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Arthur Neslen: EU retreats from environmental commitments amid far-right pressure

News Feed
Wednesday, April 3, 2024

The EU has been backpedaling on its environmental promises, yielding to agribusiness and far-right demands, risking future ecological stability.Arthur Neslen writes for The Guardian.In short:The EU has scrapped initiatives aimed at reducing pesticide usage, protecting nature, and curbing toxic chemicals due to external pressures.This rollback is partly in response to fears of a far-right surge in upcoming elections, despite potential long-term environmental consequences.The EU's deforestation law, a critical part of its green agenda, faces threats of dilution, raising concerns about global forest conservation.Key quote:“Von der Leyen risks obliterating her last remaining achievement on land use over the last five years. There is already almost nothing left of the green deal.”— Julia Christian of the forest conservation group FernWhy this matters:The recent electoral successes of right-wing parties are expected to influence the European Union's political priorities and policy initiatives, with potential shifts toward more conservative positions on issues like environmental policies.

The EU has been backpedaling on its environmental promises, yielding to agribusiness and far-right demands, risking future ecological stability.Arthur Neslen writes for The Guardian.In short:The EU has scrapped initiatives aimed at reducing pesticide usage, protecting nature, and curbing toxic chemicals due to external pressures.This rollback is partly in response to fears of a far-right surge in upcoming elections, despite potential long-term environmental consequences.The EU's deforestation law, a critical part of its green agenda, faces threats of dilution, raising concerns about global forest conservation.Key quote:“Von der Leyen risks obliterating her last remaining achievement on land use over the last five years. There is already almost nothing left of the green deal.”— Julia Christian of the forest conservation group FernWhy this matters:The recent electoral successes of right-wing parties are expected to influence the European Union's political priorities and policy initiatives, with potential shifts toward more conservative positions on issues like environmental policies.



The EU has been backpedaling on its environmental promises, yielding to agribusiness and far-right demands, risking future ecological stability.

Arthur Neslen writes for The Guardian.


In short:

  • The EU has scrapped initiatives aimed at reducing pesticide usage, protecting nature, and curbing toxic chemicals due to external pressures.
  • This rollback is partly in response to fears of a far-right surge in upcoming elections, despite potential long-term environmental consequences.
  • The EU's deforestation law, a critical part of its green agenda, faces threats of dilution, raising concerns about global forest conservation.

Key quote:

“Von der Leyen risks obliterating her last remaining achievement on land use over the last five years. There is already almost nothing left of the green deal.”

— Julia Christian of the forest conservation group Fern

Why this matters:

The recent electoral successes of right-wing parties are expected to influence the European Union's political priorities and policy initiatives, with potential shifts toward more conservative positions on issues like environmental policies.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

What the Hell Are “Plastic Offsets”?

