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What a Year on Ozempic Taught Johann Hari

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Friday, June 7, 2024

In the fall of 2005, Johann Hari, then a young columnist for The Independent who was struggling with his weight, described a trip he said he’d taken to a wellness spa in the foothills of the Carinthian Alps. After spending just four days there on a cleansing diet that consisted almost entirely of drinking tea—Hari could not bear to stay a moment longer—he’d lost seven pounds. “The cravings for lard had leeched out of my system,” he marveled in his write-up, noting that he hadn’t yet regained the weight.Hari tells this Alpine-detox story once again in Magic Pill, his fourth and latest book, released last month—but the anecdote now appears to hold a different lesson. Instead of maintaining his new diet, he seems to relapse: “When I got home, I felt like a failure,” he now says of the very same experience. “Where, I wondered, was my willpower?”The new book’s title is a slanted reference to Ozempic (which doesn’t come in pill form), and to the new class of anti-obesity medications that is already reshaping health care for tens of millions of Americans. Many of Magic Pill’s 250 pages describe these drugs’ amazing benefits and potential harms; most of the rest are devoted to a workmanlike review of certain social causes of obesity, and how they might one day be reversed. Some portions of this story have been told in other places—Hari makes ample references to other well-known books. But his account brings an element of human drama that few could match, even when it’s just rehashing others’ work. That drama is the author’s own: Above all else, Magic Pill describes Hari’s everlasting struggle to control himself. Whether purposefully or not, he has produced a revealing record of his shame.Why does Hari feel ashamed? For one thing, he’s on Ozempic. Hari doesn’t really need to take Ozempic, but he’s on it nonetheless: That’s the premise of the book, as laid out from the start. He decided, “quite abruptly” as he puts it in the introduction, to begin injections. It was 2022, and his pandemic BMI had risen to a hair over 30, just high enough to qualify for a prescription. Going on it “was a snap decision,” he explains, “and later I realized I was driven by impulses I didn’t fully understand at the time.” A methodical examination of those impulses unspools from there: Across the book’s 12 chapters, Hari will ask himself why he can’t just stop eating. Why should he need the help of a powerful drug to lose weight? Where, he’ll wonder again and again, is his willpower?There are scientific answers to those questions, and also there are moral ones. “Taking Ozempic was a betrayal of my values. Every time I injected myself, I felt fraudulent,” he writes. A few pages later, he elaborates: “If I am totally honest, at some level, I believed that by taking these drugs, I was cheating.” This inner sense of crookedness is meant to stand in for a more expansive one. If he’s a victim of his impulses, then we all are as well. Why can’t any of us stop eating? Whatever happened to our willpower? And if Hari feels uneasy injecting himself with artificial self-restraint, then society should feel the same. We’ve made a religion, more or less, out of limitless consumption; we’ve allowed our diets to be overrun with processed, packaged foods. Now we’re rolling back the ill effects of too much eating with yet another branded product. Doesn’t this approach to public health feel a little bit like cheating? Isn’t it a form of fraud?This line of thinking holds a special resonance for Hari, who has in other contexts shown a catastrophic lack of self-control. In fact, his history as a journalist would seem to offer special insight into the battle between the id and the superego. As a columnist for magazines and newspapers—and as the guy who wrote about the Alpine weight-loss trip almost 20 years ago—he was once a lauded journalist. Hari’s work “combines courageous reporting and forceful writing with honest analysis,” announced a judge who awarded him the Orwell Prize in 2008. But Hari’s career appeared to reach an early end a few years later, when some of his work was found to be conspicuously dishonest. In 2011, he was outed as a plagiarist, and then for making vicious accusations about his rivals through a sock-puppet account on Wikipedia. “I did two wrong and stupid things,” Hari wrote in his final column for the Independent, under the headline “A personal apology.” He promised to step away from writing for a while so that he could study journalism, and that when he finished he’d be more scrupulous than he’d ever been before, footnoting all his work and posting audio of all his interviews. “I hope after a period of retraining, you will give me the chance,” he said.That chance arrived a few years later, when Hari reappeared with a best seller, Chasing the Scream, on the social causes of addiction, and a viral TED Talk—which has now been viewed 21 million times—on the same topic. He’s since written three more pop-science books, all of which are variations on this theme. In 2018, he published Lost Connections, another best seller, about depression, anxiety, and, to some extent, the nature of addiction. Hillary Clinton blurbed that one, and Ezra Klein had Hari on his podcast. After that was Stolen Focus, in 2022, about technology, distraction, and the limits of the will. Hari got another blurb from Clinton (among other celebrities), and spent another hour as a guest on Klein’s show. And now this year we have Magic Pill, Hari’s book about obesity, overeating, and, once again, the limits of the will.Which is to say, all of Hari’s writing since his comeback has been concerned—one might even say obsessed—with self-control and self-destruction; and with the interplay of forces, from without and from within, that may lead us into ruin. They present as social commentary, and also as self-help, and further as a meditation on the links between the social and the self. As Klein put it on his podcast, the books compose “a little subgenre taking conditions and afflictions that we individualize and arguing for their social roots.”Hari tends to use himself to illustrate those conditions and afflictions, however they arise. According to his books, he’s been hooked on stimulants; he’s also been strung out on antidepressants, dependent on his phone, and addicted to fried foods. He says he has a family history of drug dependence, and of mental illness, and also of obesity. In other words, Hari lives in just the way we all do: caught between desire and self-blame. His books describe dysregulation. They’re also a product of