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Can Chicago’s mayor tackle environmental racism in one of the most segregated US cities?

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Sunday, May 19, 2024

On the campaign trail, Brandon Johnson often talked about the asthma he suffered growing up just west of Chicago, connecting it to industrial pollution.“For too long our communities have been seen as dumping grounds for waste and materials that no one seems to know what to do with,” the then mayoral candidate said at an event in the majority-Hispanic neighborhood of Pilsen.When Johnson was sworn in last May, he inherited a city grappling with a host of environmental challenges.In one of the nation’s most segregated cities, communities of color face disproportionate exposure to air pollution, lead and climate risks such as flooding. In 2022, federal investigators found Chicago violated residents’ civil rights by moving polluting industries into communities of color.These disparities take a toll: residents of the city’s wealthiest neighborhoods can expect to live 30 years longer than Chicagoans a few miles away.Johnson, a progressive former public school teacher and union organizer ,ran on a platform of increasing funding for education and taking a mental-health approach to the city’s high rates of violence. But he also promised to tackle the city’s legacy of environmental racism, winning key endorsements from climate groups in the process.Now, a year into Johnson’s term, those groups are holding Johnson to his word.“We feel happy that somebody coming from the ‘movement’ space [was] elected to office,” said Oscar Sanchez, a community organizer. Now, he said community organizations “have to do twice the work, and [demand] transparency” to make the most of this political moment.In 2021, Sanchez, an organizer at the Southeast Environmental Taskforce, went on a month-long hunger strike to protest against the proposed relocation of a scrapyard from a wealthy, mostly white neighborhood to Southeast Side, the predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood where he grew up.That scrapyard became the subject of a US Department of Housing and Urban Development investigation that found the city had a “broad pattern” of allowing polluting industries to settle in communities of color. The agency threatened to withhold tens of millions in annual funding unless the city changed its discriminatory land use practices.The successful campaign to halt the relocation “sets a precedent for how people are actually voicing their concerns,” Sanchez said. “Everybody’s watching Chicago.”Angela Tovar, the city’s chief sustainability officer, was also raised on the Southeast Side. She said growing up exposed to pollution has informed Johnson’s and her approaches to governance.Smoke from Canadian wildfires on the Chicago lakefront in June last year. Photograph: Scott Olson/Getty Images“Mayor Johnson, he and I have really aligned our interests in supporting environmental justice communities,” she said. “If we’re saying that we’re committed to environmental justice, we have to commit to the principles of understanding that we have to allow for the community to speak for themselves.” Johnson declined to be interviewed for this piece.Tovar helms the city’s department of environment, which former mayor Rahm Emmanuel disbanded in 2011 and Johnson reinstated in January. Although the department currently lacks enforcement powers – inspecting and punishing polluters largely falls to public health authorities – advocates say it gives them an ear at city hall.“Bringing back and funding the department of environment was huge,” said Courtney Hanson, deputy executive director at People for Community Recovery, one the groups who filed the civil rights complaint to HUD over the proposed scrapyard relocation. “Mayor Johnson’s administration has really demonstrated their willingness to work with communities and hear from community leaders. We’re actually at the table, and our suggestions and input are being taken seriously and realized.”Tovar is coordinating the city’s response to the HUD settlement, a process that involves changing zoning ordinances to reduce the pollution burden on communities. As a first step, the administration released a cumulative impact assessment in September, which identified the communities most burdened by pollution.“There is a disproportionate impact of pollution on the south and west sides of the city, which are historically low income and have a high concentration of our Black and Latinx communities,” Tovar said.Gina Ramirez, Midwest outreach manager for the Natural Resources Defense Council, also lives on the Southeast Side. “I was really excited in the fall to see that report come to fruition, but we’re still waiting on ordinance language,” she said. “As a person who lives in an environmental justice community, you want these laws in place yesterday, so it’s hard to be patient. But we’re seeing commitments that we haven’t seen in the past 10 years.”In a statement, Tovar said that the administration is currently in the process of developing a proposed zoning ordinance.Like many American cities, one of Chicago’s biggest challenges is modernizing its infrastructure.The city has an estimated 400,000 lead pipes supplying homes with water, more than any other city in the US. A 2022 Guardian investigation revealed that one in 20 tap water tests performed for thousands of Chicago residents found lead that exceeded the EPA minimum, with Black and Latino neighborhoods having higher levels of neurotoxin in their water. In 2023 Chicago received a $336m federal loan to some of those pipes, but officials say remediation efforts could take 40 years and $12bn.It’s a timeline Ramirez calls “ridiculous”, given the risks of lead pipes.“I think [Johnson] inherited an administration that didn’t prioritize lead service line replacements,” she said. “We are seeing more lead service lines replaced, from what I’ve heard from folks, but not at the rate that we need to be at.”In January, Johnson introduced an ordinance to ban gas in most new construction, a move that, if successful, would make Chicago the first major midwestern city to do so. Buildings are the city’s largest single source of emissions, with growing research linking gas stoves to asthma. Proponents say electrification would also help the estimated 30 to 40% Chicagoans who struggle to pay their gas bills. The administration also spearheaded retrofits of hundreds of homes with new insulation, heat pumps, and cooling systems by the end of 2025.“The mayor taking action to move away from that is really important for Chicago and the nation, to signal that that transition is coming and our homes will be healthier and ratepayers will be relieved of that burden,” said Jack Darin, Illinois chapter director of Sierra Club, which endorsed Johnson.The move is part of a broader strategy to address the effects of the climate crisis on Chicago. Just weeks into Johnson’s term, Chicago was hit with record rains that flooded much of the West Side, prompting a federal state of emergency.Johnson cited those floods in February when he announced a lawsuit against Big Oil companies he blamed for the climate crisis. The suit, which goes after six major oil companies including BP, Chevron, Shell and ExxonMobil, makes Chicago the second-largest city, after New York, to file such a claim.Advocates cheered the suit – and said they hoped Johnson would bring that willingness to fight to local battles.“They fundamentally understand and are confronting the root cause of climate change,” said Kim Wasserman, executive director of the Little Village Environmental Justice. “That’s the level of protection we want to see – not just with large scale polluters, but also the ones within the city of Chicago, the ones that are doing similar catastrophes at a smaller scale in our neighborhoods.”