Plastic is just about everywhere, piling up in streams, landfills and even our bloodstreams and placentas. The United Nations agrees that something must be done, given both the excess of waste and the considerable plant-heating emissions involved in producing it, almost entirely from coal, oil and gas. Yet fossil fuel and chemicals companies see a great future in plastics. Both they and the companies that use these products are reluctant to find alternatives. So, as with greenhouse gas emissions, plastics polluters are now gravitating toward a scheme that would let them have it both ways: let them keep making and selling plastics while claiming to be part of the solution. That idea is plastic offset credits—which, according to supporters, offer the fantastical promise of “plastic neutral” plastic.Plastic offset credits are modeled on carbon offsets: A company that uses or produces plastic can purchase credits that correspond to reductions in plastic waste elsewhere, just as drillers can buy up credits that correspond to patches of forest that will draw enough carbon down from the atmosphere to “offset” the carbon they produce. Purchasing credits is intended to create flexibility for companies that might need extra time to reduce their own emissions, whether to comply with government regulations—like in California’s cap and trade system—or voluntarily, as with airlines that promise carbon neutral flights. Third-parties, often non-profits, approve and monitor credit-generating projects to ensure they correspond to real-world emissions reductions.That’s how it’s supposed to work, anyway. Carbon credit markets, however, now face intense scrutiny for fueling land grabs in the developing world, displacing indigenous communities, and furthering human rights abuses. Among the most damning research on carbon offsets shows that they simply aren’t very good at offsetting carbon, and simply grant polluters a lifeline to continue on with business as usual. An investigation published last fall by The Guardian and the nonprofit watchdog Corporate Accountability found that 78 percent of the top 50 carbon-offset projects are “likely junk.” The third parties that approve credit-generating projects have also had their failures exposed. An extensive exposé by The Guardian, German newspaper Die Zeit, and SourceMaterial, a non-profit newsroom, revealed last year that at least 90 percent of credits generated in rainforests by the Verified Carbon Standard (VCS)—an industry leader, accounting for roughly two-thirds of credits on the voluntary carbon market—were “phantom credits” that didn’t respond to any real reductions in greenhouse gases. The NGO that administers the VCS is called Verra, and has vehemently refuted these and other allegations. Verra—the world’s biggest issuer of carbon credits—is now one of the loudest voices pushing to expand plastic credits as means of dealing with plastic waste. Compared to decades’ old carbon markets, plastics crediting is a new and relatively small space, having only started up in earnest in 2021 via the 3R Initiative to use a “market-based approach that will scale up recovery & recycling activities and increase accountability for plastic waste reduction efforts.”Verra is a “technical founding member,” providing expertise on accounting methodologies, auditing and registry management; “corporate founding members” include Danone and Nestle. Currently, just seven projects have received approval for inclusion in Verra’s registry, which the group’s website says is the result of “a rigorous development and assessment process.” Dozens of others are awaiting approval. Another exchange—the Singapore-based Plastics Credit Exchange—has already sold millions of dollars worth of credits, including (according to PCX’s website) to the Filipino subsidiaries of Nestle, Colgate-Palmolive Co. and Pepsi-Cola. Several smaller companies have popped up, too. Most projects involve funding either waste processing facilities or offering additional funds to waste collection efforts, like beach clean-ups or waste pickers in the informal economy. What this would actually do to reduce plastic waste, given that most plastic isn’t recyclable by any reasonable definition and seems to generate an abundance of worrisome microplastics when it is recycled, is unclear.There are currently no industry standards for what these credit-generating projects should look like or how credits are issued. Evidence so far hasn’t been promising. A waste processing facility that was at one time registered by Verra and backed by Danone has been suspended from selling credits following allegations it’d been built too close to a Balinese community in Indonesia, Greenpeace investigative outlet Unearthed reported late last month. Verra suspended its accreditation of the project last May amid complaints from shareholders and residents, and is currently reviewing the project. It’s also reviewing another facility in Bali that had been registered with the group’s plastics program in December 2022; Danone has ended its support for both plants, but continues to back several processing facilities in Indonesia to further its pledge of recovering more plastic than it uses in the country by 2025. Despite these troubles, the World Bank has granted its blessing to plastics offsetting, including for Verra-registered projects in Indonesia. Earlier this year, the pair announced a $100 million plastic credits bond to fund Verra-accredited plastic collection and recycling projects there and in Ghana. Verra, meanwhile, has been eager to ingratiate itself into ongoing UN negotiations over a legally binding treaty to end plastic waste, the fourth round of which wrapped up last week in Ottawa, Canada. “Investment in plastic waste collection and recycling infrastructure ensures that plastic waste downstream is recovered and recirculated, repurposed, or appropriately managed,” the group writes on its website. “Through the issuance of Plastic Credits to certified plastic waste collection and recycling projects, Verra’s Plastic Program drives finance toward activities that establish and scale this waste management infrastructure.” Neither Verra nor the World Bank responded to a request for comment on this article in time for publication.Details of what a global plastics treaty might look like are still very much up for debate: Will each country have its own pledge to reduce plastic waste along a certain timeline, as in the Paris Agreement? Will the targets themselves be legally binding, or will countries only be mandated to set them? Which countries are going to pay for what? Advocates, though, are worried about the potential role that plastic offset credits might play, and possibility that rich nations will back them as a substitute for financing poorer countries’ efforts to end plastic pollution. Plastic offsets, critics argue, could also serve as an excuse for corporations and governments to continue on with business as usual. “We have 30 years of experience with the carbon market and 30 years of seeing problems there. Verra, the World Bank and others are getting up on stages and saying there are no problems, everything works great and now we’re going to apply that logic to plastic because it’s been proven in so many other places,” says Neil Tangri, Senior Science and Policy Director at the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA). “There’s an absolutely steadfast refusal to learn the lessons of the carbon markets,” now, despite myriad controversies, a well-established part of emissions reductions efforts.The two problems—plastic and greenhouse gas pollution—aren’t unrelated. A study published last month by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories finds that the production of plastics currently accounts for 5.3 percent of total global greenhouse emissions, more than double the emissions created by aviation. It’s also growing rapidly; production could triple by mid-century. If every other sector were to somehow decarbonize this year, plastics production would still push the world beyond the limit outlined in the Paris Agreement, which was to keep warming “well below” 1.5 degrees Celsius. Plastic production would blow through the emissions required to keep that goal in reach—known as a carbon budget—as early as 2060, and by 2083 at the latest. To “keep 1.5 alive,” as U.S. politicians like to say they are doing, primary plastics production would need to decrease by between 12 and 17 percent per year, starting this year, per an analysis of the Lawrence Livermore study by Tangri, who served as an expert reviewer on that report.Not unlike UN climate talks, the UN’s plastics treaty negotiations have attracted a steadily growing crowd of corporate interest with a vested interest in making sure that doesn’t happen. The UN handed out 196 passes to fossil fuel and chemical industry lobbyists at the Canadian talks last month, up 37 percent from the meeting held in Nairobi last November, according to an analysis by the Center for International and Environmental Law. Industry interests had a larger overall presence in Ottawa than the 180 delegates from countries in the European Union; they outnumbered delegates representing Pacific Small Island Developing States two to one.While the negotiators’ purported goal to “end plastic pollution” might seem to imply some overall reduction in the amount of plastic being produced, plastics producers and the countries in which they reside aren’t keen on that. The United States, joined by Gulf oil producers, Russia and China, have sought to avoid talk of concrete targets for reducing primary polymer production, preferring to focus on waste management. “The United States has systematically tried to derail the process,” says Dharmesh Shah, a senior campaigner at CIEL who attended the talks. “They’re doing things that are extremely problematic on the issue of production and reduction, especially.” Fossil fuel-producing countries’ and corporations’ emphasis on waste management aligns well with the promise of plastics offset programs: essentially, to offer financing to waste management efforts in the Global South. Even rich countries with robust waste management infrastructure, though, have not managed to overcome the fact that very little plastic can actually be recycled. Less than 10 percent of plastic waste has ever been recycled, and so-called “advanced” or chemical recycling have struggled to stay afloat amid massive costs and technical issues. The New York Times reported last month that one such facility in Indiana—which aimed to recycle 100,000 tons of plastic a year by 2021—had only ever recycled 2,000 tons of plastic as of late 2023. Part of what makes plastics recycling so difficult is that the term plastics refers to a wide range of chemical polymers which cannot be processed together; for some of those materials, recycling is virtually impossible. Much of what waste managers in the United States can’t deal with here is shipped abroad, to many of the places where plastic credits are being generated. “The reason that the Global South doesn’t have adequate waste management is because it’s being flooded with plastic. No waste management system in the world does a good job with plastic. We pour billions of dollars into waste management, have door-to-door collection and are still the top source of plastics in the ocean,” Tangri says of the United States. “The notion that you’re ever going to be able to catch up with plastic waste generation that’s growing by 4 percent every year is absurd. Thre’s not enough money in the world to catch up with that.”Among the biggest concerns with plastic offsetting, Tangri adds, is the concept of additionality. Credits, that is, are premised on the idea that their sale is financing projects that wouldn’t happen otherwise. A recent report Tangri co-authored with colleagues in the Break Free From Plastics campaign shows that 83 percent of projects applying for approval by Verra have been in operation for over a year, and will receive retroactive credits for waste collection efforts that are already underway. Forty-two percent of projects in that queue have already been operating for 5 years or more. “If you’re paying people to collect waste that they were already collecting, is there anything that they’re going to start collecting more of that they would otherwise leave behind? It’s very unlikely. If there’s no market for black plastic then they’re not going to pick it up,” says Tangri. “You’re giving a bit of money to someone who otherwise wouldn’t have it, but the problem on the other side is that you’re selling that plastic credit to some company in the Global North which is now claiming plastic neutrality.” Focusing on what happens to plastics after they’re already made, moreover, doesn’t address the fact that roughly 75 percent of the of the greenhouse gas emissions generated by plastics production, researchers at Lawrence Livermore find, are created prior to polymerization, i.e. to actually making finished plastic products. Neither does it deal with the abundance of rare cancers, breathing difficulties and numerous other serious health conditions that people who live fenceline with petrochemical plants have been forced to deal with. “The environmental risks of plastics are manifold and they happen throughout the life cycle,” Shah told me. “This is just an approach that is designed to delay or distract from the real issue which is production and reduction. We cannot solve the plastics crisis without reducing our production of plastics.”

