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Strong Winds Can Bring Gale Warnings to Communities Near Water. Here's What That Means

The strong storms and declining temperatures that come with winter can cause significant winds

Winter weather in the U.S. frequently includes storms and steeply declining temperatures. Those drastic weather changes can come with high winds, sometimes strong enough to capsize a boat, or send a rogue tree branch flying. Such conditions can translate into safety risks for people who go outside and hazardous situations that make it more dangerous to operate a boat or a car. A gale warning alert means there are high sustained winds or frequent gusts over a body of water, so they're reserved for communities near oceans, sounds or lakes.More specifically, meteorologist Patrick Saunders with the National Weather Service said the U.S. agency typically issues gale warnings whenever wind speeds are faster than 35 knots, or about 40 mph (64 km/h).Jason Furtado, associate professor of meteorology at the University of Oklahoma, said the recipe for a gale warning can also bring windy conditions miles from water, too.“Over land, the National Weather Service typically translates that to high wind warnings,” he said.Since a gale warning is a maritime alert, Saunders said the main recommendation from the National Weather Service is for most people to stay away from the water.“Strong winds cause larger waves, which have the potential to capsize or damage vessels, especially smaller boats,” he said.Gale warnings can lead to hazardous conditions ashore, too.“It can affect trees, tree branches. Particularly in some areas, if the winds get really strong, that can affect roofs, power lines,” Furtado said. “You might see stories about trampolines going flying out of people’s backyards.”It also makes driving more dangerous because large trucks are more likely to tip over and sudden gusts can add to the challenge of navigating storm hazards such as slippery or icy roads. If there is snow on the ground, high winds can kick it up and make it more difficult to see. Wind makes the cold colder Low temperatures plus high winds translate into wind chill.“It tends to feel colder because your body creates heat, and then as the wind blows, it blows that heat away,” said Saunders.That extra chill can become dangerous to human health. Furtado said once windchill temperatures drop into negative numbers, frostbite becomes a risk.Gale warnings and high wind warnings are also dangerous because people are less likely to take them seriously than they do other types of weather. “Some people may not react as they would with a winter storm warning or a blizzard warning,” he said. “People need to pay attention to high wind warnings, and take appropriate action.”He recommends dressing warmly, securing outside decorations or plants and taking extra precautions if you have to drive.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

Indigenous Groups Get the Spotlight at UN Climate Talks, but Some Say Visibility Isn't Power

This year's United Nations climate talks in Brazil are putting a special focus on Indigenous peoples

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — Indigenous people are used to adapting, so when the power failed at their kickoff event at this year's United Nations climate talks, they rolled with it. Participants from around the world sweated through song, dance and prayers, improvising without microphones and cooling themselves with fans made of paper or leaves.But the ill-timed blackout fed an undercurrent of skepticism that this year's summit — dubbed “the Indigenous peoples COP” — will deliver on organizers' promise to put them front and center at the event on the edge of the Amazon rainforest where many Indigenous groups live.“We’re working within a mechanism and we’re working within an institution that we know wasn’t built for us,” said Thalia Yarina Cachimuel, a Kichwa-Otavalo member of A Wisdom Keepers Delegation, a global group of Indigenous people from around the world. ”We have to work 10 times harder to ensure that our voices are a part of the space.”This year’s climate talks, which run through Nov. 21, aren't expected to produce an ambitious new deal. Instead, organizers and analysts frame this year’s conference as the “implementation COP," aimed at executing on past promises. A conference that's not easy to attend The climate talks — known as Conference of the Parties, or COP30 for this year's edition — have long left Indigenous people out or relegated them to the sidelines.Many aren’t represented robustly in the governments that often violently colonized their people. Others encounter language barriers or travel difficulties that keep them from reaching conferences like COP30.The Brazilian government said hosting this year’s summit in Belem was partly an homage to the Indigenous groups skilled at living sustainably in the Earth’s wild spaces.But Indigenous groups, as with other activists, aren’t traditionally included in climate negotiations unless individual members are part of a country’s delegation. Brazil has included them and urges other nations to do the same. It was not immediately clear how many have done so in Belem.But there's a big difference between visible and being included in the heart of negotiations, Cachimuel said.“Sometimes that’s where the gap is, right? Like who gets to go to the high-level climate, who gets to go to the high-level dialogues, you know, who are the people that are meeting with states and governments," she said.She worried that the inclusion effort won't continue at future COPs.Edson Krenak, of the Krenak people and Brazil manager for Indigenous rights group Cultural Survival, said he has seen less participation from Indigenous people than he expected. He attributed that partly to the difficulty of finding space to stay in Belem, a small city that struggled to quickly expand lodging options for COP30.He said it's frustrating when Indigenous people aren’t involved from the beginning in developing policies but are expected to comply with them.“We want to design these policies, we want to be involved in really dreaming solutions," Krenak said.Still, the fact that this COP is in the Amazon “makes Indigenous peoples the host,” said Alana Manchineri, who works with COIAB, an organization of Indigenous people of the Amazon basin like herself. Fighting to make voices heard At the opening of the Indigenous People's Pavilion, the lack of power wasn't the only issue. Presenters made do without an official translator.One presenter, Wis-waa-cha, of Coast Salish and Nuu-Chah-Nulth lands, said lack of attention to such details can make people feel “continually dismissed through very passive ways.”The office of Brazil's presidency didn't immediately respond to a question about why no translator was available for the event. It said they worked to fix the power outage as quickly as possible.World leaders should focus on directly financing the communities that need support, said Lucas Che Ical, who was representing Ak'Tenamit, an organization that supports education, climate change and health initiatives in Indigenous and rural villages in Guatemala.He knows that often at past COPs, the agreements reached don't directly have a positive impact on the lives of Indigenous peoples. He hopes it's different this year."I'm an optimistic person," he said, speaking in Spanish. “There is a perspective that yes, it could give good results and that the governments that are deciding could make a favorable decision.”Above all, he said he hopes that decision makers at this COP “can listen to the voices of Indigenous villages, local communities and all the villages of the world, where they live in poverty and who are part of the impacts of climate change.”The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

The hottest ticket in Brazil just might be a meeting with Gavin Newsom

The California governor drew crowds at an economic summit ahead of this week's UN climate talks.

