know, I that has really helped me, like, just being very physically active. And, like, living in Oregon, I think, like, nature walks. I think that has another been, like, yeah, a way of, like, self careBrian Bienkowski what is the first, what is the first one? tell me about this drumming?Pradnya Garud Oh, so Taiko. Taiko are the, like, you know, have you ever seen those are the big drums? Like, you know, it's a Japanese like, you know, drumming. It's like, it's like, visual art of, like, you know, drumming. So taiko is a big thing in North America because of, like, you know, Japanese immigrants and, like, Japanese women specifically, like, you know, took taiko to, like, you know, like, a great level. I would say, like, you know, public performances wise. So I am, like, part of the Eugene taiko group, and we do like, performances for the local community.Brian Bienkowski So how did you pick that up?Pradnya Garud It's just so funny, you know. So after I finished my PhD two years back, I was like, literally, like, and like, you know, also being from isolation and the pandemic, I wanted to, like, get out and like, you know, like, you know, also be connected to people and, like, be live, physically active. And somehow, like, you know, this workshop, they have this yearly workshops, and I had, like, you know, I thought, Oh, why not I just try out. And I tried the workshop, and like, you know, I was selected to be part of the team, yeah. So it has been, like, it's been two years. ActuallyBrian Bienkowski Good For You. You know, there's, there's something about being an adult and trying something that you don't know, that you don't know how to do. We don't do that enough as adults. As kids, we do it all the time. We get sent to camp and class, and we, you know, and we fail, and then we learn. But as adults, it's like we stick to what we know. So that's very cool to pick up something new like that. It's awesome. GoodPradnya Garud And I think I have always been like, you know, my family describes me as a bookworm, so I also wanted to get outBrian Bienkowski LOOK AT ME drumming! There's no books, no books involved. That is very cool. So what are you what are you optimistic about when it comes to kind of environmental, health, justice?Pradnya Garud Yeah, I like, you know, I think I'm really optimistic seeing the current labor organizing that is happening across the US since the pandemic. And, like, especially the United Auto Workers, like, you know, the big contract they won, like, the negotiation with the Big Three automakers, and a successful like strike last year, and this year, they negotiated the inclusion of like electrical battery production in the contract. So, like, you know, I'm really optimistic about labor unions. Like, you know, really head on taking this issue of like transition, like energy transition and labor organizing in environmental nonprofits. Because, again, like, you know, I had, like I had indicated earlier that, like, you know, we see there's a vacuum of working class leadership, um, amongst environmental and climate nonprofits. So this is a very positive development in my perspective, because this union organizing among workers and like environmental nonprofit groups also brings possibilities for labor movement to serve as an avenue to bring together those advocating for environmental causes. And, like, you know, within the extractive industries as workers. So, yeah, I think that there is a great potential and a real, like, you know, potential for change. Yeah, through the through these collaborations, I'm very excited to be living in this moment and being part and like witnessing this unfold.Brian Bienkowski So before we get you out of here and hear about the last book you read, I have three rapid fire questions you can just answer with a word or a phrase, a habit I picked up from my parents or other family members, isPradnya Garud okay. I. I think I will go with, like, you know, I don't, it's not a habit. But, like, I think I picked up painting from my mom, cool, yeah.Brian Bienkowski Do you do watercolors?Pradnya Garud I do, yeah, yeah, watercolors, yeah.Brian Bienkowski I started doing that. We have long, cold, dark winters here. And I started, I play music a lot, but I needed something else, and I started painting, and I'm not good, and I love treating it as something that I'm not good at, and just something that's fun. It is super relaxing. Yeah,Pradnya Garud it is. It is, yeah, my, my mom mostly didn't like do it for relaxing. I think she did it to help me with my homework. Ah. Painting,Brian Bienkowski whatever works!Pradnya Garud But I think I have to thank her for like, you know, getting me into painting. Oh, that'sBrian Bienkowski very cool. Something that brings me joy every day is,Pradnya Garud yeah, when I read this question, the the immediate first thing came to my mind was, like, a good cup of tea. Yes, I'm Indian. So, like, we drink a lot of tea.Brian Bienkowski Is there a certain type of tea, a certain type you like,Pradnya Garud yeah. So every morning it has to be like, you know, the Indian Chai, like, yeah. But like, with ginger, cardamom and, like, you know, the milk tea.Brian Bienkowski yes, excellent. We, I drink a lot of coffee, like, like most Americans, but we, uh, we do drink a lot of tea in the winter, and anything with ginger or turmeric in it are just, I just love, I just love ginger. That spiciness is so good.Pradnya Garud Same.Brian Bienkowski If I could have dinner with one person, it would be, yeahSo I think it would be like the anti-caste intellectual and architect of Indian constitution, Dr Ambedkar. he has been like inspiration for me throughout my life, and like, you know, for millions of lower caste communities in India. So I would love, I would be like, terrified, andBrian Bienkowski that's the point, right? You know, you have dinner with somebody who you're just in awe of,Pradnya Garud I will not eat at all,Brian Bienkowski drinking water, spilling it, for sure. And what is the last book that you read for fun?Pradnya Garud Yeah. So it was a year ago, actually, because most of the books that I have read this whole year has been like academic books. But this book I had read like, you know, for