Plastic is just about everywhere, piling up in streams, landfills and even our bloodstreams and placentas. The United Nations agrees that something must be done, given both the excess of waste and the considerable plant-heating emissions involved in producing it, almost entirely from coal, oil and gas. Yet fossil fuel and chemicals companies see a great future in plastics. Both they and the companies that use these products are reluctant to find alternatives. So, as with greenhouse gas emissions, plastics polluters are now gravitating toward a scheme that would let them have it both ways: let them keep making and selling plastics while claiming to be part of the solution. That idea is plastic offset credits—which, according to supporters, offer the fantastical promise of “plastic neutral” plastic.Plastic offset credits are modeled on carbon offsets: A company that uses or produces plastic can purchase credits that correspond to reductions in plastic waste elsewhere, just as drillers can buy up credits that correspond to patches of forest that will draw enough carbon down from the atmosphere to “offset” the carbon they produce. Purchasing credits is intended to create flexibility for companies that might need extra time to reduce their own emissions, whether to comply with government regulations—like in California’s cap and trade system—or voluntarily, as with airlines that promise carbon neutral flights. Third-parties, often non-profits, approve and monitor credit-generating projects to ensure they correspond to real-world emissions reductions.That’s how it’s supposed to work, anyway. Carbon credit markets, however, now face intense scrutiny for fueling land grabs in the developing world, displacing indigenous communities, and furthering human rights abuses. Among the most damning research on carbon offsets shows that they simply aren’t very good at offsetting carbon, and simply grant polluters a lifeline to continue on with business as usual. An investigation published last fall by The Guardian and the nonprofit watchdog Corporate Accountability found that 78 percent of the top 50 carbon-offset projects are “likely junk.” The third parties that approve credit-generating projects have also had their failures exposed. An extensive exposé by The Guardian, German newspaper Die Zeit, and SourceMaterial, a non-profit newsroom, revealed last year that at least 90 percent of credits generated in rainforests by the Verified Carbon Standard (VCS)—an industry leader, accounting for roughly two-thirds of credits on the voluntary carbon market—were “phantom credits” that didn’t respond to any real reductions in greenhouse gases. The NGO that administers the VCS is called Verra, and has vehemently refuted these and other allegations. Verra—the world’s biggest issuer of carbon credits—is now one of the loudest voices pushing to expand plastic credits as means of dealing with plastic waste. Compared to decades’ old carbon markets, plastics crediting is a new and relatively small space, having only started up in earnest in 2021 via the 3R Initiative to use a “market-based approach that will scale up recovery & recycling activities and increase accountability for plastic waste reduction efforts.”Verra is a “technical founding member,” providing expertise on accounting methodologies, auditing and registry management; “corporate founding members” include Danone and Nestle. Currently, just seven projects have received approval for inclusion in Verra’s registry, which the group’s website says is the result of “a rigorous development and assessment process.” Dozens of others are awaiting approval. Another exchange—the Singapore-based Plastics Credit Exchange—has already sold millions of dollars worth of credits, including (according to PCX’s website) to the Filipino subsidiaries of Nestle, Colgate-Palmolive Co. and Pepsi-Cola. Several smaller companies have popped up, too. Most projects involve funding either waste processing facilities or offering additional funds to waste collection efforts, like beach clean-ups or waste pickers in the informal economy. What this would actually do to reduce plastic waste, given that most plastic isn’t recyclable by any reasonable definition and seems to generate an abundance of worrisome microplastics when it is recycled, is unclear.There are currently no industry standards for what these credit-generating projects should look like or how credits are issued. Evidence so far hasn’t been promising. A waste processing facility that was at one time registered by Verra and backed by Danone has been suspended from selling credits following allegations it’d been built too close to a Balinese community in Indonesia, Greenpeace investigative outlet Unearthed reported late last month. Verra suspended its accreditation of the project last May amid complaints from shareholders and residents, and is currently reviewing the project. It’s also reviewing another facility in Bali that had been registered with the group’s plastics program in December 2022; Danone has ended its support for both plants, but continues to back several processing facilities in Indonesia to further its pledge of recovering more plastic than it uses in the country by 2025. Despite these troubles, the World Bank has granted its blessing to plastics offsetting, including for Verra-registered projects in Indonesia. Earlier this year, the pair announced a $100 million plastic credits bond to fund Verra-accredited plastic collection and recycling projects there and in Ghana. Verra, meanwhile, has been eager to ingratiate itself into ongoing UN negotiations over a legally binding treaty to end plastic waste, the fourth round of which wrapped up last week in Ottawa, Canada. “Investment in plastic waste collection and recycling infrastructure ensures that plastic waste downstream is recovered and recirculated, repurposed, or appropriately managed,” the group writes on its website. “Through the issuance of Plastic Credits to certified plastic waste collection and recycling projects, Verra’s Plastic Program drives finance toward activities that establish and scale this waste management infrastructure.” Neither Verra nor the World Bank responded to a request for comment on this article in time for publication.Details of what a global plastics treaty might look like are still very much up for debate: Will each country have its own pledge to reduce plastic waste along a certain timeline, as in the Paris Agreement? Will the targets themselves be legally binding, or will countries only be mandated to set them? Which countries are going to pay for what? Advocates, though, are worried about the potential role that plastic offset credits might play, and possibility that rich nations will back them as a substitute for financing poorer countries’ efforts to end plastic pollution. Plastic offsets, critics argue, could also serve as an excuse for corporations and governments to continue on with business as usual. “We have 30 years of experience with the carbon market and 30 years of seeing problems there. Verra, the World Bank and others are getting up on stages and saying there are no problems, everything works great and now we’re going to apply that logic to plastic because it’s been proven in so many other places,” says Neil Tangri, Senior Science and Policy Director at the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA). “There’s an absolutely steadfast refusal to learn the lessons of the carbon markets,” now, despite myriad controversies, a well-established part of emissions reductions efforts.The two problems—plastic and greenhouse gas pollution—aren’t unrelated. A study published last month by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories finds that the production of plastics currently accounts for 5.3 percent of total global greenhouse emissions, more than double the emissions created by aviation. It’s also growing rapidly; production could triple by mid-century. If every other sector were to somehow decarbonize this year, plastics production would still push the world beyond the limit outlined in the Paris Agreement, which was to keep warming “well below” 1.5 degrees Celsius. Plastic production would blow through the emissions required to keep that goal in reach—known as a carbon budget—as early as 2060, and by 2083 at the latest. To “keep 1.5 alive,” as U.S. politicians like to say they are doing, primary plastics production would need to decrease by between 12 and 17 percent per year, starting this year, per an analysis of the Lawrence Livermore study by Tangri, who served as an expert reviewer on that report.Not unlike UN climate talks, the UN’s plastics treaty negotiations have attracted a steadily growing crowd of corporate interest with a vested interest in making sure that doesn’t happen. The UN handed out 196 passes to fossil fuel and chemical industry lobbyists at the Canadian talks last month, up 37 percent from the meeting held in Nairobi last November, according to an analysis by the Center for International and Environmental Law. Industry interests had a larger overall presence in Ottawa than the 180 delegates from countries in the European Union; they outnumbered delegates representing Pacific Small Island Developing States two to one.While the negotiators’ purported goal to “end plastic pollution” might seem to imply some overall reduction in the amount of plastic being produced, plastics producers and the countries in which they reside aren’t keen on that. The United States, joined by Gulf oil producers, Russia and China, have sought to avoid talk of concrete targets for reducing primary polymer production, preferring to focus on waste management. “The United States has systematically tried to derail the process,” says Dharmesh Shah, a senior campaigner at CIEL who attended the talks. “They’re doing things that are extremely problematic on the issue of production and reduction, especially.” Fossil fuel-producing countries’ and corporations’ emphasis on waste management aligns well with the promise of plastics offset programs: essentially, to offer financing to waste management efforts in the Global South. Even rich countries with robust waste management infrastructure, though, have not managed to overcome the fact that very little plastic can actually be recycled. Less than 10 percent of plastic waste has ever been recycled, and so-called “advanced” or chemical recycling have struggled to stay afloat amid massive costs and technical issues. The New York Times reported last month that one such facility in Indiana—which aimed to recycle 100,000 tons of plastic a year by 2021—had only ever recycled 2,000 tons of plastic as of late 2023. Part of what makes plastics recycling so difficult is that the term plastics refers to a wide range of chemical polymers which cannot be processed together; for some of those materials, recycling is virtually impossible. Much of what waste managers in the United States can’t deal with here is shipped abroad, to many of the places where plastic credits are being generated. “The reason that the Global South doesn’t have adequate waste management is because it’s being flooded with plastic. No waste management system in the world does a good job with plastic. We pour billions of dollars into waste management, have door-to-door collection and are still the top source of plastics in the ocean,” Tangri says of the United States. “The notion that you’re ever going to be able to catch up with plastic waste generation that’s growing by 4 percent every year is absurd. Thre’s not enough money in the world to catch up with that.”Among the biggest concerns with plastic offsetting, Tangri adds, is the concept of additionality. Credits, that is, are premised on the idea that their sale is financing projects that wouldn’t happen otherwise. A recent report Tangri co-authored with colleagues in the Break Free From Plastics campaign shows that 83 percent of projects applying for approval by Verra have been in operation for over a year, and will receive retroactive credits for waste collection efforts that are already underway. Forty-two percent of projects in that queue have already been operating for 5 years or more. “If you’re paying people to collect waste that they were already collecting, is there anything that they’re going to start collecting more of that they would otherwise leave behind? It’s very unlikely. If there’s no market for black plastic then they’re not going to pick it up,” says Tangri. “You’re giving a bit of money to someone who otherwise wouldn’t have it, but the problem on the other side is that you’re selling that plastic credit to some company in the Global North which is now claiming plastic neutrality.” Focusing on what happens to plastics after they’re already made, moreover, doesn’t address the fact that roughly 75 percent of the of the greenhouse gas emissions generated by plastics production, researchers at Lawrence Livermore find, are created prior to polymerization, i.e. to actually making finished plastic products. Neither does it deal with the abundance of rare cancers, breathing difficulties and numerous other serious health conditions that people who live fenceline with petrochemical plants have been forced to deal with. “The environmental risks of plastics are manifold and they happen throughout the life cycle,” Shah told me. “This is just an approach that is designed to delay or distract from the real issue which is production and reduction. We cannot solve the plastics crisis without reducing our production of plastics.”