SÃO PAULO — California Gov. Gavin Newsom isn't even at the United Nations climate talks yet — but he's already getting bombarded with meeting requests.Newsom kicked off his trip to Brazil 1,800 miles south of the Amazonian city of Belém that’s hosting this year’s international gathering, talking to Brazilian and American financiers at an investors' summit in São Paulo.His first question from the Brazilian press on Monday, fresh off last week's redistricting victory: whether he would run for president ("Nothing else matters but 2026 and taking back the House of Representatives," he said). Newsom couldn’t walk halfway down a hallway without fielding a meeting request from CEOs and NGOs — or a selfie request. One Brazilian picture-taker had him repeat the Portuguese word for "Let’s go": "Vamos."His remarks to investors at the Milken Global Investors' Symposium sounded more like a campaign rally than a business speech."We have seen this complete reversal of so much of the progress that the Biden administration made," he said. "What Trump is doing is unprecedented in American history ... This should not be through the lens or prism of red, in American vernacular, versus blue."Then he held an hour-long roundtable meeting with representatives from major investment funds, philanthropies, development banks and energy leaders, who he said pushed him to bolster economic ties in existing voluntary agreements with Brazilian governments.Newsom told POLITICO he and his team were getting a "disproportionate number of calls" to meet on the sidelines of the talks, where the U.S. government’s delegation numbers zero ("not even a note taker," Newsom said.)"We’re at peak influence because of the flatness of the surrounding terrain with the Trump administration and all the anxiety," Newsom said in an interview in São Paulo.Newsom is playing a well-rehearsed role for California, which has staked out a leading role in international climate diplomacy for decades under both Democratic and Republican governors, including during Trump's first term. The Trump administration’s dismantling of climate policies to favor oil and gas interests only give California more space to fill, said former Gov. Jerry Brown, who got a hero’s welcome himself at the United Nations climate talks in 2017, the first year of Trump 1.0."Trump, he's saying one thing," Brown said in an interview. "Newsom is saying something else, very important." The impact, he said, will be determined in Belém. "That's why it's exciting. There's not an answer yet."That gives Newsom an opening — and a risk. Where Brown led a coalition of states eager to demonstrate continued commitment on climate in Trump's first term, Newsom will arrive in Belém, near the mouth of the Amazon River, at a time when U.S. politics are tilting rightward and even Democrats are pulling back on embracing climate policies.And there’s little Newsom’s team, which includes ex-State Department climate negotiators, can actually do in the closed-door talks reserved for countries. But the governor’s goal is to influence from just outside the door."We're in every room, because California has been the inspiration for a lot of these jurisdictions," he told POLITICO.Newsom's heading next to Belém, where he’s scheduled to meet with other subnational leaders and renew environmental pacts with other countries and states — starting on Tuesday with the environment ministers from Germany and the German state of Baden-Württemburg, which Brown first partnered with to promote the soft power of subnational governments during Trump’s first term. Newsom said he would also meet with representatives from Chile. He’s also expected to give plenary remarks at the UN.After that, he’ll head deeper into the Amazon rainforest to meet with Indigenous communities on conservation — one of the goals of the Brazilian organizers of the climate talks. Newsom said he saw the visit to the Amazon as a spiritual opportunity."It connects us to our creator," he said. "It connects us to thousands and thousands of generations."Like this content? Consider signing up for POLITICO’s California Climate newsletter.

Group Unveils Vision to Upgrade Limón Costa Rica

Eco Innovation Group has released a detailed redevelopment plan for Limón, aiming to turn the Caribbean city into a key economic center for Costa Rica. The company, in partnership with WRA Holdings, outlined the initiative as part of a proposed merger that could bring major infrastructure changes to the region. The plan focuses on building […] The post Group Unveils Vision to Upgrade Limón Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Eco Innovation Group has released a detailed redevelopment plan for Limón, aiming to turn the Caribbean city into a key economic center for Costa Rica. The company, in partnership with WRA Holdings, outlined the initiative as part of a proposed merger that could bring major infrastructure changes to the region. The plan focuses on building a connected network of transport systems in Limón. It calls for upgrading the port with better cargo facilities, new tech for cleaner shipping, and more space for cruise ships. A new international airport would move to the city’s western side, linking directly to rail lines and logistics routes. This setup would help move goods and people more efficiently across the country. Limón’s city center would see updates too. The vision includes a walking path along the waterfront, a small marina area with shops, and a refreshed main street that keeps the area’s Caribbean style. A central square and updated church would serve as spots for people to meet. WRA Holdings leads the effort, with projects that include a national rail system tying the north and Caribbean areas together. Other parts cover waste-to-energy plants, water cleaning systems, beach fixes, and health facilities. The first steps involve a facility in Abangares for turning waste into power and a share in the Pacífico rail line. Leaders from both companies see this as a way to grow the economy while caring for the environment. Richard Hawkins, head of Eco Innovation Group, said the plan links infrastructure, people, and green practices on a country-wide scale. Cornel Alvarado, who runs WRA Holdings, added that they aim to build a growth model that honors Costa Rica’s past and sets up for future trade. The overall effort fits into Costa Rica’s larger push for rail and green updates, valued between $3.8 billion and $5 billion. Early work could see $800 million spent, with expectations of $3 billion in earnings over five years. Jobs would come in areas like shipping, clean energy, and travel, drawing more people and firms to Limón. Limón has long served as a trade point, but faces issues with old setups and growth limits. This plan seeks to fix that by making it a main entry for visitors and business from the Caribbean side. It also stresses green steps, like renewable power sources, waste handling, clean water lines, parks, and protected zones to cut down on harm to nature. The merger between Eco Innovation Group and WRA Holdings remains in early talks, with a letter of intent signed to swap shares. If it goes through, the combined group would handle these projects under public company rules. Eco Innovation Group trades as ECOX and helps small firms go public. Costa Rican officials have not yet commented on the plan, but it lines up with national goals for better trade and tourism. Limón’s role could strengthen, helping the province catch up with other parts of our country in development. Residents in Limón might see better living conditions from new jobs and fixed-up spaces. The plan pushes for training programs to prepare locals for roles in the updated systems. This comes as Costa Rica works to balance growth with its strong environmental record. The Caribbean coast holds rich natural areas, and the plan claims to protect them while adding modern features. More details could emerge as the merger talks advance. For now, the vision offers a clear path to remake Limón into a bustling hub that serves both locals and the wider economy. The post Group Unveils Vision to Upgrade Limón Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Newsom brings California to the heart of the Amazon — and the U.N. climate conference

California state officials are in Brazil for the annual United Nations climate conference. The visit highlights California’s role as a climate leader and supports its environmental policies, especially since the U.S. has no official federal delegation. However, some critics question whether the trip is worthwhile because California lacks the power to make international agreements.