pure joy, and that was Braiding Sweetgrass by Robin Wall Kimmerer. I really enjoyed that book, and especially, like, living in Pacific Northwest now, because she is, like, you know, at Oregon State University. And like, yeah, I could really see the moss. And yeah, everything that she talks about,Brian Bienkowski why do I feel like was part of the book set in upstate New York, wasn't part of it?Pradnya Garud Yes, yeah, that's where she grew up. Yes, okay, yeah,Brian Bienkowski I read that as well, and I found it so beautiful, and it has such nice little simple life lessons and interacting with nature and respecting it. And I love that book, so I'm really glad you recommended it. AndPradnya Garud Pointing book.Brian Bienkowski is, and she has a lot of you know, she's pretty prolific. She writes a lot of essays, so if people haven't checked her out, whether it's the book or any of her writing, I would definitely encourage you to do so, she is a fantastic writer. I didn't know she was in Oregon. Now that's that's very cool. Well, Pradya, this has been delightful. I'm so glad to have you in the program, and I've learned a lot from you. And thank you so much for doing this today.Pradnya Garud Thank you for having me. I really enjoyed it.

Pradnya Garud joins the Agents of Change in Environmental Justice podcast to discuss the role of unions in climate and environmental justice.Garud, a current Agents of Change fellow and an environmental health data equity strategist for the Oregon Health Authority in the Data and Epidemiology Unit, also talks about what health data equity looks like on the ground, her immigration story, and how she grappled with some of India’s social and environmental issues in her dissertation research.The Agents of Change in Environmental Justice podcast is a biweekly podcast featuring the stories and big ideas from past and present fellows, as well as others in the field. You can see all of the past episodes here.Listen below to our discussion with Garud and subscribe to the podcast at iTunes or Spotify.Agents of Change in Environmental Justice · Pradnya Garud on the role of unions in climate justiceTranscriptBrian BienkowskiPradnya, how are you doing today?Pradnya Garud I'm okay. How are you?Brian Bienkowski I am doing wonderful. And where are you joining us from today?Pradnya Garud I'm in Eugene, Oregon,Brian Bienkowski and how is it out there today?Pradnya Garud It's, It's sunny. It's nice, actually, yeah, it got really cold last week, but then we got back the sun. So last few days of sun before it gets cold and rainy.Brian Bienkowski Before the gray Pacific Northwest descends on you all. So you are from far from there. You are from Mumbai. So can you tell me about growing up in Mumbai, India?Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah, sure. So, yeah. I was born in Mumbai, and spent most of my adult life in Thane city, which is like just north east of Mumbai. And my maternal, actually grandparents, lived in labor camp in of Mumbai. So those labor camps were built by the British. It was basically like residents for migrant laborers who came from regions around Mumbai to work in railways or textile mills or just fill like, you know, labor needs in in colonial like Mumbai and my that became like my grandparents, like residents, they were like, I think, two generations living in the labor camps. And my mom grew up there. And so by growing up like we visited my grandparents during summer vacations and like festival celebrations. So I was mainly raised in very vibrant working class neighborhoods. There was always like, you know, things going around you religious and wedding processions, like music on loudspeakers playing in different languages, aroma of, like, different Indian cuisines, because, like, it was a migrant community. So they were like people from all across India, mainly like Southern India, yeah. So the environment was like where you always were surrounded by people, and all of your senses were activated. And like then I was like, you know, studying at University of Mumbai, like most of my schooling happened in Thane, but I studied at university level in Mumbai, and my family and my community members were, in general, influenced by the anti-caste movement, which has a long legacy from the from the state that I come from. So like many working class families, like you know, across across board, like and my family also saw education as a way to improve, like, one's living conditions. So my parents put a lot of emphasis on education. They wanted things for me which they couldn't have. So it so given this background, like, you know, and it was, like, very natural for me, like I was very interested in, like, study. So it naturally gravitated towards books and like learning in general, and like pursuing higher education.Brian Bienkowski So for those of us, not first of all, when I've never been India, but whenever I think of it the way you described it, being kind of colorful and hitting a lot of senses is what I think of. I always think of kind of vibrancy and color. And I don't know, it's probably just popular depictions, you know, I don't know. But can you explain for listeners, the caste system in India? I don't know if folks who aren't terribly familiar with that, you know, I don't know a lot about it, but I'd like to hear about that and maybe how it opened your eyes, at an early age, to environmental injustice.Pradnya Garud Yeah, for sure. So caste system is an hierarchical social structure in which people are divided based on their birth.So divided in birth-based caste groups. This grouping usually influences like social and cultural practices, like where one lives, what one eats, and like who one interacts with. One of the main like, important aspect of caste is as a form of social hierarchy. It determines what kind of labor one does. So for example, we have generations of people who are engaged in laboring like caste occupations such as weaving, shepherding, farming, tanning, fishing, amongst many. So because caste has historically determined one's occupation, there is a hierarchy between like laboring and non-laboring caste groups. So to put it simply, the majority of like people from lower caste groups, who