Illinois passed a law to clean up coal ash 5 years ago. What’s taking so long?

In one Chicago suburb, people have been waiting for relief for years.

This coverage is made possible through a partnership between WBEZ and Grist, a nonprofit environmental media organization. Sign up for WBEZ newsletters to get local news you can trust. Celeste Flores can tell you the good news about living in Waukegan, Illinois: The air is safer to breathe now. “Thankfully, we are no longer breathing coal being burned,” said Flores, a co-chair of Clean Power Lake County, or CPLC, an environmental justice organization serving the mostly Latino suburb about 40 miles north of Chicago. The explanation behind that is simple: The Waukegan Generating Station near the shore of Lake Michigan closed in 2022 after decades of pumping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and coal ash into the ground.  Flores can also tell you the bad news: The toxic coal ash is still there, dangerously close to the groundwater.  But the explanation behind why the pollution remains in the ground is more complicated than shutting a plant down. Coal ash is a cocktail of hazardous pollutants leftover from coal combustion. Across the country, plant operators dumped that heavy metal-laden sludge into holes in the ground, sometimes called ponds or impoundments. Sometimes these ponds are lined, and sometimes they aren’t. None of the ponds in Waukegan that are lined meet current state and federal standards.  In 2019, the state confirmed what advocates like Flores had long suspected: that coal ash had leached into nearby groundwater. Worse yet, the coal ash was stored right near Lake Michigan. That same year, Flores helped push Illinois lawmakers to pass landmark coal ash regulation, which compelled managers of coal ash owners to submit plans to either clean up their operations or shut down.  About three years ago the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency (IEPA) finalized exactly how operators had to submit these proposals. But plans are on hold for securing the three coal ash storage pits in Waukegan. The IEPA hasn’t finalized permits for those sites, so they continue to threaten groundwater. “When it comes to the implementation of these rules, it’s 2024 and we don’t have permits yet,” said Flores. “And I don’t think anyone was expecting that.”  Celeste Flores, left, said the air is easier to breathe now in Waukegan, Illinois. Both she and Dulce Ortiz, right, worked to get a coal-burning plant in their suburb shut down. Now they’re trying to remove the coal ash that threatens their drinking water and Lake Michigan. Juanpablo Ramirez-Franco / Grist Illinois set itself apart from the majority of the country when it finalized its coal ash rules back in 2021. Most states, save for a handful like North Carolina and Michigan, relied on 2015 federal guidelines designed to monitor and clean up only some coal ash residuals.  For years, the federal rule excluded inactive coal ash ponds and landfills from oversight. An analysis by Earthjustice found that the 2015 rules grandfathered in over 300 of these sites across 48 states. Illinois’ more protective mandate, however, brought them into the state’s regulatory orbit. Even so, advocates say the forthcoming permits are dragging. “The Illinois EPA has been reviewing these proposed permits for almost two years,” said Andrew Rehn, the director of climate policy at Prairie Rivers Network in Champaign. “And that’s, like, a long time for these permits to sit and just be under review.”  The Illinois EPA is currently reviewing 44 separate coal ash surface impoundment permit applications for 25 current or former power plant sites across the state. Earlier this month, two and a half years since the first permit applications were submitted, the agency issued its first two draft permits.   The agency said in a statement to Grist and WBEZ that, “due to the complexity of the information required in the applications, in most cases [the] Illinois EPA has requested additional information or clarification from the applicants.” The statement went on to say that it can take weeks to months to “gather additional information or to analyze groundwater modeling data.” Coal power plants have sought to make exceptions for their permits and have effectively stalled the permit process until the Illinois Pollution Control Board is able to resolve the requests. According to the IEPA, this is the major holdup with the Waukegan permits.  Meanwhile, new federal regulations issued last week give the nation’s fleet of coal power plants and new natural gas plants an ultimatum: adapt or shut down. The power plants have eight years to come up with a plan to capture 90 percent of their greenhouse gas emissions or commit to closing by 2039.  Advocates with the Waukegan group see this long awaited move as a step closer to phasing out coal for good. Although the coal business is in decline, it still has an outsized role in driving climate change and polluting surrounding communities. More than half of the country’s carbon dioxide emissions from electric power generation are attributable to burning coal, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.  Read Next EPA finally takes on abandoned coal ash ponds — but it might be too late Gautama Mehta Almost every coal power plant operator in the country is now staring down the same finish line in 2039. Included in the new rule are stricter safeguards for the coal ash pollution those plants will leave behind in the meantime. “With the 2015 rules, there was a circle of ponds and landfills that were subject to regulation,” said Megan Wachspress, a staff attorney with the Sierra Club. “That circle of ponds and landfills and other dump sites just got bigger.” Inactive coal ash ponds and landfills are now part of the family of coal ash dumps that the federal government demands operators monitor and clean up when they threaten water resources.  If it was just a coal plant in Waukegan, Flores said, her organization’s fight might be more manageable. “But there’s so many other things.”   There are five Superfund sites scattered in and around the north shore suburb. These are abandoned lots so contaminated with hazardous materials that the federal government has taken over cleanup. Pointing in several directions, Flores said there are Superfund sites immediately north, south, and west of the old coal plant. And that means generations of Waukegan residents have had to struggle with medical problems and even premature death because of their toxic environment.  There’s no question for Flores about what comes next: The coal ash must be removed from the ground. But to do that, state and federal agencies need to pick up the pace.  “It’s about making sure that we know that we’re leaving behind a community that’s healthier than what we received,” Flores said. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Illinois passed a law to clean up coal ash 5 years ago. What’s taking so long? on May 3, 2024.