it.Back in 2015, when Hari gave his first post-scandal interview, he described himself, in a joke, as a “recovering former columnist.” His work since then does read like one extended chronicle of a struggle for sobriety—particularly when it comes to sticking to the facts. Hari’s books remind you in a hundred different ways that he’s on the wagon as a journalist. He posts the audio from many of his interviews, just as he promised he would, and he piles on the endnotes. “I went on a journey of over forty thousand miles. I conducted more than two hundred interviews across the world,” he boasts in the introduction to Lost Connections. “I went on a 30,000-mile journey … In the end, I interviewed over 250 experts,” he says in Stolen Focus. And now, apparently having rushed a bit for Magic Pill: “I went on a journey around the world, where I interviewed over a hundred experts.”But showing off is not the same as showing discipline. In spite of Magic Pill’s 394 endnotes (including those published on the website for the book) and 318 posted clips from interviews, and notwithstanding the pair of fact-checkers whom Hari thanks in his acknowledgments, the book is strewn with sloppy errors. Some of these have already been made public. When a British restaurant critic named Jay Rayner, described by Hari as having lost his love for food after going on Ozempic, pointed out on X last month that this was “complete and utter bollocks,” Hari admitted his mistake: “I apologise to Jay for getting this wrong, & am gutted I & my fact-checkers missed it,” he wrote. Then his proffered explanation—that he’d meant to cite the experience of the film critic Leila Latif when she was on Ozempic—ran aground as well. “I’m not, nor have I ever been, on semaglutide,” Latif chimed in just hours later.A few weeks ago he posted fixes for another seven errors from the book on his website, in response to an email from a journalist. (A detailed roundup of those mistakes has since been published in The Telegraph.) I came across a bunch of other glitches in my reading of the book. In one instance, Hari writes about an evening long ago when he heard about a restaurant in Las Vegas where the servers doled out spankings to anyone who didn’t clean their plate. According to the book, that conversation happened in the late 1990s or early aughts, but the restaurant in question—called the Heart Attack Grill—didn’t open in Las Vegas until 2011. This tiny error makes no difference to the story Hari tells, but lots of tiny errors, set against the backdrop of the author’s ostentatious rigor, tell a story of their own. In a chapter on the scourge of ultra-processed foods, Hari talks about the slurry of defatted beef that is sometimes called “pink slime,” suggesting that it got this name from a food executive. This is precisely not the case. (Food executives sued the guy who coined that phrase, along with the news outlet that reported it, for defamation.) When Hari writes about the big reveal of findings from a major trial of Ozempic’s use for losing weight, he sets the scene on “one day in 2022.” The reveal occurred in 2021. And when he describes a study of mothers who have been taught “responsive parenting” techniques, he says their children ended up half as likely to become obese or overweight as those of other parents. (Hari puts the word half in italics, to emphasize the size of the effect.) But this finding was not statistically significant, according to the published work to which he is referring. “Differences between study groups were modest,” it says.When reached by email, Hari acknowledged two of these mistakes and insisted that the other two were spurious. Some food executives did end up uttering the words pink slime, he said. (This was only in the course of responding to the PR crisis that the coinage had produced.) He also said that he’d drawn the stat about responsive parenting from a different paper that came out of the same research project, which was published two years earlier than the one cited in the endnotes of his book. (The text in Magic Pill clearly refers to the findings of the more recent paper.)I’m worried by this indolence with details, from a (once again) successful writer whose commitment to the truth was formerly in question. But I was disconcerted, too, by Hari’s careless use of language. He’s a lovely writer when he wants to be: As a columnist, his early work—filled with fizzy, funny formulations—was a pleasure to consume. Now he sometimes writes as though he’s dishing day-old cream of wheat. “Then a breakthrough came from totally out of left field,” reads one characteristic section opener. The scientists in Magic Pill are said to have “aha moments,” “light-bulb moments,” and moments as “in a game show, where you realize you’ve won the jackpot”; and many of their reported quotes—which Hari tends to give at snippet-length—are comically banal. “That was unbelievably exciting,” an endocrinologist tells him, in reference to the FDA’s approval of a diabetes drug. “When you have obesity as a child, it’s very difficult to become un-obese,” another source explains.[Read: Ozempic or bust]He’s also shameless about recycling his work. “I’d like to briefly restate a little of what I wrote,” he offers at one point, as the setup for a two-page run-through of a scene from Lost Connections. In other places, second-hand material gets passed off as something new. “If I was a sandwich, you wouldn’t want to eat me,” he says he told his trainer in Magic Pill, after learning that his body-fat percentage was up to 32. He made the same incomprehensible joke about his body-fat percentage, using almost the same words, in the story about his visit to the Austrian health spa from 2005: “If I were a sandwich, nobody would eat me. Except me.” He also used it in a column from 2010: “If I were a sandwich, nobody would eat me except me.”Some stretches of Magic Pill are so caked over with cliché that you can’t help but wonder if Hari might be doing it on purpose. He writes about a time when “something unexpected happened,” and then another time when someone “stumbled on an unexpected fact,” and a third when a lot of people started to “notice something unexpected.” This formulation—someone noticed something—keeps coming back: We hear from people who have variously “noticed something weird,” “noticed something odd,” “notice[d] something disconcerting,” “noticed something striking,” “noticed something peculiar,” or simply “noticed something” (which occurs multiple times on its own).Some people are so rich they’re said to have fuck-you money. As I read through Magic Pill, I couldn’t help but wonder: Is this Hari’s fuck-you prose? But then something else occurred to me: Ironically, and despite