largely make up the working class, are engaged in economic production process while as handful of upper caste groups control resources and the means of production. Just just to highlight that point a little bit: so the ownership of land, employment and leadership of private sector and public sectors is usually dominated by few upper caste groups. So in this context, which is very similar to what we see in other countries, working class people and in India, like lower caste groups, are –and especially in the cities– are situated in areas where there are poor living conditions, and they are disproportionately impacted by environmental hazards like floods, extreme heat and harmful industrial waste and pollutants. So I have experienced and witnessed these environmental justice issues in my community while growing up.Brian Bienkowski So what is a moment or event that has helped shaped your identity up to this point?Pradnya Garud So it's like very hard question, actually to think about like a single moment or an event. I like to think that how I understand myself has evolved and is composite of like my life experiences and people I have interacted with. Until my master's degree, I studied sciences, so I was though I was acutely aware of the social and environmental inequalities, I didn't really have an analytical or a systems level understanding of like, you know why certain section of the society, despite working so hard, lives in poverty and breathes bad air quality or don't have access to clean drinking water. So mostly, reading anti-caste literature and engaging with activists and community organizers helped me make sense of the world around me. So this provided, like you know, an education beyond the bounds of university education, and this learning also helped me to see how my lived experiences and background connected with circumstances of other people and communities in South Asia and other parts of the world.Brian Bienkowski So you, you came to the US in 2016 to attend the University of Arizona. So can you, can you talk about this, this immigration experience? What was it like for you, personally and professionally?Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah. So I moved in the US and fall of 2016 for my PhD studies, and I came directly to Tucson, which is like approximately 70 miles from the US-Mexico border. And so I started my first semester in the fall of 2016 and I had to contend with, like, this intense period leading up to the presidential elections, especially like the dehumanizing language related to immigrants. It was a pretty, actually confusing and challenging time to be a young immigrant woman navigating the US academic system and just in general, day to day life. But fortunately, like I, found like community amongst the immigrant rights activist groups in Tucson and had a great support system in form of my PhD advisor. And also, like, University of Arizona is a Hispanic serving institution. So I was introduced to a lot of issues related to the Spanish-speaking communities in the US, and to the social and environmental problems across central and like, you know, South America, which, which I was not like much aware before coming to the US. And academically, I think it really helped me develop to be an interdisciplinary thinking thinker and to make connections to people and communities that were different from me, and I also, like you know, was able to draw insights that sharpened my analysis of cast labor and environment.Brian Bienkowski Do you miss home?Pradnya Garud I do, every day.Brian Bienkowski Do you get back?Pradnya Garud I did, yeah, I just went last year, yeah, last winter, back home. I wanted to spend some time, because during pandemic, it became very difficult. I couldn't go for three years. So.Brian Bienkowski So you are now an environmental health data equity strategist – I love that, I love that term– for the Oregon Health Authority. So broadly speaking, what does an environmental health data equity strategist do?Pradnya Garud Yeah. So I think, like you know, my main role for this position is democratizing environmental public health data, because in public health, like, data is everything that determines, like, policy interventions that determines, like, you know, like, how, like, you know, how communities can protect themselves. So, so I think this is like, it's important, given also that data has always traditionally been available for selected group of experts or people, like with high numerical literacy. So my role is basically, like you know, intended to bridge that divide. It's a huge divide, and like you know, we are working on bridging that divide and making data basically available and accessible in anunderstandable format to the public, and especially to the environmental justice communities. And the main like, the main aim of this position is to reduce structural barriers and to facilitate, like, meaningful participation, to inform environmental and climate and health related interventions.Brian Bienkowski So can you talk, just to backtrack a little bit, I know, in your PhD dissertation project, could you, you know, you tied together issues of caste, labor and environmental justice, and I wondered if you could talk about that a little bit.Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah. So, so, like, I mentioned, like, you know, I studied environmental sciences, and I was, like, very interested in, like, how to think about, like, you know, the social and like, you know, structure of caste in environmental issues. So I specifically was looking at, like, environmental sustainable initiatives in middle class neighborhoods, which are mostly like, you know, upper caste, like gated communities, like high income, like high consuming, like, you know, communities. And so I was looking at, like, you know, the initiatives that they were coming. So what happened, like, you know, in the 1990s this was like liberalization period where, like, Indian economy was open to the like, you know, like free market, lot of U.S. multinational companies were set up. And like, you know, we had this expanding middle class, which was, like, you know, very led, very global lifestyle. And like, you know, we