Why a CA campaign finance law could get blown up

In 2022, California lawmakers tried to stop “pay to play” by local elected officials — taking campaign money from various groups and then approving licenses, building permits and other goodies for the same donors.  The law passed easily, but business groups sued to kill it in 2023. They failed, but now, there’s a move afoot […]

The floor of the state Senate chambers at the state Capitol in Sacramento on April 29, 2024. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters In 2022, California lawmakers tried to stop “pay to play” by local elected officials — taking campaign money from various groups and then approving licenses, building permits and other goodies for the same donors.  The law passed easily, but business groups sued to kill it in 2023. They failed, but now, there’s a move afoot in the Legislature to roll it back, as CalMatters politics reporter Yue Stella Yu explains. The law at issue limits campaign contributions to $250 to local office holders from a donor with official business before those officials. Senate Bill 1243, which got through the Senate elections committee on Tuesday, would raise that limit to $1,000 and loosen other restrictions — which the current law’s defenders say would gut it. The committee debate got spicy: The bill’s author, Sen. Bill Dodd, a Napa Democrat, rammed it through without any amendments, over the objections of chairperson Catherine Blakespear, an Encinitas Democrat, who wanted to treat all groups equally and not have special carve-outs for housing and unions. Dodd told Stella that he believes legislators didn’t understand the implications of the 2022 law when he voted for it. Now, however, “it has become very apparent that there are problems.” Dodd, during the hearing: “The idea that our local elected officials can be bought and sold for $250 is both laughable and frankly offensive.” But Blakespear, who cast the lone “no” vote in committee Tuesday, said Dodd’s bill “has too many problems.” California Common Cause and California Clean Money Campaign argue that the proposal favors certain industries and reduces transparency. And what does the author of the 2022 law think of all this? Sen. Steve Glazer, an Orinda Democrat, told Stella that Dodd’s bill “makes it easier to corrupt local officials and it is wrong.” Read more about the debate in Stella’s story. In other Capitol happenings on Tuesday: Food insecurity: As part of #HungerActionDay, food banks and anti-poverty organizations gathered to speak out against potential cuts to CalWORKs programs, as well as to expand food assistance programs such as CalFresh. According to the California Budget & Policy Center, 1 in 6 California children are food insecure. Victims’ rights: The California Partnership to End Domestic Violence rallied with other victims advocates and legislators to push back against potential funding cuts to crime victim services. In addition to the state’s budget shortfall, federal funds for these services are declining, leaving California nonprofit programs and domestic violence shelters at risk. Offshore wind: Several Assemblymembers pushed for a proposed $1 billion bond issue to finance port improvements for offshore wind turbines. Assemblymember Rick Zbur, a Los Angeles Democrat and a co-author of the proposal, said securing funding for wind energy projects “is a crucial step” to meet the state’s climate goals. Your favorite state, in photos: CalMatters has teamed up with CatchLight to launch California in Pictures, a new monthly newsletter that highlights compelling photojournalism from across the state. Sign up to receive it. And read more about it from our engagement team. Spring member drive: We rely on your support. Join our nonprofit, nonpartisan newsroom today, with a tax-deductible donation, to build a better California for tomorrow. Give now. Other Stories You Should Know Wildfires and insurance Donna Yutzy cleans the gutters of her home of flammable debris in the Magalia area of Butte County on Nov. 4, 2023. Photo by Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters As some major insurers continue to halt or stop offering policies — leaving California homeowners struggling to find coverage — legislation pushing companies to consider wildfire mitigation efforts are underway, writes CalMatters economy reporter Levi Sumagaysay. Research shows that mitigation, such as altering a roof’s shape, installing vents or clearing out nearby trees and bushes, is effective at reducing wildfire risk — at times by as much as 75%. Three bills underscore the weight legislators put on mitigation as a way to ease the state’s insurance market mess.  SB 1060 would require insurance companies to incorporate mitigation when considering whether to write or renew policies. AB 2983 calls for the state Insurance Department and the California Office of Emergency Services to determine whether investments in mitigation have any impact on the availability of insurance policies. AB 2416 would require the insurance department to regularly determine whether to update its 2022 Safer from Wildfires guidelines, which detail steps property owners can take to protect their homes. According to the department’s website, adopting its measures “can help you save money on your insurance.” Sen. Josh Becker, a Menlo Park Democrat who authored SB 1060, told Levi that “we believe that if you do the homework, you should get the credit.”  But others are skeptical how seriously insurers take these prevention efforts into account. At a public hearing on insurance issues last week, Nevada County Supervisor Heidi Hall said that residents in her community have spent “tens of thousands of dollars” protecting their homes, and that the county has spent millions to curb wildfires. And yet, “we’re not seeing discounts from insurance companies. They’re still leaving,” she said. Read more about the bills in Levi’s story. CA Forever gets closer to vote Land where California Forever plans on building its new city in Solano County on Feb. 16, 2024. Photo by Loren Elliott for CalMatters Also from CalMatters economy reporter Levi Sumagaysay: The tech billionaire-backed initiative to create a new community in Solano County believes it has collected enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot, California Forever CEO Jan Sramek said Tuesday.  California Forever submitted 20,472 signatures to the county registrar, more than the 13,062 valid signatures needed for the controversial measure to be put on the ballot. If it makes it on the ballot, voters will be asked to rezone farmland for the proposed development between Travis Air Force Base and Rio Vista. At a press conference in downtown Vallejo, Sramek said the number of signatures collected is higher than he expected and is “a testament” to how much support there is for the project. The project promises to bring to northeast Solano County a walkable community, help toward down payments for new homes and more. Sramek added that by signing the petition, supporters said “we want to end long commutes. We want (more) homes now.” California Forever also promises thousands of jobs paying at least 125% of the average wages in Solano County — or more than $80,000 annually — but has not named employers that will provide those jobs; Sramek said the company will be “talking about” possible employers in the next few weeks. Greg Ritchie, vice mayor of Vacaville, at the press conference: “The new city will enable people to experience upward mobility… not just gigs, but employment that can turn into amazing careers.” Solano Together, a coalition of community residents, officials and environmental groups against the project, pointed to its recent poll that showed overwhelming opposition, and said a new city “would increase traffic while paving over valuable agricultural lands and diverting valuable resources from existing communities.” Fairfield Mayor Catherine Moy said she wants to protect Travis Air Force Base, the county’s “way of farming” and its open space. Moy: “I’m not convinced at all that this is good for Solano County.” The county registrar released a schedule of what comes next: It will count the signatures through May 6, and conduct a random review of 3% of the signatures to verify them through June 11. If the number of approved signers falls within 95% to 110% of 13,062, the registrar will conduct a full review of the signatures through Sept. 5. How did colleges spend COVID cash Mikala Hutchinson, a MiraCosta College student who received financial aid, prepares dinner with her children at home in Oceanside on April 26, 2024. Photo by Adriana Heldiz, CalMatters After receiving a multibillion-dollar windfall from Congress during the COVID pandemic, how did California public colleges and universities spend all their cash? California colleges struggling with steep enrollment drops and lost tuition dollars received more than $8 billion from the federal government in 2021, according to CalMatters reporter Adam Echelman. The schools had limited guidance on how to spend the money, though they were required to give about half towards “institutional” needs and the other half directly to students. With the final June 30 deadline to spend the money looming, most schools have burned through the cash, often through major purchases. UCLA, for example, reported spending most of its institutional funds to recoup “lost revenue” from tuition and dorms. And Evergreen Valley College in San Jose spent its institutional needs dollars on new technology, tuition discounts and waivers for students with fines and fees.  The money for students went to those most in need, typically less than $1,000 each. According to federal reports, students often spent it on daily necessities, such as housing, food and transportation. For more details on how colleges and students spent their COVID relief dollars, read Adam’s story. CalMatters Commentary CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: California’s perpetual political war over housing has two new battlegrounds: one on the San Francisco peninsula, the other in Southern California. Ideas festival: CalMatters is hosting its first one, in Sacramento on June 5-6. Featured speakers include Julián Castro, CEO of the Latino Community Foundation; Nicholas Johnson, public policy director for Lyft; and Barbara McQuade, a former U.S. attorney and MSNBC legal analyst. Find out more from our engagement team and buy tickets here (early bird prices end today). Other things worth your time: Some stories may require a subscription to read. CA budget deficit could get worse for Gov. Newsom // The Sacramento Bee CA population grows, slightly, for first time since COVID pandemic // Politico  State cancer research ‘success story’ ends quietly // Capitol Weekly CA college protests: What’s happening at each campus // San Francisco Chronicle Basic income could get thousands off the streets, researchers say // Los Angeles Times Mercury News, other papers sue Microsoft, OpenAI over AI // The Mercury News CA’s new junk fees law bans restaurant surcharges, fees // San Francisco Chronicle Jury convicts three Aryan Brotherhood CA prison gang members // The Sacramento Bee Mexicans in San Diego could help decide national election // The San Diego Union-Tribune SF mayor proposes $360M bond for infrastructure, seismic safety // San Francisco Chronicle San Leandro to pay $3.9M settlement in beating of mentally disabled man // East Bay Times