In summary California state officials are in Brazil for the annual United Nations climate conference. The visit highlights California’s role as a climate leader and supports its environmental policies, especially since the U.S. has no official federal delegation. However, some critics question whether the trip is worthwhile because California lacks the power to make international agreements. California likes to think of itself as a nation — and this week, it’s acting like one. Gov. Gavin Newsom, top state officials and legislators are leading a delegation to the United Nations’ 30th Conference of Parties this week in Belém, a gateway to Brazil’s Amazon region.  The state has no seat in the rooms where nations will negotiate their commitments under international law to curbing greenhouse gases. But California and the governor are there anyway, to project his and the state’s climate message onto the global stage.  “The reason I’m here is the absence of leadership coming from the United States — this vacuum, it’s rather jaw dropping,” Newsom said Monday in São Paulo, speaking at the Milken Institute Global Investors’ Symposium. “Not even an observer; not someone taking notes.” After the Trump administration withdrew the U.S. from the Paris Agreement for the second time earlier this year, California was left symbolically standing in for a United States government. Supporters say the annual global climate conference is worth it, pointing to policies inspired by and partnerships formed at past conferences. But environmental justice advocates question the value of these excursions, arguing the events are too distant and industry-driven to reflect frontline communities. California’s presence on the world stage may matter more than ever, experts said — but the state can’t substitute for the world’s leading superpower. Although it’s Newsom’s first time at the summit, he has sent state representatives to every event since he took office.  “If we weren’t doing things like this, then the rest of the world would be even more puzzled as to what’s going on inside the United States,” said UC San Diego climate expert David G. Victor. “The symbolic value of showing that the United States has not completely abandoned climate and clean energy…is pretty important for the rest of the world, but there’s not a huge caloric value to it.” International events influence state policy  California officials who attend the climate conference say they foster relationships with international leaders that influence policy, both through subnational agreements and through legislative efforts.  “Californians have been very clear that we also need to take actions … to combat climate change,” said state Natural Resources Agency Secretary Wade Crowfoot, part of the delegation to Brazil. “And simply put, it doesn’t make any sense that all of the answers would be found in California.”  As a strategy to achieve its goals, California has signed dozens of agreements with other regional governments and some nations, including Mexico, Australia and Denmark.  In August, Newsom signed an agreement with Denmark committing to achieve carbon neutrality by 2045 — a goal established in an executive order and in state law — and to collaborate on ways to improve cyber resilience. In March, the state entered an agreement with the Mexican state of Sonora to expand renewable electricity generation and cross-border energy trade. The state’s relationship with Denmark has helped California gain access to technology to better manage its water systems, Crowfoot added. Using that geophysical imaging technology, Stanford researchers were able to map the state’s groundwater system as part of a joint study.  Legislators say the climate conference itself has brought solutions from abroad to local problems.  Sen. Anna Caballero, a Democrat who represents Merced,  said severe climate impacts to her region prompted her to look for answers internationally. In 2023, she traveled to the U.N. summit in Dubai – in part, she said, looking for climate solutions that would keep workers in her region employed as the state transitions away from fossil fuels. “I’ve been concerned with the lack of investments that actually make a difference in rural and poorly resourced communities,” Caballero said. “So I was looking for alternatives.” The Dubai trip inspired a number of bills, she said, including one that directs the state Air Resources Board to develop carbon capture and sequestration technologies to meet greenhouse gas reduction goals. Newsom signed the bill into law in 2022.  Caballero said she has met with people from the Amazon who are affected by climate change, and “it was very moving,” she said.  “The impact we have on the world is tremendous, and we just need to be more sensitive to that.” What’s in it for state leaders?  With the fourth-largest economy in the world, California wields clout even without being directly involved in global climate talks. Newsom is continuing a decades-long tradition of state governors who have used the U.N. summit as a chance to cement their status as climate leaders and substitute diplomats. Arnold Schwarzenegger was the first California governor to attend the conference, flying to Copenhagen in 2009.  Then, Jerry Brown attended the 2015 summit where the United Nations signed the Paris agreement, a legally-binding treaty aimed at limiting global temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels. That year, Brown started the Under 2 Coalition, a group of 200 subnational governments that share knowledge with each other to work toward that goal.  It’s Newsom’s first time attending the international conference, but he has burnished his profile as a climate leader by travelling to other events.  In the past, Newsom has appeared regularly at Climate Week in New York City, where he told a United Nations summit in 2023 that “this climate crisis is a fossil fuel crisis.” This year, however, he has moderated his posture toward the fossil fuel industry, advancing legislation to expand drilling in Kern County and slowing certain regulations. In 2023, he also traveled to China to promote California’s zero-emission vehicle agenda. He was named co-chair of the U.N. summit’s newly-formed Local Leaders Forum, a group of regional and state leaders that met in Rio de Janeiro the week before the conference to discuss subnational strategies to reduce emission. So far at events around the conference in Brazil, Newsom has highlighted the state’s progress in deploying electric cars, extending its cap and trade program through 2045 and increasingly running the grid on renewable energy such as wind, solar, and battery storage. “The state of California has been a consistent partner for a half century, and will continue to be for decades to come,” he said. For Newsom, attending the conference is also about positioning himself as a global leader as he considers a 2028 presidential run.   