Brandon Johnson promised to address the city’s longstanding inequities – advocates want to make the most of the momentOn the campaign trail, Brandon Johnson often talked about the asthma he suffered growing up just west of Chicago, connecting it to industrial pollution.“For too long our communities have been seen as dumping grounds for waste and materials that no one seems to know what to do with,” the then mayoral candidate said at an event in the majority-Hispanic neighborhood of Pilsen. Continue reading...

On the campaign trail, Brandon Johnson often talked about the asthma he suffered growing up just west of Chicago, connecting it to industrial pollution.

“For too long our communities have been seen as dumping grounds for waste and materials that no one seems to know what to do with,” the then mayoral candidate said at an event in the majority-Hispanic neighborhood of Pilsen.

When Johnson was sworn in last May, he inherited a city grappling with a host of environmental challenges.

In one of the nation’s most segregated cities, communities of color face disproportionate exposure to air pollution, lead and climate risks such as flooding. In 2022, federal investigators found Chicago violated residents’ civil rights by moving polluting industries into communities of color.

These disparities take a toll: residents of the city’s wealthiest neighborhoods can expect to live 30 years longer than Chicagoans a few miles away.

Johnson, a progressive former public school teacher and union organizer ,ran on a platform of increasing funding for education and taking a mental-health approach to the city’s high rates of violence. But he also promised to tackle the city’s legacy of environmental racism, winning key endorsements from climate groups in the process.

Now, a year into Johnson’s term, those groups are holding Johnson to his word.

“We feel happy that somebody coming from the ‘movement’ space [was] elected to office,” said Oscar Sanchez, a community organizer. Now, he said community organizations “have to do twice the work, and [demand] transparency” to make the most of this political moment.