Embattled Clackamas County commissioner Mark Shull makes bid for reelection after controversial term

Shull, whose political career is marred by controversy, faces three challengers for his seat on the Clackamas County board.

A Clackamas County commissioner whose first term has been marked by controversy and a failed recall is running for reelection — but declining to raise any money for his campaign.U.S. Army veteran Mark Shull, who was condemned by his fellow commissioners in 2021 for Islamophobic social media posts and comparing vaccine restrictions to Jim Crow laws, among other things, is being challenged by three local business leaders in the May primary.Commission Chair Tootie Smith, a fellow Republican to Shull on the commission, is also up for reelection. Clackamas County commissioners are elected countywide, as opposed to being elected in separate districts, like in Multnomah County.Shull faces challenges from business professionals Melissa Fireside and Tina Irvine, as well as former county employee Rae Gordon, who worked in tourism for 10 years. Fireside has taken the lead in campaign financing and lists endorsements from U.S. Sen. Jeff Merkley and former Clackamas County Chair Charlotte Lehan. Irvine carries the endorsements of Clackamas County District Attorney John Wentworth, the Portland Metro Chamber and the Clackamas County Peace Officer Association.Irvine, former managing partner of Express Employment Professionals’ Oregon City branch, wants to improve public safety, lower the cost of living and expand affordable housing to address homelessness. A daughter of a police officer, Irvine said she is a strong supporter of local law enforcement.Irvine does not have previous government experience, but she has served on the board of Oregon City-based Children’s Center, a nonprofit that offers child abuse and neglect evaluations, and as chair, secretary and treasurer of nonprofit Clackamas Workforce Partnership, which aims to create equitable and inclusive work environments.Tina Irvine, former managing partner at Express Employment Professionals, poses at work site in Clackamas County.Courtesy of campaignShe’s raised $49,700 for her campaign.“I am a well-respected and a trusted leader within the county,” Irvine wrote in response to a questionnaire from The Oregonian/OregonLive. “Over the past 20 years, I haven’t just talked about the issues; I have rolled up my sleeves and done the work to help make families, businesses and nonprofit organizations thrive.”Fireside, endorsed by the Democratic Party of Oregon’s gun owners caucus in the nonpartisan race for Position 4, is the owner of a construction management consulting company and a former member of Clackamas County’s advisory Mental Health & Addictions Council. She also chaired the county’s board that recommends pay levels for elected officials. In 2020, Fireside ran unsuccessfully for the Lake Oswego City Council.“As a small business owner, educator, and working mom, I believe we need leaders that value and champion our workers, families and communities so everyone has an equal opportunity to thrive,” Fireside wrote in a response to an Oregonian/OregonLive questionnaire.Melissa Fireside, owner of a construction consulting business, speaks about her goals if elected.Courtesy of campaignHer campaign focuses on economic development, community health and increasing housing availability. Fireside has raised $67,600 for her campaign and is endorsed by Democratic state Rep. Jules Walters of West Linn as well as the Democratic Party of Clackamas County.Gordon, the third challenger, worked for the county’s tourism and cultural affairs department for a decade. She left that role in 2015, but returned on a one-year contract in 2021 to help manage the county’s COVID-19 response, which included overseeing supplies and working as an analyst for vaccine clinics. She previously owned a marketing company in Oregon City and serves as president of two nonprofits, including the Cascade Blues Association, a low-budget nonprofit that promotes blues music.Gordon’s bid focuses on developing wrap-around mental health and substance use treatment and family mediation services. She also highlighted a need for effective public safety responses and accountability. Her campaign has raised $15,400.“What we need now in Clackamas County and frankly throughout our nation are community-driven leaders who are approachable, bring people together and are advocates for every voice,” Gordon wrote. “I have honed these skills.”Rae Gordon, a blues singer and former Clackamas County employee, hands a flier to a voter.Courtesy of campaignShull, who declined an opportunity to respond to questions from The Oregonian/OregonLive, ran into controversy soon after winning office for the first time in 2020. He defeated incumbent Ken Humberston in a runoff, 50.6% to 48.7%. In January 2021, backlash erupted in the county after residents discovered Shull had posted derogatory comments about Islam and Muslims as well as transgender people and the Black Lives Matter movement on social media.Less than two weeks after he took office, he faced calls to resign.In a commission meeting, Smith, the chair, read aloud a resolution that condemned Shull for “bigoted statements” and called for his resignation.He apologized and voted for the resolution but remained on the board. Legally, the board could not force a resignation.Outrage resurfaced again six months later, when Shull compared COVID-19 vaccine passports to Jim Crow laws that enforced racial segregation. Smith and the other three commissioners at the time voted to strip Shull of all liaison duties and committee assignments.In September 2021, Shull shared a meme on Facebook that appeared to compare COVID-19 health restrictions to the Holocaust. The post, which was quickly taken down, once again drew disapproval from members of the Clackamas County board. Shull defended his actions, saying the post was sent to him by community members who were concerned about potentially losing their jobs if they did not get vaccinated.Although his actions caused rifts with fellow commissioners, his policy stances have not always been so divisive. Like most Clackamas County officials, he was a strong opponent of plans to toll improved Oregon interstates. Gov. Tina Kotek paused those plans last month but tolling is sure to resurface in 2025 as state lawmakers debate how to finance needed transportation improvements.Shull is calling for an audit of the Oregon Department of Transportation to find solutions that don’t involve tolling. He has also vowed to fight any new taxes on Clackamas voters.Shull was a leading force in dismantling the county’s Equity and Inclusion Office last year. He voted to strike the office’s nearly $830,000 budget. Shull did not respond to calls, messages or emails for comment.Due to Shull’s controversial term and his opponents’ inexperience in elected office, the race could go into a run-off. If one candidate does not secure at least 50% of the vote, the top two vote-getters will move on to the November ballot.Below are answers from Fireside, Irvine and Gordon to five key questions posed by The Oregonian/OregonLive. Some responses have been lightly edited for style or to comply with word limits.Tell us three concrete goals you have for Clackamas County in the next two years if elected or reelected.Irvine: Permanently stop tolling: We simply cannot put more financial burden on the backs of our constituents. Even with the governor’s pause to a regional tolling plan, we need to stay diligent on this issue. I do not support tolling now and I will not support tolling in the future. Drive economic development: We must be strategic to attract, retain and grow our employer base. Build stronger community: Working families need quality child care. Developing an early child care business accelerator program will do just that. This program assists aspiring child care providers to build business plans to open neighborhood centers.Fireside: Enhance labor and economic development: Create union (jobs) and living wages across Clackamas County through partnerships with the trades, community colleges and business while enhancing opportunities for career bound youth. Diversify housing options: Get our (Metro homelessness tax) dollars out the door and build to scale supportive and workforce housing. Everyone deserves to have access to the generational wealth, mobility and security homeownership provides. Protect our natural resources: Our workforce must be empowered to get our Climate Action plan off the shelf so our communities see an immediate investment in natural disaster