Shannon Gibson, a University of Southern California professor who teaches global climate policy, said the U.N. summit offers a massive international stage, media coverage and access to world leaders that help Newsom advance his climate agenda. It’s not a bad place for Newsom to showcase his presidential leadership abilities, she added.  “It’s the ability to network and rub elbows with high level leaders, prime ministers and presidents from all around the world,” Gibson said. “It does present an international stage where Gov. Newsom could take his domestic policies and advance them at that global level.” Not everyone sees the governor’s global spotlight as a virtue. State Senator Tony Strickland, a Republican from Huntington Beach, said Newsom should be tackling the state’s affordability crisis instead of viewing every decision through the lens of a future presidential run. “We have major problems here in California,” Strickland said. “We need a leader to solve these problems.” Costs & Controversy  A private nonprofit tied to the governor paid for Newsom’s trip to Brazil. The non-profit helps fund a range of official travel and ceremonial events, drawing money both from his inaugural committees and outside donors. The California State Protocol Foundation is a charitable nonprofit corporation whose purpose is “to lessen the burden on California taxpayers by relieving the state of California of its obligations to fund certain expenditures.” The Governor’s own inaugural committees have contributed at least $5 million since 2019, according to data from the Fair Political Practices Commission reviewed by CalMatters.  The governor established inaugural committees to pay for events and official activities surrounding his 2019 and 2023 inaugurations. The protocol foundation has drawn a range of outside donors to pay for state officials’ international travel – not just to climate conferences. The Hewlett Foundation provided $300,000 in 2023 to support the Governor’s climate-focused trip to China. The Los Angeles Dodgers contributed $25,000 in 2021 to help underwrite his State of the State address at Dodger Stadium.  “We don’t live in an ideal world,” said Jessica A. Levinson, a law professor at Loyola Marymount Law School in Los Angeles and former president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission. “On the one hand, you’re trying to protect our scarcest resource, which is taxpayer dollars,” she continued, “on the other hand, you are, of course, allowing private influence over public officials.” Legislators said they cover their expenses to attend international climate conferences with campaign funds and their own money. And in 2021, two nonprofits, the Climate Action Reserve and the Climate Registry covered some costs for lawmakers to attend the event in Scotland.  That year, the Assembly covered the costs for a few security staff to accompany them –  funded by taxpayer dollars. This year, there is no extra security or staff accompanying the two legislators attending: Senator Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park, and Senator Henry Stern, a Democrat from the Calabasas area.   Recently, environmental justice and indigenous communities have criticized the U.N.’s choices to hold events in regions that have an economic interest in fossil fuels: Dubai in 2023 and Azerbaijan in 2024.  This year’s conference is also controversial for some, because it’s located in populous but remote Belém, which some say lacks sufficient infrastructure. Attendees took multiple planes to reach the city, and hotel options are limited. Caballero said she opted out of attending the conference this year, as she did last year, because of the length of the journey. “I would go in a heartbeat,” she said, “if it weren’t for the inconvenient travel.” Environmental groups are skeptical  Schwarzenegger was seen as a trailblazer when he first attended the U.N. conference. But more than a decade later, he offered a different perspective: bringing world leaders together to commit to the same goals year after year is a waste of time.  “The definition of insanity is you do the same thing over and over again and expect different results,” he said. “When it comes to the negotiations with the U.N., these COP kind of agreements, I think it’s set up the wrong way.”  Critics question the practical value of California’s presence around international climate talks. The state’s subnational agreements are largely aspirational. Environmental activists, who lack access to international talks and funds to attend conferences, raise concerns about how well state agencies represent local interests abroad.  “In a lot of ways, it seems like it’s a pretty performative meeting,” said Catherine Garoupa, executive director of the Central Valley Air Quality Coalition and a member of the Air Resources Board’s environmental justice advisory committee.  “I’ve never had a conversation or been consulted by anyone who participates in that forum.” Jaron Browne, an Oakland organizer with the Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, traveled to Belém for the People’s Climate Summit,  a parallel gathering where activists and Indigenous leaders called for fairer climate policies, stronger land protections, and accountability for major polluters. Browne said that while California speaks with urgency on climate, its continued reliance on imported crude oil undercuts that message.  What communities near the fencelines of refineries and other industrial polluters want is to stop pollution at its source, said Browne. The bigger problem, he added, is that carbon markets like California’s cap-and-trade system let companies keep polluting while claiming progress by buying offsets or funding forest projects. “Thank God we have a voice that is speaking about the urgency of the crisis, and that’s very important, and taking some really important progressive stances,” Browne said. At the same time, “we talk out of both sides of our mouths.”