In 2021, Sanchez, an organizer at the Southeast Environmental Taskforce, went on a month-long hunger strike to protest against the proposed relocation of a scrapyard from a wealthy, mostly white neighborhood to Southeast Side, the predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood where he grew up.

That scrapyard became the subject of a US Department of Housing and Urban Development investigation that found the city had a “broad pattern” of allowing polluting industries to settle in communities of color. The agency threatened to withhold tens of millions in annual funding unless the city changed its discriminatory land use practices.

The successful campaign to halt the relocation “sets a precedent for how people are actually voicing their concerns,” Sanchez said. “Everybody’s watching Chicago.”

Angela Tovar, the city’s chief sustainability officer, was also raised on the Southeast Side. She said growing up exposed to pollution has informed Johnson’s and her approaches to governance.

Smoke from Canadian wildfires on the Chicago lakefront in June last year. Photograph: Scott Olson/Getty Images

“Mayor Johnson, he and I have really aligned our interests in supporting environmental justice communities,” she said. “If we’re saying that we’re committed to environmental justice, we have to commit to the principles of understanding that we have to allow for the community to speak for themselves.” Johnson declined to be interviewed for this piece.

Tovar helms the city’s department of environment, which former mayor Rahm Emmanuel disbanded in 2011 and Johnson reinstated in January. Although the department currently lacks enforcement powers – inspecting and punishing polluters largely falls to public health authorities – advocates say it gives them an ear at city hall.

“Bringing back and funding the department of environment was huge,” said Courtney Hanson, deputy executive director at People for Community Recovery, one the groups who filed the civil rights complaint to HUD over the proposed scrapyard relocation. “Mayor Johnson’s administration has really demonstrated their willingness to work with communities and hear from community leaders. We’re actually at the table, and our suggestions and input are being taken seriously and realized.”

Tovar is coordinating the city’s response to the HUD settlement, a process that involves changing zoning ordinances to reduce the pollution burden on communities. As a first step, the administration released a cumulative impact assessment in September, which identified the communities most burdened by pollution.

“There is a disproportionate impact of pollution on the south and west sides of the city, which are historically low income and have a high concentration of our Black and Latinx communities,” Tovar said.

Gina Ramirez, Midwest outreach manager for the Natural Resources Defense Council, also lives on the Southeast Side. “I was really excited in the fall to see that report come to fruition, but we’re still waiting on ordinance language,” she said. “As a person who lives in an environmental justice community, you want these laws in place yesterday, so it’s hard to be patient. But we’re seeing commitments that we haven’t seen in the past 10 years.”

In a statement, Tovar said that the administration is currently in the process of developing a proposed zoning ordinance.

Like many American cities, one of Chicago’s biggest challenges is modernizing its infrastructure.

The city has an estimated 400,000 lead pipes supplying homes with water, more than any other city in the US. A 2022 Guardian investigation revealed that one in 20 tap water tests performed for thousands of Chicago residents found lead that exceeded the EPA minimum, with Black and Latino neighborhoods having higher levels of neurotoxin in their water. In 2023 Chicago received a $336m federal loan to some of those pipes, but officials say remediation efforts could take 40 years and $12bn.

It’s a timeline Ramirez calls “ridiculous”, given the risks of lead pipes.

“I think [Johnson] inherited an administration that didn’t prioritize lead service line replacements,” she said. “We are seeing more lead service lines replaced, from what I’ve heard from folks, but not at the rate that we need to be at.”

In January, Johnson introduced an ordinance to ban gas in most new construction, a move that, if successful, would make Chicago the first major midwestern city to do so. Buildings are the city’s largest single source of emissions, with growing research linking gas stoves to asthma. Proponents say electrification would also help the estimated 30 to 40% Chicagoans who struggle to pay their gas bills. The administration also spearheaded retrofits of hundreds of homes with new insulation, heat pumps, and cooling systems by the end of 2025.

“The mayor taking action to move away from that is really important for Chicago and the nation, to signal that that transition is coming and our homes will be healthier and ratepayers will be relieved of that burden,” said Jack Darin, Illinois chapter director of Sierra Club, which endorsed Johnson.