had, like, a lot of development, high-end development to accommodate these people. And like, you know, that was more source of environmental inequalities in urban India. But like, the narrative was like, you know, very anti poor, that poor people were considered as, like, you know, responsible for environmental pollution. For the classic example that comes to my mind is plastic pollution. Like, you know, poor people were seen as, like, using more plastic and like, you know, like, as compared to, like, you know, these, like, environmentally conscious communities. So I was looking at like, you know, waste management practices, like, you know, initiatives which were coming up in these high-end neighborhoods, and what, like my research showed, is that these based-management or sustainability kind of practices were entirely dependent oncaste labor. Like exploitative caste labor, they reproduce this caste hierarchies like you know, through these, through though they were, like, branded as progressive, like, environmentally progressive, but socially they were actually, like, you know, reproducing the same, like, you know, very exploitative dynamics. So my research kind of, like, yeah, demonstrated that. And like, you know, brought back, like, you know. And also, like, I think in environmental scholarship in India, caste was never... the question of caste was never taken up, like, you know, in a serious way, in a theoretical way. So I tried to bring that forward that we cannot understand environmental issues and solutions unless you really, like, take the caste question head on. So. So, yeah. So that was, like, my project. And like, I did, like, ethnographic work, and, like, you know, participatory work with the with the middle class, like, you know, communities. And like, yeah. So, yeah, that's that was basically, like, my PhD. It was more of like, you know, I like to think it more like, you know, exploration for myself, because I was so curious, like, you know, I was like, like, carrying all these experiences with me, and I just wanted to, like, you know, be able to understand it for myself.Brian Bienkowski So your current position there in Oregon is represented by the service employees, International Union, SEIU. I think most people have heard of that, and you are part of their local 503 climate justice committee. So I was wondering if you could first, kind of talk broadly about the role you see unions playing in climate and environmental justice, and then about your specific role on this committee.Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah, for sure. Like, this might sound a little bit basic, but I would like, you know, like to explain like, the origin of like labor unions as an institution which is rooted in like industrial development, right? Like, when industries and factories were getting set up for large scale manufacturing, it produced profits for the owners, and like, you know, the workers were generating those profits. But like facing long working hours, low pay, unsafe working condition, like harmful exposure, like, for example, in the case of, like, you know, mining workers, or any other industrial type of like, you know, work. and so collectively, like workers come together, came together to form unions to advocate for themselves, and also like to create a kind of balance, right? like and like labor unions like are often like, thought of as an institutions that advances bread and butter issues. But if we look at look historically like labor unions took up issues that are related to environmental justice long before emergence of mainstream environmental movement. Because, like you know, how hazards, like affected workers and their communities, for example, like fight for clean air, clean water, like you know, industrial cleanup were taken up with taken up by unions like United Steelworkers, United Auto Workers. Also unions played an important role in improving social determinants of health, such as access to affordable health care, improved public housing. Now, like you know, there is literature which establishes very clearly that social determinants of health directly are related to environmental health. Like, you know, of communities. So actually, like, you know, like, I like to think of unions as very effective in advancing public health and environmental justice. So the SEIU, SEIU, which is service employee International Union, Shout out to my local, SEIU 503, We represent like, you know, SEIU overall, represents 2 million workers, mostly in healthcare, public service and Property Services in the US and Canada. And it's centering lot of, like, environmental and climate justice issues, like many other unions because, like, you know, the membership shapes the priority of the Union. And I, like, you know, I think because SEIU membership is so largely, like, you know, represents the healthcare workers who are the frontline responders, right for the climate, like, climate-related health impacts, they're seeing it very closely. Like, for example, like increase of emergency visits during heat events, or like, you know, floods or like tornadoes. So they are, like, very acutely aware. So I think that's why, like, you know, like, I think SEIU has, like, kind of been a leader in environmental justice and, like, climate justice work. And SEIU 503, is local. Like, you know, the climate justice committee, my role, I think, like, you know, I'm relatively new. I have been part of the Union for past two years, but I have been very actively engaged in, like, doing educational workshops, because, like, you know, because of my background as an educator, I think that suits my skill set, also providing a lot of policy inputs and building collaboration with other unions on climate justice issues. Just to give you an example, last month, we had a CIU 503 general council meeting, and we passed a resolution. We passed, actually multiple resolutions on climate related issues, but one specific resolution that I had authored was related to public housing for climate justice, given that, like, you know, both housing crisis and climate crisis are escalating, and there is such a need for climate resilient public housing, so it actually overwhelmingly passed. So