its tendency toward sloppiness, this is Hari’s writing on a diet. Sure, he used to tell his stories with panache, but that was the old Johann Hari—the fried-chicken-eating Johann Hari, the pill-popping Johann Hari, the plagiarizing Johann Hari. Now he’s on a strict regimen of bullet points. He’s skimmed the oil from his writing and doubled down on adding fiber.Why else would he insist on keeping track of all the miles that he’s traveled for each book? Why else would he be calculating (and reporting!) the numbers of his interviews? And why else would Hari feel the need to enumerate his every thought and argument as if it were a meal to be recorded in a food-tracking app? Magic Pill, like all his other books, is preoccupied with numbered lists. He can’t seem to stop himself from tallying: the five reasons we eat; the seven ways that processed foods will undermine your health; the 12 potential risks of taking drugs like Ozempic; and the five long-term scenarios that these drugs may yet produce. Was this just another form of laziness? He’s counting calories, of course; he’s showing you his work is made from whole ingredients. This is journalism on a detox cleanse. This is how you write for sustenance instead of pleasure. And this may be what you do when you’re a recovering former columnist.“I work hard to make my books both factually accurate and transparent,” Hari told me in his emailed response. “Because of some things I did that were unambiguously wrong 14 years ago, I am held to a high standard, and I embrace that high standard.” But few efforts at self-discipline can last for long, as Magic Pill itself explains.The book describes a long history of research showing that losing weight by eating less is often ineffective. “When I injected myself with Ozempic for the fifth month in a row, I thought of all the diets I had tried over the years, all the times I had tried to cut out carbs or sugar,” Hari writes. “I wondered if all those diets had been a sad joke all along, and this was my only option now.” As a journalist, he also ends up straying from his regimen: From time to time, and in place of conversations with his expert sources, Hari slips into a looser and more entertaining style. He talks about his friends, for instance, and describes the conversations they’ve had about Ozempic. Hari’s pals, unlike his sources, tend to speak in long and lively monologues that just happen to encapsulate the themes of Magic Pill. “How much is this really about improving your health?” asks a friend whom he decides to call Lara. “I don’t think, for you, it is. Not really. Not primarily. I want you to stop, and really think about it.” She goes on: I’ve known you for twenty-five years, and you’ve never been happy about how you look. You look good. I’ve always thought you looked good. But you don’t think you do. So you’re taking this drug—and all these huge risks—to conform to a particular look, an approved look, the most socially approved look. That’s why you’re doing it. You want to be thin. Those people at that Hollywood party you went to, where you learned about this drug for the first time, and you texted me all excited—they weren’t doing this to boost their health. They were already healthy. They had private chefs to cook them the healthiest possible food. They see a personal trainer every day. They were doing it to be unnaturally thin. You aren’t taking these risks to have a healthy heart. You’re taking them to have cheekbones. Lara continues in this vein, with very minor interjections from the author, across five pages of the book. This reads like Hari’s writing on a binge, unchecked by endnotes or the need for posting audio from interviews. (The bits about his friends come with no citations.) And he’s in binge mode, too, when he’s telling stories from his past, like the one about the wellness trip to Austria. Certain rigors now appear to be suspended, and the facts get kind of doughy.[Read: Ozempic patients need an off ramp]For instance, when Hari first wrote about his visit to the Alpine clinic, for The Independent in 2005, he said that he was met at the entrance by a man. In Magic Pill, it’s “a woman dressed in an elaborate nineteenth-century Austrian peasant costume.” (When reached by email, Hari blamed this gender inconsistency on a typo in the first version, which turned she into he.) The same woman comes back later in the retold version of the story, still in her elaborate peasant costume, where the original version refers only to a “nurse.” Hari says in Magic Pill that multiple staffers at the clinic were in these silly peasant outfits. The version from The Independent—from which entire paragraphs have otherwise been borrowed word for word—mentions none of them. (“It’s normal, when writing an article, to leave out some minor descriptive details, and to include them when you have more space later,” Hari told me in the email.)Similar adjustments can be found in Hari’s other reheated anecdotes. He starts the book with one about a trip he took to KFC on Christmas Eve in 2009, where all the members of the restaurant’s staff surprised him with a giant Christmas card addressed “to our best customer,” which included personal messages from each of them. He told the same story a few years ago in Lost Connections, and before that in an Independent column in 2010. But the original version takes place on December 23, not Christmas Eve; “You are our best customer” is a thing that’s said out loud, not written on a card, and there’s no mention of any personal messages from anyone at the restaurant. (Hari acknowledged that he’d made an error on the date, and told me that he’d be “happy to correct this.”) If these stories have been lightly edited, all the changes were of course unnecessary. Perhaps the clinic sounds a little sillier with the staff in dirndls, and the story of the card from KFC lands a little better when it plays out on Christmas Eve. But why would Hari bother to adjust these minor details when he’s taking such pains in other ways to demonstrate his scruples?Hari’s subject matter and his execution seem to come together in these moments. He’s explained the social and environmental causes of compulsive overeating, and he’s appealed to all the ways in which behavior can be shaped by past experience. In recent years he’s done the same for drug abuse, depression, and distraction. After nearly losing his career for taking liberties with facts, Hari has gotten famous as a chronicler and social theorist of our lack of self-control. But however it’s presented, his struggle to constrain himself still appears to be ongoing. Johann Hari keeps wondering what happened to his willpower. Four books into his comeback, we all might wonder just the same.