The world’s lemurs are going extinct. This is the only way to save them.

On a cloudless morning in September, sunlight poured through the canopy of a banyan tree near the banks of the Onilahy River, which runs from southwest Madagascar to the Indian Ocean. The tree grew on the edge of a small karst cliff. Its roots spilled over the side like melting candle wax.  I scrambled up […]

A group of ring-tailed lemurs just waking up in a tree near the village of Ifanato in southwest Madagascar. On a cloudless morning in September, sunlight poured through the canopy of a banyan tree near the banks of the Onilahy River, which runs from southwest Madagascar to the Indian Ocean. The tree grew on the edge of a small karst cliff. Its roots spilled over the side like melting candle wax.  I scrambled up the cliff for a better view of the canopy, when I saw something staring back at me: a lemur. It had scruffy white fur, a black face with bug-eyes, and a tail that was at least the length of its body. This wasn’t just any lemur; it was a Verreaux’s sifaka: a critically endangered species that I’ve spent much of my life longing to see. This story is part of a series This fall, Vox is publishing a three-part series on conservation in Madagascar, supported by the BAND Foundation. This story is part 2.  Madagascar, an island nation east of continental Africa, is the only place on Earth where lemurs exist. There are more than 100 lemur species, and nearly all of them are at risk of extinction, including the sifaka. Their foe is deforestation; all lemurs depend on trees for food and shelter, and half or more of the country’s forests are now gone.  In Madagascar, unlike in many other forested nations, the bulk of deforestation isn’t caused by the industrial-scale farming and cattle ranching that often enriches big corporations. Forests here are primarily felled by individual families who cut trees to grow crops or collect cooking fuel. That’s how many people feed themselves and make money. They often have few other options; Madagascar ranks among the top five poorest countries in the world, and people here have few economic opportunities that don’t rely on exploitation.  Against this dim reality, the lemur before me represented something hopeful. The only reason it was here was that this tree was still standing. And this tree was still standing, because nearby villages have worked hard against tough odds to protect the forest they all share. Working alongside the World Wildlife Fund, one of the world’s largest environmental organizations, those villages created new economic opportunities for themselves that don’t destroy the forest. Together, they demonstrate a crucial element of what makes conservation work in the poorest parts of the world: first, meeting the needs of people, and then, stepping out of the way to let them take charge. The lemur I saw lives in the Onilahy River basin of southwest Madagascar, not far from the coast and the largest city in the region, called Toliara. It’s a strange landscape — a collision of desert and forest, where spiny shrubs grow nearby tall trees. The south of Madagascar is arid, yet there’s an abundance of water here that flows from the river and a series of natural springs. On a warm morning towards the end of winter in the Southern Hemisphere, I traveled from Toliara to a small village near the river called Maroamalo. The road was mostly dirt and spotted with crater-sized potholes, which — along with several goat-related traffic jams — turned a 15-mile trip into a three-hour, butt-bruising adventure.  Maroamalo is one of several communities helping protect the lemur-filled forests of the Onilahy River basin. Working alongside staff from WWF, they manage a protected area called Amoron’i Onilahy. The park is only around 250,000 acres — making it a little smaller than New York City — yet it envelops a wide variety of ecosystems, from wetlands to spiny thickets and a huge number of rare species, including eight kinds of primates. In some ways, Amoron’i Onilahy is Madagascar in miniature. The island nation is packed full of different habitat types, which is one reason why it has a higher proportion of endemic species than any other place on Earth.  Protected areas — which typically restrict certain activities that degrade ecosystems and endanger biodiversity — have a mixed record of success. This is especially true in Madagascar. Studies have found that people clear trees even within parts of the country that are formally protected, including those that are managed by communities.  One reason is that most of Madagascar’s parks lack the funds to monitor vast areas for illegal woodcutting. But a bigger challenge is that few protected areas confront the reason why people cut trees at all: their own survival. When the choice is between breaking the law and feeding your family, people choose survival. “Deforestation and illegal exploitation are still impacting nearly all protected areas despite 30 years of intensive conservation efforts,” as the authors of one study put it.  What just happened to Madagascar’s government? On September 25, the day I left Madagascar to return to the US, the capital city of Antananarivo erupted in protests, then led by Andry Rajoelina, against the government. Demonstrators — largely led by Gen Z — expressed outrage over water, electricity shortages, and a lack of economic opportunities. The protests continued for days, supercharged by broader grievances including corruption and poor governance. And on October 14, Rajoelina was impeached, and the military seized control of the country. Col. Michael Randrianirina is now in control of a transitional government that’s meant to organize elections within two years.  The government upheaval highlights the deep level of human need in Madagascar, which drives people to exploit free natural resources. Events like this also tend to fuel deforestation and make it even harder for conservation to work. Political crises weaken law enforcement, allowing more illegal logging, and hamper scientific research and tourism that support conservation.  Amoron’i Onilahy, however, appears to be an exception.  There are a few things you notice right away in Maroamalo: Many of its homes are made of mud, rock, and plant fiber; chickens, ducks, and goats seem to be wandering around everywhere; and just behind the village center, where the land slopes into the river valley, there are acres of verdant farmland, which pop against the surrounding brown Earth. It was as if a patchy green quilt had been laid across the valley.  Worldwide, agriculture is the number one threat to biodiversity. To meet the rising global demand for food, agrobusinesses often clear natural habitats for crops and livestock. But here in Maroamalo, farming is actually helping keep the forest intact. Only about one in three people in Madagascar have access to electricity, and even fewer people use natural gas. That’s why nearly everyone cooks with either simple firewood or, in more urban areas, charcoal — a carbon-rich fuel source produced from tree branches. Around cities like Toliara, making charcoal is how many people earn money to pay for food, school supplies, and medical bills. One 110-pound (50 kg) bag sells for $2 to $3. In Madagascar, that’s enough to buy a few meals. Charcoal production was once common among villages in the region like Maroamalo, said Nanie Ratsifandrihamanana, who leads WWF’s work in Madagascar. That’s one reason why the river basin has lost so many of its trees. Shifting cultivation, better known as slash-and-burn agriculture, further eroded the forests here. People would burn one plot of forest to clear the way for crops, and then, once the soil was exhausted and weeds took over, do the same thing in another. Across nearly all of Madagascar, and much of Africa, these are among the two largest forces that raze forests. WWF has long been aware of these problems. So, more than a decade ago, staff from the organization began talking with communities here about how they could earn money without cutting trees. This idea had appeal. Speaking with me under the shade of a large neem tree in Maroamalo, members of the village said they, too, had seen the problems that deforestation had caused. Without roots to hold the soil in place, the ground started to erode, making it harder to grow crops, they told me. Losing trees also made the landscape drier and more likely to flood.  Top: A fishing boat known as a pirogue transports bags of charcoal in a lagoon in southwest Madagascar. Bottom left: An aerial view of the village of Maroamalo. Top right: Green farmland in the background of Maroamalo. Garth Cripps for Vox. WWF later worked with villages along the river — which are now part of the protected area — to build out economies that don’t exploit the remaining tracts of forest. And in Maroamalo, that economy was vegetable farming, as counterintuitive as this approach may seem.  