that kind of indicates, the commitment of SEIU for climate justice workBrian Bienkowski So labor unions and enviro groups, you know, the NRDCsand Green Peace's of the world, they've often kind of been portrayed, you know, accurately or not, as being at odds with one another. And I actually remember talking to you about this when we were in person over dinner one night, and it was I was so nice to hear about your thoughts. I come from a union family from Detroit, and I've always seen them as they should be working together these groups. But of course, that isn't always the case. So understanding there's all this diversity amongst environmental groups and labor unions, can you talk a little bit more about this kind of alleged butting of heads? And maybe some places you see such groups could work together more?Pradnya Garud Yeah, yeah, I remember you sharing about your family's union involvement. That was so nice to hear. So just like again, like, you know, thinking through little bit of history, like, so unions, like, you know, the examples that I gave, were very strong during industrial period, right, like, you know, until the 60s, we really see, like, like, you know, relatively high union density. And because, like, the US industrial, industrial sector was so strong, there was a lot of manufacturing in the US and and also, like, you know, World War Two, like you know, like it, it was so important manufacturing for a manufacturing sector in the US. But like, since the 70s onwards, when there were like implementation of de-industrialization policies, you see like decline of unions, because the industrial jobs were getting shipped elsewhere. And like, you know, you see decline of like unions and union power, especially like, you know, in the Midwest region, like, you know, The Industrial Belt of the US. And we really see like, you know, like decline and like, you know, lot of the neoliberal policies, right that were implemented. And so unions were in very defensive positions, because they had to, like, they were like, you know, they were in decline, and they had to protect, like, you know, whatever jobs were left. Like, good, good, good paying jobs were left, right? This was like, little bit of the historical context that we are like that to situate, like, you know, the union world. And also, when this is happening, also there is dwindling of social safety nets, right? And like now, at the present context, we see that there is like, such high cost of education, there is, like, no real alternative for working class people to have a better life. So holding on to jobs like even, like you know, for example, like the extractive industry unions are seen as environmentally conservative. Again, like, you know, there's a lot of diversity, but this is an overall perception, right? that they're pro-fracking and like, you know, like, because those generate jobs. But like, but then we have to, like, really situate that, that when this is happening, there is, like, really no other alternative for people other than holding to Union protected jobs to live a dignified life, right? And like, in the case of the environmental and climate groups, so unlike you know, many scholars have pointed that out that there is a lack of awareness of working class realities, and like, vacuum of working class leadership across race and gender in climate advocacy groups. Again, I'm not generalizing, but that this is the scholarly work that we have seen. Like, you know, why there is this tension. So, having said that, like, you know, it really, like, it doesn't, there is like truth to this, but it really doesn't represent the full picture. Because again, we see like, you know, when, when, like, the interest of like labor and like, you know, like labor rights, health and environment, when we are bringing that together. For example, the blue,-green coalitions, they create a unique identity, collective identity, and they have been able to, like, you know, combine forces and like, really,come forward to bring like, social and environmental changes.Brian Bienkowski Excellent. And I would implore listeners to check out both Pradnya and Moksha, another fellow's essay looking at the just transition and the interplay between unions and environmental groups, and we will put links to both of those in the show notes. So Pradnya, I have to ask you, you know, everybody that works in the environmental field, there's a certain amount of crises that we deal with and write about and think about and collect data on, and I'm wondering, what you do to maintain your your mental health and sanity? How do you take care of yourself?Pradnya Garud How do I take care? that's always such a hard question again, you know, I'm trying to, I'm not good at like, you know, but I'm really trying post PhD. I'm really trying to, like, take care of myself. And I think one of the fun things that I do is like, playing taiko, which is the Japanese drumming, which is a very great way to, like, you know, I that has really helped me, like, just being very physically active. And, like, living in Oregon, I think, like, nature walks. I think that has another been, like, yeah, a way of, like, self careBrian Bienkowski what is the first, what is the first one? tell me about this drumming?Pradnya Garud Oh, so Taiko. Taiko are the, like, you know, have you ever seen those are the big drums? Like, you know, it's a Japanese like, you know, drumming. It's like, it's like, visual art of, like, you know, drumming. So taiko is a big thing in North America because of, like, you know, Japanese immigrants and, like, Japanese women specifically, like, you know, took taiko to, like, you know, like, a great level. I would say, like, you know, public performances wise. So I am, like, part of the Eugene taiko group, and we do like, performances for the local community.Brian Bienkowski So how did you pick that up?Pradnya Garud It's just so funny, you know. So after I finished my PhD two years back, I was like, literally, like, and like, you know, also being from isolation and the pandemic, I wanted to, like, get out and like, you know, like, you know, also be connected to people and, like, be live, physically active. And somehow, like, you know, this