The move is part of a broader strategy to address the effects of the climate crisis on Chicago. Just weeks into Johnson’s term, Chicago was hit with record rains that flooded much of the West Side, prompting a federal state of emergency.

Johnson cited those floods in February when he announced a lawsuit against Big Oil companies he blamed for the climate crisis. The suit, which goes after six major oil companies including BP, Chevron, Shell and ExxonMobil, makes Chicago the second-largest city, after New York, to file such a claim.

Advocates cheered the suit – and said they hoped Johnson would bring that willingness to fight to local battles.

“They fundamentally understand and are confronting the root cause of climate change,” said Kim Wasserman, executive director of the Little Village Environmental Justice. “That’s the level of protection we want to see – not just with large scale polluters, but also the ones within the city of Chicago, the ones that are doing similar catastrophes at a smaller scale in our neighborhoods.”

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

EPA urged to classify abortion drugs as pollutants

It follows 40 other anti-abortion groups and lawmakers previously calling for the EPA to assess the water pollution levels of the drug.

(NewsNation) — Anti-abortion group Students for Life of America is urging the Environmental Protection Agency to add abortion drug mifepristone to its list of water contaminants. It follows 40 other anti-abortion groups and lawmakers previously calling for the EPA to assess the water pollution levels of the abortion drug. “The EPA has the regulatory authority and humane responsibility to determine the extent of abortion water pollution, caused by the reckless and negligent policies pushed by past administrations through the [Food and Drug Administration],” Kristan Hawkins, president of SFLA, said in a release. “Take the word ‘abortion’ out of it and ask, should chemically tainted blood and placenta tissue, along with human remains, be flushed by the tons into America’s waterways? And since the federal government set that up, shouldn’t we know what’s in our water?” she added. In 2025, lawmakers from seven states introduced bills, none of which passed, to either order environmental studies on the effects of mifepristone in water or to enact environmental regulations for the drug. EPA’s Office of Water leaders met with Politico in November, with its press secretary Brigit Hirsch telling the outlet it “takes the issue of pharmaceuticals in our water systems seriously and employs a rigorous, science-based approach to protect human health and the environment.” “As always, EPA encourages all stakeholders invested in clean and safe drinking water to review the proposals and submit comments,” Hirsch added. Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Trump’s EPA' in 2025: A Fossil Fuel-Friendly Approach to Deregulation

The Trump administration has reshaped the Environmental Protection Agency, reversing pollution limits and promoting fossil fuels