Instead of only growing staples like cassava and corn, the village would cultivate a wide variety of vegetables to sell in Toliara. WWF would provide seeds and training on how to farm the crops more efficiently and without burning and taking up more space in the forest. They’d also help connect farmers to buyers in the city, including hotels. The idea was that if people could earn more money from farming, they wouldn’t need to clear forests for charcoal.  And that’s exactly what’s happening. Top left: Many homes in Maroamalo are made of stone, mud, and plant fiber, like those shown here. Top right: A forest patroller in the village of Ifanato scans the trees for signs of lemurs. Bottom left: Maroamalo farmer Mme Lalao in her home. Bottom right: Residents of another village called Ambiky plant saplings like this one to restore the forest in the protected area. Garth Cripps for Vox. Later that morning, Mme Lalao, a resident of Maroamalo who oversees farming in the village, walked me through the vegetable fields. She showed me ten or so different crops — including eggplant, cabbage, and onions — all planted in neat rows, like what you might see in California.  Nearly everyone in Maroamalo now works in agriculture, she said, which has grown into the main economy here. One vegetable farmer can earn about $21 per month, according to Mercie Ramilanajoroharivelo, a WWF employee who works with the communities. That’s far more than people typically make from selling charcoal, Ramilanajoroharivelo told me.  “We didn’t have the agriculture skills before, so people would go into the forest for charcoal,” Lalao said that morning. “But now they are working here.” Creating new economies only goes so far in protecting the forests and lemurs of Amoron’i Onilahy. While villagers inside the park now seldom bake charcoal or burn the forest, people who migrate here from other areas are still cutting trees. This is a common problem in Madagascar. When deforestation, droughts, and floods make it hard to farm or find wood in one area, people move to another in search of a better life. And climate change is making those sorts of moves more common.  “If you’ve lost everything, you migrate to the places where you can get resources for free,” said Charlie Gardner, a researcher and writer who studied conservation in Madagascar. “That’s two places: the coast where you can do beach seining, or the forest where you can produce charcoal. Things like charcoal production are a livelihood of last resort.”  That means that to keep the trees in Amoron’i Onilahy standing, the local communities still need to monitor the forest for woodcutting.  Later that day, after spending the morning in Maroamalo, I traveled along the dirt road deeper into the protected area to a village called Mahaleotse. Here, the forest was more impressive. It had bigger trees, denser undergrowth, and lots of life. On a walk in the woods that night, I saw chameleons hiding in the trees; fruit bats flying overhead; and, of course, hissing cockroaches (which do, I confirmed, actually hiss).  The next morning, around sunrise, I met up with a group of men from Mahaleotse known as polisin’ala, or forest rangers. Villages in Amoron’i Onilahy that work with WWF have a team of paid patrollers. They walk the forest 10 times each month, receiving about $2 per patrol from WWF. If they spot illegal woodcutting, they’ll try to stop it and report the infraction back to their community and environmental authorities. In some cases, the perpetrator will have to pay a fine.   It’s a complicated job. Outsiders who come here to cut wood are often desperate for money, but local villagers don’t want to lose the surrounding forest and the benefits it provides. “It was their decision to destroy their own forest, so that doesn’t mean they get to destroy ours,” Renama Zatompo Mahinty, one of the patrollers in Mahaleotse, said of migrants from outside villages. “If I tear my own T-shirt, that doesn’t give me the right to take someone else’s.” While there was still a morning chill in the air, I followed the men on a patrol. A ranger named Ramilison Roland paused in front of a large fig tree a few minutes into the walk and pointed up. Through a tangle of twigs and leaves, I saw four ring-tailed lemurs snuggled together on a branch. They were wrapped in each other’s fluffy black-and-white tails and hardly moving, because, as Roland said, they had just woken up.  Ring-tailed lemurs are endangered, yet, in just an hour that morning, we saw two different troops of them — a sign that something here is working.  These rangers are paid, but they told me they’d still surveil the forest without financial support. The benefits of trees are too important to lose — building materials for homes and schools and a lower chance of droughts, flooding, and erosion. “It’s not really a matter of money,” Roland said that morning. “We have advantages of protecting the forest, not only for us, but for the future generation.”  Madagascar is among the most challenging places on Earth for wildlife conservation. Political unrest hampers the flow of foreign aid, weakens law enforcement, and disrupts tourism, which is a vehicle to fund environmental protection. Poor governance also deepens poverty. And poverty leaves people with little choice but to depend on activities that erode the forest. Those are some of the reasons why a lot of non-governmental organization (NGO) projects fail, as I wrote in October.  But I’m convinced this one is succeeding.  Villagers in Amoron’i Onilahy told me that, by most measures, the landscape here is improving; there’s more forest, more lemurs, and more water. Data from WWF is limited and more mixed. The group’s satellite analysis shows that deforestation fell dramatically within the park between 2015 and 2020, rose again between 2021 and 2023, and then dropped once more in 2024. Amoron’i Onilahyn hasn’t lost any forest cover this year through June, the most recent months of data, WWF says. (WWF has not measured natural forest recovery.)  The density of ring-tailed and sifaka lemurs, meanwhile, has improved since 2003, according to the group.  To be clear, a lot of this success would be hard to replicate elsewhere in Madagascar. Amoron’i Onilahy has benefited from decades of investment from WWF. That’s rare, said Gardner. Donors tend to be drawn to projects that sound new and exciting rather than funding the same activities for years and years, he said. Plus, the park sits atop an aquifer; in some places, freshwater literally gushes from the ground. That makes large-scale farming possible here. Elsewhere, it’s just too dry.  What’s also worth pointing out is that strategies to restrict charcoal production in Amoron’i Onilahy don’t quell demand for it nationwide. If people stop cutting trees in this forest, they might just do it elsewhere.  Yet, Amoron’i Onilahy does offer important lessons on how to help conservation succeed in other challenging parts of the world. Investing in non-exploitative economies is essential, even if building businesses doesn’t sound like “conservation.” Even more important is that local communities lead the work themselves and don’t forever rely on external organizations like WWF for help, said Ranaivo Rasolofoson, a researcher at the University of Toronto and an expert on forest conservation in Madagascar.  Large environmental NGOs don’t have a great track record of yielding control to people who live in the environments they’re trying to protect. WWF, for its part, has made some grave mistakes that put conservation at conflict with human rights. But here, the communities are choosing how they want to conserve the forest, and WWF is just there to provide support.  “They are responsible for what they do and what they decide,” Ratsifandrihamanana said of the local communities. “We really want them to be in charge, to take charge.” From Mahaleotse, we drove to another village, stopping along the way at a shrine to Saint Theresa. It consisted of a short statue of Theresa inside a rock cutout on the side of a cliff, just above a small spring-fed pool. Catholicism is the largest Christian denomination in Madagascar, and ardent observers, I was told, will sometimes make pilgrimages to this spot. It was here that I saw the sifaka, which was a spiritual experience in its own way.  I first encountered these animals in a BBC nature show more than two decades ago. They were mesmerizing, flying from tree to tree with incredible speed, like ping-pong balls bouncing between paddles. I still hear David Attenborough’s voice in my head when I think of them.  Back then, I imagined that wildlife in a place like this lived — as nature shows made it seem — within vast stretches of wilderness, far from human life. Yet, that’s not how these animals really exist, and it never has been.  I came face-to-face with this critically endangered lemur at a roadside shrine between two villages. Humans and animals share the landscape here, so it’s only logical that, for conservation to work, it must consider the needs of both.