workshop, they have this yearly workshops, and I had, like, you know, I thought, Oh, why not I just try out. And I tried the workshop, and like, you know, I was selected to be part of the team, yeah. So it has been, like, it's been two years. ActuallyBrian Bienkowski Good For You. You know, there's, there's something about being an adult and trying something that you don't know, that you don't know how to do. We don't do that enough as adults. As kids, we do it all the time. We get sent to camp and class, and we, you know, and we fail, and then we learn. But as adults, it's like we stick to what we know. So that's very cool to pick up something new like that. It's awesome. GoodPradnya Garud And I think I have always been like, you know, my family describes me as a bookworm, so I also wanted to get outBrian Bienkowski LOOK AT ME drumming! There's no books, no books involved. That is very cool. So what are you what are you optimistic about when it comes to kind of environmental, health, justice?Pradnya Garud Yeah, I like, you know, I think I'm really optimistic seeing the current labor organizing that is happening across the US since the pandemic. And, like, especially the United Auto Workers, like, you know, the big contract they won, like, the negotiation with the Big Three automakers, and a successful like strike last year, and this year, they negotiated the inclusion of like electrical battery production in the contract. So, like, you know, I'm really optimistic about labor unions. Like, you know, really head on taking this issue of like transition, like energy transition and labor organizing in environmental nonprofits. Because, again, like, you know, I had, like I had indicated earlier that, like, you know, we see there's a vacuum of working class leadership, um, amongst environmental and climate nonprofits. So this is a very positive development in my perspective, because this union organizing among workers and like environmental nonprofit groups also brings possibilities for labor movement to serve as an avenue to bring together those advocating for environmental causes. And, like, you know, within the extractive industries as workers. So, yeah, I think that there is a great potential and a real, like, you know, potential for change. Yeah, through the through these collaborations, I'm very excited to be living in this moment and being part and like witnessing this unfold.Brian Bienkowski So before we get you out of here and hear about the last book you read, I have three rapid fire questions you can just answer with a word or a phrase, a habit I picked up from my parents or other family members, isPradnya Garud okay. I. I think I will go with, like, you know, I don't, it's not a habit. But, like, I think I picked up painting from my mom, cool, yeah.Brian Bienkowski Do you do watercolors?Pradnya Garud I do, yeah, yeah, watercolors, yeah.Brian Bienkowski I started doing that. We have long, cold, dark winters here. And I started, I play music a lot, but I needed something else, and I started painting, and I'm not good, and I love treating it as something that I'm not good at, and just something that's fun. It is super relaxing. Yeah,Pradnya Garud it is. It is, yeah, my, my mom mostly didn't like do it for relaxing. I think she did it to help me with my homework. Ah. Painting,Brian Bienkowski whatever works!Pradnya Garud But I think I have to thank her for like, you know, getting me into painting. Oh, that'sBrian Bienkowski very cool. Something that brings me joy every day is,Pradnya Garud yeah, when I read this question, the the immediate first thing came to my mind was, like, a good cup of tea. Yes, I'm Indian. So, like, we drink a lot of tea.Brian Bienkowski Is there a certain type of tea, a certain type you like,Pradnya Garud yeah. So every morning it has to be like, you know, the Indian Chai, like, yeah. But like, with ginger, cardamom and, like, you know, the milk tea.Brian Bienkowski yes, excellent. We, I drink a lot of coffee, like, like most Americans, but we, uh, we do drink a lot of tea in the winter, and anything with ginger or turmeric in it are just, I just love, I just love ginger. That spiciness is so good.Pradnya Garud Same.Brian Bienkowski If I could have dinner with one person, it would be, yeahSo I think it would be like the anti-caste intellectual and architect of Indian constitution, Dr Ambedkar. he has been like inspiration for me throughout my life, and like, you know, for millions of lower caste communities in India. So I would love, I would be like, terrified, andBrian Bienkowski that's the point, right? You know, you have dinner with somebody who you're just in awe of,Pradnya Garud I will not eat at all,Brian Bienkowski drinking water, spilling it, for sure. And what is the last book that you read for fun?Pradnya Garud Yeah. So it was a year ago, actually, because most of the books that I have read this whole year has been like academic books. But this book I had read like, you know, for pure joy, and that was Braiding Sweetgrass by Robin Wall Kimmerer. I really enjoyed that book, and especially, like, living in Pacific Northwest now, because she is, like, you know, at Oregon State University. And like, yeah, I could really see the moss. And yeah, everything that she talks about,Brian Bienkowski why do I feel like was part of the book set in upstate New York, wasn't part of it?Pradnya Garud Yes, yeah, that's where she grew up. Yes, okay, yeah,Brian Bienkowski I read that as well, and I found it so beautiful, and it has such nice little simple life lessons and interacting with nature and respecting it. And I love that book, so I'm really glad you recommended it. AndPradnya Garud Pointing book.Brian Bienkowski is, and she has a lot of you know, she's pretty prolific. She writes a lot of essays, so if people haven't checked her out, whether it's the book or any of her writing, I would definitely encourage you to do so, she is a fantastic writer. I didn't know she was in Oregon. Now that's that's very cool. Well, Pradya, this has been delightful. I'm so glad to have you in the program, and I've learned a lot from you. And thank you so much for doing this today.Pradnya Garud Thank you for having me. I really enjoyed it.