A chronicler of addictions struggles to control himself.

In the fall of 2005, Johann Hari, then a young columnist for The Independent who was struggling with his weight, described a trip he said he’d taken to a wellness spa in the foothills of the Carinthian Alps. After spending just four days there on a cleansing diet that consisted almost entirely of drinking tea—Hari could not bear to stay a moment longer—he’d lost seven pounds. “The cravings for lard had leeched out of my system,” he marveled in his write-up, noting that he hadn’t yet regained the weight.

Hari tells this Alpine-detox story once again in Magic Pill, his fourth and latest book, released last month—but the anecdote now appears to hold a different lesson. Instead of maintaining his new diet, he seems to relapse: “When I got home, I felt like a failure,” he now says of the very same experience. “Where, I wondered, was my willpower?”

The new book’s title is a slanted reference to Ozempic (which doesn’t come in pill form), and to the new class of anti-obesity medications that is already reshaping health care for tens of millions of Americans. Many of Magic Pill’s 250 pages describe these drugs’ amazing benefits and potential harms; most of the rest are devoted to a workmanlike review of certain social causes of obesity, and how they might one day be reversed. Some portions of this story have been told in other places—Hari makes ample references to other well-known books. But his account brings an element of human drama that few could match, even when it’s just rehashing others’ work. That drama is the author’s own: Above all else, Magic Pill describes Hari’s everlasting struggle to control himself. Whether purposefully or not, he has produced a revealing record of his shame.