preparedness, infrastructure, and services through a climate change lens.Gordon: Family-homeless relative mediation: We need to be more creative in our approach and utilize existing county mediation services to (help homeless individuals) build bridges to family members. Mental health/illness: More than 50% will be diagnosed with a mental illness or disorder. County leaders need to model open and honest communications regarding mental illness to take the stigma off of pursuing mental health services. I intend to increase access for all citizens and homeless individuals. Public Safety: Citizens deserve to feel safe in their community and to trust and respect their providers. I would hold those who disrespect the badge accountable.Clackamas County has reported significant results in decreasing homelessness — how would you build on that and what additional solutions will you bring to the table?Irvine: Our leadership within the region is unmatched: The board along with county agencies, a wealth of nonprofit partners, and community outreach teams make up our Coordinated Housing Access System. The success we have seen occurs when coordinated access points convene and act quickly using the supportive housing dollars efficiently. As commissioner, I will specifically focus on veterans, youth and those in imminent danger of domestic violence, sexual assault, and human trafficking. Too often these highly vulnerable populations are forgotten but they deserve our full support.Fireside: Clackamas County saw a point in time decrease of 65% in homelessness. We still have, for example, over 300 students in one school district alone facing housing insecurity in Clackamas County. Our constituents must have access to services that bring stability to their lives. This includes opening up paths to homeownership, expanding our rent voucher program, stewarding the redevelopment of our HUD sites and empowering our cities to access the funding they need to meet their unique needs. Local control in this equation is paramount to success so we continue to see a decrease in homelessness.Gordon: It was recently announced that homelessness has decreased 65% since 2019 according to homeless counts. While I applaud that, I know when I was involved in helping conduct those counts, we weren’t able to interview everybody. Thus, we cannot be idle. The additional solutions need to address the individual and their unique circumstances that contributed to their current situation. More foundation needs to be laid to make it possible to step up into permanent housing that addresses family connections and counseling to give them a better chance at self-sufficiency, self-respect and success.What is your view of the closure of the Clackamas County equity office?Irvine: As a business leader and community advocate, I have built my career, family and social network in Clackamas County. The role of local government is not just to provide essential services like infrastructure, public health and safety, and economic development, but to also serve all people with dignity, respect and provide equal opportunity. I have dedicated my life to helping others and I hope that if I win, it is not because I’m a woman of color, but because people see my track record of success, leadership integrity, business acumen and believe I am the best person for the job.Fireside: I do not support the closure of the Equity and Inclusion Office. Good government requires a lens that considers all impacts and seeks to level the playing field. Opportunity must be available to all, which requires a realistic assessment of the roadblocks/barriers many of our fellow Oregonians face. It is incumbent on the county to provide services to all of us and to do so equitably. Many of the office’s services were designed to reach underserved folks in our county but without an equity and inclusion lens, those services will go to waste (or will not be delivered as intended).Gordon: Regardless of your opinion, one thing is clear — voices were heard but not respected. The amount of opposition should have changed the trajectory. It should be a goal to someday not need services, but that time is not now. Vulnerable citizens don’t feel safe by this action. While working for the county, I led a group that worked to build morale and make everyone feel welcome. We coordinated inclusive events and activities with an equity lens. The result was a better workforce and better customer service. When both employees and citizens aren’t seeing proactive steps to inclusivity, we all lose.What investments do you feel the county needs to make to address current and future climate issues, such as extreme weather events?Irvine: How we approach and mitigate extreme weather events such as wildfires is vital. Having more control over forest management at the county level is essential to reducing wildfires in the future. With our growing population and over 1.2 million acres to manage, we have learned that during emergencies our resources are stretched thin. Ensuring our residents know their part in an emergency is essential. I would like to see our county work with city leadership and private citizens to create more Community Emergency Response Teams with increased points of distribution that can be deployed in times of need.Fireside: Our county’s Climate Action Plan must be fully implemented. Our county procurement standards must align with our climate goals so the goods and services we procure and the contracts we enter into for development meet these standards whenever possible. Our cities, rural areas, homeowners associations and community planning organizations must have access to grants to prepare their communities. Our dedicated firefighters and first responders have programs to educate our communities on the plans they need to be safe in extreme weather and natural disasters. These programs must be fully funded to keep our communities safe and also our first responders.Gordon: Vehicles: Model environmental stewardship by increasing their fleet with eco-friendly vehicles. Disaster management: This dedicated department is proactive in developing programs and outreach. When I worked there I saw additional opportunities not taken due to resource development and access. This needs to be made a priority. Volunteer: A volunteer program was recently dissolved. As a community-driven volunteer and leader who has led others in large-scale projects, that was disheartening and a move that will only serve to disconnect citizens. Volunteers are crucial in times of extreme weather events and disasters and the county needs to lean into that source.How do you think Clackamas County should address fentanyl and substance use disorder?Irvine: Having lost a sibling to an overdose last year; I truly understand the vicious cycle of addiction. Fentanyl is a killer, highly addictive and extremely dangerous for medics and first responders to manage. The revision of Measure 110, which recriminalized drugs was a good start, but we must initiate help for those who can no longer help themselves. Law enforcement needs the tools and resources to ensure drug dealers are held accountable and prosecuted. Our criminal justice system is an entry point to supportive services that those in recovery tout as a reason they are alive today.Fireside: Education, prevention, rehabilitation and enforcement. Our populations must know how dangerous drug use is and that one pill can forever change or end their life. Our law enforcement must have a focus on cutting the head off the snake and make sure drugs are not being pumped into our communities. Our first responders need resources to respond effectively to drug overdoses and provide education to our community at large. We need to make sure the experts in the space of prevention, rehabilitation and medical response are empowered to lead and have every resource they need to keep our communities safe.Gordon: Priority is addressing the source and the addict. There should be severe penalties for those who sell and campaigns that share stories and encourage anonymous reporting. We need to continue to work and elevate existing groups and organizations that are currently doing the hard and difficult work to connect with addicts, homeless and people who are struggling with mental illness and susceptible to self-medicating. Easy access to free or low cost mental health services and counseling both on-site and off-site should be addressed.— Austin De Dios covers Multnomah County politics, programs and more. Reach him at 503-319-9744, adedios@oregonian.com or @AustinDeDios.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