Alaska Sued Over Aerial Hunting of Bears to Protect Caribou

By Steve Gorman(Reuters) -Environmental groups sued Alaska's wildlife authorities on Monday seeking to halt a predator control plan that lets game...

(Reuters) -Environmental groups sued Alaska's wildlife authorities on Monday seeking to halt a predator control plan that lets game wardens hunt down unlimited numbers of bears from helicopters over a vast area roamed by a protected caribou herd.The groups accuse the Board of Game of reinstating the program without adequately accounting for how it will affect grizzly and black bear populations, violating wildlife conservation provisions of Alaska's constitution.Their suit, filed in state district court in Anchorage, said state fish and game agents killed 175 grizzlies and five black bears since 2023, under two earlier versions of the program struck down by courts.State wildlife officials have denied that their efforts to protect the caribou endanger bear populations."We are trying to rebuild the caribou herd, but we're not going to jeopardize long-term sustainability of bears in doing so," state Fish and Game Commissioner Douglas Vincent-Lang said in a statement when the new regulations were approved in July. LAWSUIT SEEKS TO BLOCK AERIAL BEAR HUNTINGFriday's lawsuit was brought by the Center for Biological Diversity and the Alaska Wildlife Alliance against Vincent-Lang, along with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game and its policy-setting Board of Game.The plaintiffs are seeking a court order blocking a renewal of aerial bear hunting before its next round in the spring of 2026, with the arrival of caribou calving season and the emergence of mother bears from dens with newborn cubs.The program was designed to curb bear predation that state wildlife officials blame for diminishing the Mulchatna caribou population and thwarting herd recovery efforts.The herd is now estimated at fewer than 15,000, well below a goal of 30,000 to 80,000 deemed necessary to ensure numbers sufficient for traditional hunting and subsistence purposes.The number of bears in the region is less clear, said the lawsuit, citing a potential range between 2,000 and 7,000 grizzlies it says the department has estimated for southwestern Alaska as a whole, based on outdated studies.The department gave no black bear population estimates, it said.GROUPS SAY BEAR CONTROL APPROACH IS MISGUIDEDEnvironmental groups said the bear-control program reflects a misguided approach that has long maximized protection of big-game species at the expense of bears and other predators needed for a healthy balance in the ecosystem. "The Department of Fish and Game wants to turn Alaska into a game farm and treat bears and wolves as disposable," said Cooper Freeman, the Alaska director of the Center for Biological Diversity.Contrary to state wildlife officials' assertions that bear preying on caribou calves are the biggest threat to herd recovery, Freeman said disease and lack of food resources worsened by climate change were key factors in their decline.State officials also say the bear control program focused on an area of about 1,200 sq miles (3,100 sq km), but environmentalists say the predator control plan applies to 40,000 sq miles (104,000 sq km) adjoining wildlife refuges.(Reporting by Steve Gorman in Los Angeles; Editing by Clarence Fernandez)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

Air quality alert for Deschutes County Wednesday

An air quality alert was reported by the National Weather Service on Monday at 5:15 p.m. in effect until Wednesday at 3 p.m. for Deschutes County.

An air quality alert was reported by the National Weather Service on Monday at 5:15 p.m. in effect until Wednesday at 3 p.m. for Deschutes County."Oregon Department of Environmental Quality has issued an Air Quality Advisory. until 3 p.m. Wednesday. A Smoke Air Quality Advisory has been issued. Wildfires burning in the region combined with forecasted conditions will cause air quality to reach unhealthy levels. Pollutants in smoke can cause burning eyes, runny nose, aggravate heart and lung diseases, and aggravate other serious health problems. Limit outdoor activities and keep children indoors if it is smoky. Please follow medical advice if you have a heart or lung condition," comments the weather service.Guidance for air quality alerts: Insights from the weather serviceWhen an air quality alert pops up on the radar, deciphering its implications is crucial. These alerts, issued by the weather service, come with straightforward yet essential guidance to ensure your safety:Prioritize indoor stay:If it's within your means, stay indoors, especially if you have respiratory issues, health concerns, or fall within the senior or child demographics.Trim outdoor activities:When venturing outside is unavoidable, restrict your time outdoors solely to essential activities. Reducing exposure is paramount.Reduce pollution contributors:Be conscious of activities that contribute to pollution, such as driving cars, using gas-powered lawnmowers, or relying on motorized vehicles. Curtail their use during air quality alerts.A no to open burning:Refrain from igniting fires with debris or any other materials during air quality alerts. Such practices only contribute to the problem of poor air quality.Stay well-informed:Stay updated of developments by tuning in to NOAA Weather Radio or your preferred weather news source. Being well-informed empowers you to make informed decisions regarding outdoor pursuits during air quality alerts.Focus on respiratory health:If you have respiratory problems or underlying health conditions, exercise extra caution. These conditions can increase your vulnerability to adverse effects from poor air quality.By adhering to the advice from the weather service, you can enhance your safety during air quality alerts while reducing your exposure to potentially harmful pollutants. Stay aware, stay protected, and make your health a top priority.If you purchase a product or register for an account through a link on our site, we may receive compensation. By using this site, you consent to our User Agreement and agree that your clicks, interactions, and personal information may be collected, recorded, and/or stored by us and social media and other third-party partners in accordance with our Privacy Policy.

Data centers meet resistance over environmental concerns as AI boom spreads in Latin America

An expert describes how communities in some of the world’s driest areas are demanding transparency as secretive governments court billions in foreign investmentThis Q&A originally appeared as part of The Guardian’s TechScape newsletter. Sign up for this weekly newsletter here.The data centers that power the artificial intelligence boom are beyond enormous. Their financials, their physical scale, and the amount of information contained within are so massive that the idea of stopping their construction can seem like opposing an avalanche in progress. Continue reading...