EPA implements climate law’s methane fee for oil and gas companies

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) on Tuesday issued a final rule that implements a charge for oil and gas companies that release too much of the planet-warming gas methane. The fee was passed as part of 2022’s Inflation Reduction Act, Democrats' climate, tax and healthcare bill.  Methane is a planet-warming pollutant that is about 28...

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) on Tuesday issued a final rule that implements a charge for oil and gas companies that release too much of the planet-warming gas methane. The fee was passed as part of 2022’s Inflation Reduction Act, Democrats' climate, tax and healthcare bill.  Methane is a planet-warming pollutant that is about 28 times as powerful as carbon dioxide. Oil and gas production is one major source of methane emissions because methane — which is the main component of natural gas — is sometimes released or burned during that process.  Under the 2022 law, companies that emit methane at levels equivalent to 25,000 metric tons of carbon dioxide each year have to pay for their excess emissions. That fee is $900 per metric ton this year, $1,200 for emissions next year and $1,500 for emissions the following year. Much of this is set out in the law, and the EPA’s rule details how the charge will be implemented.  The EPA estimates that the program will prevent a total of 1.2 million metric tons of methane from entering the atmosphere, with climate gains equivalent to taking nearly 8 million gas-powered cars off the road for a year It estimates that it will cost the industry $2.2 billion to comply.  This program could be scrapped by Congress in the months ahead. It was part of a law that passed by a process called budget reconciliation, which allows certain legislation to evade the filibuster — only requiring 50 votes in the Senate. It passed the House and Senate without a single Republican vote. Now that the GOP has secured a trifecta, Republicans could pursue their own reconciliation bill that eliminates the program.  Facilities in compliance with the recently finalized Clean Air Act standards for oil and gas operations would be exempt from the charge after certain criteria set by Congress are met.

For Nearly a Decade, Climate Talks Have Been Hashing Out So-Called Article 6. but What Is It?

After nearly a decade of negotiations, leaders during the United Nations climate conference’s first day decided on some of the finer points of much-debated sticking point aimed at cutting planet-warming emissions from coal, oil and gas

BAKU, Azerbaijan (AP) — After nearly a decade of negotiations, leaders during the United Nations climate conference's first day decided on some of the finer points of much-debated sticking point aimed at cutting planet-warming emissions from coal, oil and gas. Known as Article 6, it was set up as part of the 2015 Paris Agreement to help nations work together to reduce climate-causing pollution. Part of that was a system of carbon credits, allowing nations to put planet-warming gasses in the air if they offset emissions elsewhere. But the gaveling through of Article 6 late Monday was criticized by climate justice groups, who said carbon markets allow major polluters to keep emitting at the expense of people and the environment. COP29, as this year’s summit is known, has brought together world leaders to discuss ways to limit and adapt to the climate crisis. Scientists agree that the warming of the atmosphere caused primarily by human-burned fossil fuels is fueling deadlier and increasingly catastrophic droughts, flooding, hurricanes and heat.Here's a look at Article 6 and the carbon credits system it aims to implement. Article 6 first made an appearance at the Paris climate talks in 2015, where world leaders agreed to try to keep global warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit) from pre-industrial levels.Its aim is to outline how countries and companies can trade emissions reductions to remove and stop more carbon pollution reaching the atmosphere. The idea is to set up carbon trading markets, allowing higher polluters to offset some of the pollution they produce by buying carbon credits from less polluting countries.Article 6 offers two ways for countries to do this. The first is for two nations to set their own rules and standards for carbon credit trades. Some countries are already signing deals to do this, including Singapore with the Philippines, Costa Rica and Sri Lanka, Switzerland with Ghana, Peru and Ukraine, among others. The second option creates an international, U.N.-governed market that anyone can purchase credits through. Isa Mulder, an expert on global carbon markets with the research group Carbon Market Watch, said the idea behind Article 6 is for countries to find the cheapest way to cut emissions. By trading carbon credits, it makes cutting global pollution cheaper and more efficient. But Article 6 is contentious, leading to years of delays. At COP28, negotiations crumbled after disagreements on transparency, rules on credits that could be traded, and what makes a good carbon removal credit. United Nations secretary-general Antonio Guterres urged negotiators to “agree to rules for fair, effective carbon markets” and “leave no space for greenwashing or land-grabbing.”The hope of Article 6 is that it incentivizes countries to collaborate to reach their climate goals. Countries could generate carbon credits based on projects aimed to meet their own climate goals, such as protecting existing forests from development or shutting coal-fired plants.Private-sector players or other high carbon polluter countries could then buy the credits, which would allow them to emit a certain amount of carbon dioxide or other greenhouse gas. Heavy-polluting companies would be important customers.Each credit would equal a ton of CO2 or the equivalent of other greenhouse gases that can be reduced in the air, sequestered, or avoided by using green energies instead.Money from the credits generated would go to local projects. The per-ton price of carbon would fluctuate in the market, meaning that the higher it rises, the more green projects could fetch through new credits generated.Under carbon markets, countries that lower