It’s time to strike an environmental grand bargain between businesses, governments and conservationists – and stop doing things the hard way

It shouldn’t take sustained public outrage to stop environmentally destructive projects. Nature positive offers us a way forward.

jenmartin/ShutterstockApril has been a bad month for the Australian environment. The Great Barrier Reef was hit, yet again, by intense coral bleaching. And Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek delayed most of her Nature Positive Plan reforms. True, Plibersek did reject the controversial Toondah Harbour proposal, but only after a near decade-long grassroots campaign to save the wetland from an apartment and retail development deemed clearly unacceptable by her own department. Rather than fall back into old patterns of developers versus conservationists, we have a rare chance to find a compromise. Labor’s embrace of “Nature Positive” – a promising new environmental restoration approach – opens up the possibility of a grand bargain, whereby developers and business get much faster approvals (or rejections) in exchange for ensuring nature as a whole is better off as a result of our activities. Sustainable development was meant to save us First, a quick recap. We were meant to have put the era of saving the environment one place at a time to bed a long time ago. Around 1990, governments worldwide took to the then-novel idea of sustainable development. We even had a special Australian variant, ecologically sustainable development, which our federal and state governments backed unanimously. This led to a national strategy and incorporation into well over 100 laws, including flagship laws like the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act, passed in 1999. The basic idea was, and is, sound: encourage development to improve our quality of life, while maintaining the ecological processes on which life depends. Read more: Australia's long-sought stronger environmental laws just got indefinitely deferred. It's back to business as usual But it’s not what ended up being legislated. The 1990’s laws did not require developers to make their projects sustainable. Typically, sustainable development was watered down into principles ministers only had to “consider”. Meanwhile, our ecosystems have continued to go downhill. And in a 2020 review of the laws, Graeme Samuel pronounced the EPBC Act a failure. Nature, positive? When Labor was elected in 2022, it promised a new goal: “Nature Positive”. This idea is no mere slogan. Nature positive is a serious policy idea. Think of it as the biodiversity counterpart to net zero emissions. The goal is ambitious: stop the decline by 2030 and set about restoring what has been lost for a full recovery of nature by 2050. Rather than ticking boxes on whether principles had been considered, regulators would answer a much more basic question: will this development deliver a net positive outcome for nature? Measuring progress is core to nature positive. We would take an environmental snapshot at the outset and track the gains and losses from there. Like sustainable development before it, nature positive has been adopted with gusto by the Australian government, internationally and domestically. In 2022, Plibersek committed to “stop the slide” and to “bake [the Nature Positive reforms] into law”. Now, suddenly, we have lost momentum. The crucial part of the reforms – embedding nature positive in stronger environment laws – has been kicked down the road. Plibersek has blamed complexity, extensive consultation and the need to get it right. Others see political concerns. Could we strike a grand environmental bargain? By pushing these laws back, Plibersek has effectively turned the already extended consultation process into an open-ended negotiation. Given consultation will keep running indefinitely, we’re now in the realm of regulatory co-design, previously only on offer to First Nations representatives for new cultural heritage protection laws. Co-design implies proceeding by consensus. It would be politically embarrassing to run a consultation over years only to bring down the policy guillotine. Consensus in turn raises the possibility of a grand environmental bargain, built around nature positive. Could this work? Might environment groups settle for a limited form of nature positive? Might business, in return for much faster approvals or rejections, support much stronger legal protection, especially for particularly vulnerable or important ecosystems? Samuel certainly thinks so. At a recent Senate Inquiry, he recounted telling a meeting during his review: If you each stick to your aspirations 100%, you’ll end up getting nothing. If you’re prepared to accept 80%-plus of your aspirations, you’ll get them, and that will be a quantum leap forward from the abysmal failure that we’ve had for two and a half decades What might an 80% agreement look like? If we are to turn decline into recovery, we need to ensure each natural system is intact. That is, it retains the minimum level of environmental stocks (such as animals, plants and insects) and flows (such as water, nutrients) needed to sustain ecological health. If flows of water into wetlands drop below a certain threshold, they’re not wetlands any more. AustralianCamera/Shutterstock Such thresholds for ecological health are everywhere. For example, keeping the platypus off the endangered list would involve maintaining its population close to current levels and working out how much of its riverbank habitat should be conserved. For policymakers, this suggests environmental laws should define minimum viability thresholds. Some thresholds would be absolute; others would be crossable in one location provided equivalent restoration was done in another. Environmental groups could take satisfaction that thresholds would be maintained in most cases. Ecosystems would function, rivers would flow. But governments would still override thresholds for important economic and social reasons, say to approve a critical minerals project. What’s in it for corporate Australia? Business would gain upfront certainty about what can be approved and quicker approvals for projects. Environmental litigation would fall. But development options would be narrowed and offsets would become more expensive. The government would achieve a key goal: major environmental reform. But it would have to say no more often, and be transparent about crossing environmental thresholds. It would have to finance the science and planning needed. And it would need to boost investment in environmental restoration, to compensate for using override powers and for the cumulative impact of smaller-scale activities. A grand bargain along these lines would not deliver nature positive in full. We’d still be losing nature due to climate change. But it might go close enough to offer hope of long-term recovery. Is such a deal feasible? It depends on how players read the incentives for compromise. For example, business will not want to be locked out of prospective development areas, but will also be worried about the possibility of a minority Labor government dependent on the Greens next year. Nature positive in Australia is down – but opportunity remains. Read more: Out of alignment: how clashing policies make for terrible environmental outcomes Peter Burnett is a member of the Biodiversity Council, an independent expert group founded by 11 Australian universities to promote evidence-based solutions to Australia’s biodiversity crisis. This article does not necessarily reflect the Council's views.

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