This Q&A originally appeared as part of The Guardian’s TechScape newsletter. Sign up for this weekly newsletter here.The data centers that power the artificial intelligence boom are beyond enormous. Their financials, their physical scale, and the amount of information contained within are so massive that the idea of stopping their construction can seem like opposing an avalanche in progress.Despite the scale and momentum of the explosion of data centers, resistance is mounting in the United States, in the United Kingdom, and in Latin America, where data centers have been built in some of the world’s driest areas. Local opposition in all three regions has often focused on the environmental impacts and resource consumption of the gargantuan structures.Paz Peña is a researcher and fellow with the Mozilla Foundation who studies the social and environmental impact of technology, particularly data centers and particularly in Latin America. She spoke to the Guardian at the Mozilla festival in Barcelona about how communities in Latin America are going to court to pry information away from governments and corporations that would much rather keep it secret.The Guardian: Could you describe your research?Paz Peña: Basically, my research is about the positions of governments on data centers and what the promises are behind them. What are the relationships that governments today in Latin America have with big tech? There’s a lot of lobbying activities around infrastructure and data centers from big tech to governments in Latin America.Chile and Brazil are the two top countries working on data centers today in Latin America, and Chile is one of the countries in Latin America that has a lot of resistance against data centers.What the governments are doing – I’m talking about leftwing governments … what they are looking for is foreign investment for data centers in their countries. The amounts are great. It’s a public policy to attract [data centers] with what they call national investment plans. They’re doing tax exemptions, for example, in Brazil, which is a huge controversy back there.In the case of Chile, what they’re doing is actually trying to deregulate the environmental assessments that data centers are going through.Carving out an exception for them?Peña: Exactly. There’s no specific category of environmental impact assessment for data centers in Latin America. In the case of Chile right now, they are assessed on the diesel that they use, because they use diesel generators for energy. It’s huge amounts of diesel.The government actually made an administrative change in the environmental system evaluation, where the threshold that data centers need to achieve on diesel to pass an environmental assessment changed. Magically, that means that data centers are not going through environmental impact assessments in Chile any more, which was the reason why communities understood what were the impacts of data centers. They don’t have that information right now.What we’re seeing is that governments are creating opportunities for investments but not creating rules and regulations for the environmental impacts of data centers, rules about diesel use, energy, and water.Without that information on data centers, do you see that the opposition to them is confused or hobbled because they don’t know what it is they’re opposing? Or does it incite more opposition because of the feeling of not being told what’s really going on?In the case of Chile, I would say that the local activism is quite angry with the leftwing government. The promises of this government was to be an environmental, sustainable exercise of power, right? President [Gabriel] Boric actually said this, that he would form an ecological government. Nobody really believes that. But they put that in the discourse. So you have to pay your words, right?People are really mad. I would say for two reasons. One is that they don’t have the transparency to understand what is going on in their neighborhoods. The second thing is they are super mad about it because the national data center plan, which is, again, a foreign investment plan, is presented for companies – but not necessarily for communities. When they actually publicly presented this plan, which was about two months ago, all the industry was present, but super few people from communities. Communities felt like they were being left out of the conversation.If there’s a data center planned for my neighborhood and I oppose it, what should I do?In a community, you will find people that understand what a data center is and some people will not have an idea of what it is. So when they have heard, they probably heard by two sources: a government’s evaluation system or the media. So once they have heard about this, the main problem they have is, again, transparency. Because corporate secrecy is still super present around the resources that these data centers need – energy, water, et cetera.skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotionThe problem that we have seen this in Latin America – there’s an incredible example in Uruguay about this – is that governments actually agree with this corporate secrecy. When a community asks for more information, the government is saying: it’s corporate secrecy. We cannot give you that information. So in general, what we are seeing is that communities are considering going to court to actually ask for that information. Because in Latin America, there is an inter-American agreement called the Escazu agreement, which is an environmental agreement about transparency, saying that a government cannot hide this incredibly important information for people.In the case of Uruguay, they went to court, because there was a Google data center being built in Uruguay in Montevideo, the capital. A couple of years ago, they’re going through an incredible drought where the people in Montevideo had to shower with buckets of water.Meanwhile, the government announced that this Google data center, where the amounts of water needed would be immense. So people were asking if this water, this very scarce resource, should be going to Google or to people. This is a fair question.They didn’t know exactly how much water Google would need. So they asked the government. The government said no. The environmental minister said: no, you cannot have that information because it’s corporate secrecy by Google. So they went to court, and they won, actually. The court quoted the Eskasu agreement.When a community takes a public stance saying we want more information about this and that, and social and environmental impacts, the impression is that they are opposing progress, technological progress, economic progress. Corporations, and I will say, sadly, governments – they see communities as a kind of roadblock.The first thing people need is information, and the first hurdle that they confront is the lack of information. So I would say that the first step they need to take is to find any source of information, and sometimes go to court. The majority of these actions are not successful, but they are sometimes the only way that corporations but also, sadly, governments give the information to the people.If you lose the fight, what should you do then if you’re a member of this community?For some communities in Chile that I interviewed, big tech companies weren’t actually the enemy, which is very interesting. Data center plans were seen as sort of an opportunity to raise the bar of environmental measures, because the people in those communities are surrounded by so many bad corporate actors who pollute a lot and don’t even care. It’s not necessarily a movement against big tech. Not yet, I would say. Maybe later.For now, these communities see a tech company planning a data center as not as a bad actor, actually as a strategic opportunity to raise the bar of environmental care and measures in their own neighborhoods. Big tech companies have this necessity of being the good player in the world, or at least being seen that way, so there is an opportunity for people to say, ‘Big tech has raised the bar of environmental care. So let’s try to put some sort of pressure to the other bad actors.’The enormous amounts of money and the physical scale of these things are so huge. They seem to operate on this inhumanly large level. How do people believe in their own opposition to these projects? They’re so massive that it kind of seems like you’re just saying no to an earthquake.In general, people who are working against data centers are people who have a background working on environmental issues. It’s people really used to the big fight. It’s people that really understand how difficult it is to deal with corporations and with governments.

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