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump administration has transformed the Environmental Protection Agency in its first year, cutting federal limits on air and water pollution and promoting fossil fuels, a metamorphosis that clashes with the agency’s historic mission to protect human health and the environment.The administration says its actions will “unleash” the American economy, but environmentalists say the agency’s abrupt change in focus threatens to unravel years of progress on climate-friendly initiatives that could be hard or impossible to reverse.“It just constantly wants to pat the fossil fuel business on the back and turn back the clock to a pre-Richard Nixon era” when the agency didn’t exist, said historian Douglas Brinkley.Zeldin has argued the EPA can protect the environment and grow the economy at the same time. He announced “five pillars” to guide EPA’s work; four were economic goals, including energy dominance — Trump’s shorthand for more fossil fuels — and boosting the auto industry.Zeldin, a former New York congressman who had a record as a moderate Republican on some environmental issues, said his views on climate change have evolved. Many federal and state climate goals are unattainable in the near future — and come at huge cost, he said.“We should not be causing … extreme economic pain for an individual or a family” because of policies aimed at “saving the planet,” he told reporters at EPA headquarters in early December.But scientists and experts say the EPA's new direction comes at a cost to public health, and would lead to far more pollutants in the environment, including mercury, lead and especially tiny airborne particles that can lodge in lungs. They also note higher emissions of greenhouse gases will worsen atmospheric warming that is driving more frequent, costly and deadly extreme weather.Christine Todd Whitman, a Republican who led the EPA for several years under President George W. Bush, said watching Zeldin attack laws protecting air and water has been “just depressing.” “It’s tragic for our country. I worry about my grandchildren, of which I have seven. I worry about what their future is going to be if they don’t have clean air, if they don’t have clean water to drink,” she said.The EPA was launched under Nixon in 1970 with pollution disrupting American life, some cities suffocating in smog and some rivers turned into wastelands by industrial chemicals. Congress passed laws then that remain foundational for protecting water, air and endangered species.The agency's aggressiveness has always seesawed depending on who occupies the White House. Former President Joe Biden's administration boosted renewable energy and electric vehicles, tightened motor-vehicle emissions and proposed greenhouse gas limits on coal-fired power plants and oil and gas wells. Industry groups called rules overly burdensome and said the power plant rule would force many aging plants to shut down. In response, many businesses shifted resources to meet the more stringent rules that are now being undone.“While the Biden EPA repeatedly attempted to usurp the U.S. Constitution and the rule of law to impose its ‘Green New Scam,’ the Trump EPA is laser-focused on achieving results for the American people while operating within the limits of the laws passed by Congress,” EPA spokeswoman Brigit Hirsch said. Zeldin's list of targets is long Much of EPA’s new direction aligns with Project 2025, the conservative Heritage Foundation road map that argued the agency should gut staffing, cut regulations and end what it called a war on coal on other fossil fuels.“A lot of the regulations that were put on during the Biden administration were more harmful and restrictive than in any other period. So that’s why deregulating them looks like EPA is making major changes,” said Diana Furchtgott-Roth, director of Heritage's Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment.But Chris Frey, an EPA official under Biden, said the regulations Zeldin has targeted “offered benefits of avoided premature deaths, of avoided chronic illness … bad things that would not happen because of these rules.”Matthew Tejada, a former EPA official under both Trump and Biden who now works at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said of the revamped EPA: “I think it would be hard for them to make it any clearer to polluters in this country that they can go on about their business and not worry about EPA getting in their way.”Zeldin also has shrunk EPA staffing by about 20% to levels last seen in the mid-1980s. Justin Chen, president of the EPA’s largest union, called staff cuts “devastating.” He cited the dismantling of research and development offices at labs across the country and the firing of employees who signed a letter of dissent opposing EPA cuts. Relaxed enforcement and cutting staff Many of Zeldin's changes aren't in effect yet. It takes time to propose new rules, get public input and finalize rollbacks. It's much faster to cut grants and ease up on enforcement, and Trump's EPA is doing both. The number of new civil environmental actions is roughly one-fifth what it was in the first eight months of the Biden administration, according to the nonprofit Environmental Integrity Project. “You can effectively do a lot of deregulation if you just don’t do enforcement,” said Leif Fredrickson, visiting assistant professor of history at the University of Montana.Hirsch said the number of legal filings isn't the best way to judge enforcement because they require work outside of the EPA and can bog staff down with burdensome legal agreements. She said the EPA is “focused on efficiently resolving violations and achieving compliance as quickly as possible” and not making demands beyond what the law requires.EPA's cuts have been especially hard on climate change programs and environmental justice, the effort to address chronic pollution that typically is worse in minority and poor communities. Both were Biden priorities. Zeldin dismissed staff and canceled billions in grants for projects that fell under the “diversity, equity and inclusion” umbrella, a Trump administration target.He also spiked a $20 billion “green bank” set up under Biden’s landmark climate law to fund qualifying clean energy projects. Zeldin argued the fund was a scheme to funnel money to Democrat-aligned organizations with little oversight — allegations a federal judge rejected. Pat Parenteau, an environmental law expert and former director of the Environmental Law School at Vermont Law & Graduate School, said the EPA's shift under Trump left him with little optimism for what he called “the two most awful crises in the 21st century” — biodiversity loss and climate disruption.“I don’t see any hope for either one,” he said. “I really don’t. And I’ll be long gone, but I think the world is in just for absolute catastrophe.”The Associated Press receives support from the Walton Family Foundation for coverage of water and environmental policy. The AP is solely responsible for all content. For all of AP’s environmental coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environmentCopyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

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