their emissions can sell carbon credits. Countries that sell credits can use them for clean energy projects, such as installing solar panels or electrifying public transportation systems. But critics question whether it will be effective and worry it could lead to similar problems seen with the Kyoto Protocol, a 1997 pact for developed nations to reduce their heat-trapping gas emissions to 1990 levels and below. The deal was dealt a hammer blow when the then U.S. administration withdrew from it."There’s a lot of concerns about whether that credit actually represents what it stands for,” said Mulder from Carbon Market Watch. What could happen at Baku climate talks? Monday's decision signaled early momentum on establishing Article 6, which the COP29 presidency said it would prioritize this year. But leaders still need to agree on other sections of the issue, including rules on two-nation carbon credit trading and the final details of the international, U.N.-governed market. Once finalized, Article 6 could reduce the cost of implementing national climate plans by $250 billion annually according to U.N. estimates. The COP29 presidency will then encourage countries to participate in carbon trading. On Monday, COP29 President Mukhtar Babayev said Article 6 “will be a game-changing tool to direct resources to the developing world.”But concerns remain about how it will work, given how it was developed.“Communities' consent and ownership over these initiatives are not just essential, but also a matter of respect and inclusion,” said David Nicholson, chief climate officer at Mercy Corps, a nonprofit that works on poverty, climate and other issues. "We are concerned that the agreement lacks adequate protections to human rights and undermines the goals of the Paris Agreement, rather than supporting them. If these concerns aren’t addressed, the decision could allow carbon trading to take the place of genuine, much-needed climate finance commitments,” Nicholson added.AP Science writer Seth Borenstein contributed to this report. Pineda reported from Los Angeles.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Climate scores big wins in ballot measures across US West

Voters across the U.S. West granted efforts to combat climate change resounding wins in state- and local-level ballot measures, amid expectations that the incoming Trump administration will roll back federal environmental protections. California Voters in the Golden State voted in favor of a $10 billion climate resilience bond, which materialized following significant cuts to environmental initiatives in the 2024-25...

Voters across the U.S. West granted efforts to combat climate change resounding wins in state- and local-level ballot measures, amid expectations that the incoming Trump administration will roll back federal environmental protections. California Voters in the Golden State voted in favor of a $10 billion climate resilience bond, which materialized following significant cuts to environmental initiatives in the 2024-25 state budget. California, a national leader on climate issues, has set ambitious emissions reduction targets while facing climate-driven impacts such as extreme weather, drought and wildfires. But the state has been contending with a $46.8 billion shortfall, which legislators addressed by cutting budget allocations in various sectors. The ballot initiative, Proposition 4, authorizes bonds for safe drinking water, wildfire prevention and the protection of communities and lands from climate threats. Officials anticipate that the bonds will increase state costs by about $400 million annually during the 40-year repayment period. The bond will dedicate 40 percent of the $10 billion at minimum toward disadvantaged communities. "Californians are taking charge and doubling down on climate action to protect themselves and build a more resilient future while preserving what makes our state special," Liz Forsburg Pardi, California policy director for The Nature Conservancy, said in a statement. Colorado Coloradans granted their approval for Proposition JJ, which will loosen restrictions on the amount of sports betting tax revenues that the state can use for water projects. Such revenues in the Centennial State are typically used for watershed health projects, water storage needs, conservation and land use, drought planning, water efficiency improvements and water education, according to the proposition. Prior to the vote, the state needed to refund casinos and sports betting operators for tax revenues that exceeded $29 million annually. The influx of funds from sports betting into water projects began after voters approved Proposition DD in 2019 — authorizing a 10 percent tax on the net proceeds of sports betting in casinos. The Colorado Water Trust, which said it does not usually take a position on political issues, endorsed Proposition JJ as "a win for rivers, a win for farmers and a win for cities — a win for Colorado." Washington Voters in Washington State took decisive action against a ballot measure that sought to repeal the state's cornerstone Climate Commitment Act. Washingtonians rejected Initiative 2117, which aimed to eliminate most provisions of the legislation — approved by state lawmakers in 2021.  Had the measure passed, it would have prohibited state agencies from imposing any kind of carbon tax credit, including so-called "cap and trade" programs — or those that require polluters to purchase greenhouse gas allowances and offsets. The ballot initiative also would have reduced funding for investments in renewable energy, transportation, clean air, conservation and emissions reduction efforts. Hawaii On a local level, residents of Hawaii's capital approved amendments to the Honolulu City Charter that included the establishment of a Climate Resiliency Fund. The fund will take half a percent of the city's property tax revenues and deposit that money in a pool dedicated to climate initiatives, according to the Honolulu Elections Division. These resources, per the charter, will "support initiatives and projects aimed at mitigating the impacts of climate change, enhancing the resilience of the city’s infrastructure and communities and promoting sustainable practices."

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