Why does Hari feel ashamed? For one thing, he’s on Ozempic. Hari doesn’t really need to take Ozempic, but he’s on it nonetheless: That’s the premise of the book, as laid out from the start. He decided, “quite abruptly” as he puts it in the introduction, to begin injections. It was 2022, and his pandemic BMI had risen to a hair over 30, just high enough to qualify for a prescription. Going on it “was a snap decision,” he explains, “and later I realized I was driven by impulses I didn’t fully understand at the time.” A methodical examination of those impulses unspools from there: Across the book’s 12 chapters, Hari will ask himself why he can’t just stop eating. Why should he need the help of a powerful drug to lose weight? Where, he’ll wonder again and again, is his willpower?

There are scientific answers to those questions, and also there are moral ones. “Taking Ozempic was a betrayal of my values. Every time I injected myself, I felt fraudulent,” he writes. A few pages later, he elaborates: “If I am totally honest, at some level, I believed that by taking these drugs, I was cheating.” This inner sense of crookedness is meant to stand in for a more expansive one. If he’s a victim of his impulses, then we all are as well. Why can’t any of us stop eating? Whatever happened to our willpower? And if Hari feels uneasy injecting himself with artificial self-restraint, then society should feel the same. We’ve made a religion, more or less, out of limitless consumption; we’ve allowed our diets to be overrun with processed, packaged foods. Now we’re rolling back the ill effects of too much eating with yet another branded product. Doesn’t this approach to public health feel a little bit like cheating? Isn’t it a form of fraud?

This line of thinking holds a special resonance for Hari, who has in other contexts shown a catastrophic lack of self-control. In fact, his history as a journalist would seem to offer special insight into the battle between the id and the superego. As a columnist for magazines and newspapers—and as the guy who wrote about the Alpine weight-loss trip almost 20 years ago—he was once a lauded journalist. Hari’s work “combines courageous reporting and forceful writing with honest analysis,” announced a judge who awarded him the Orwell Prize in 2008. But Hari’s career appeared to reach an early end a few years later, when some of his work was found to be conspicuously dishonest. In 2011, he was outed as a plagiarist, and then for making vicious accusations about his rivals through a sock-puppet account on Wikipedia. “I did two wrong and stupid things,” Hari wrote in his final column for the Independent, under the headline “A personal apology.” He promised to step away from writing for a while so that he could study journalism, and that when he finished he’d be more scrupulous than he’d ever been before, footnoting all his work and posting audio of all his interviews. “I hope after a period of retraining, you will give me the chance,” he said.

That chance arrived a few years later, when Hari reappeared with a best seller, Chasing the Scream, on the social causes of addiction, and a viral TED Talk—which has now been viewed 21 million times—on the same topic. He’s since written three more pop-science books, all of which are variations on this theme. In 2018, he published Lost Connections, another best seller, about depression, anxiety, and, to some extent, the nature of addiction. Hillary Clinton blurbed that one, and Ezra Klein had Hari on his podcast. After that was Stolen Focus, in 2022, about technology, distraction, and the limits of the will. Hari got another blurb from Clinton (among other celebrities), and spent another hour as a guest on Klein’s show. And now this year we have Magic Pill, Hari’s book about obesity, overeating, and, once again, the limits of the will.

Which is to say, all of Hari’s writing since his comeback has been concerned—one might even say obsessed—with self-control and self-destruction; and with the interplay of forces, from without and from within, that may lead us into ruin. They present as social commentary, and also as self-help, and further as a meditation on the links between the social and the self. As Klein put it on his podcast, the books compose “a little subgenre taking conditions and afflictions that we individualize and arguing for their social roots.”

Hari tends to use himself to illustrate those conditions and afflictions, however they arise. According to his books, he’s been hooked on stimulants; he’s also been strung out on antidepressants, dependent on his phone, and addicted to fried foods. He says he has a family history of drug dependence, and of mental illness, and also of obesity. In other words, Hari lives in just the way we all do: caught between desire and self-blame. His books describe dysregulation. They’re also a product of it.

Back in 2015, when Hari gave his first post-scandal interview, he described himself, in a joke, as a “recovering former columnist.” His work since then does read like one extended chronicle of a struggle for sobriety—particularly when it comes to sticking to the facts. Hari’s books remind you in a hundred different ways that he’s on the wagon as a journalist. He posts the audio from many of his interviews, just as he promised he would, and he piles on the endnotes. “I went on a journey of over forty thousand miles. I conducted more than two hundred interviews across the world,” he boasts in the introduction to Lost Connections. “I went on a 30,000-mile journey … In the end, I interviewed over 250 experts,” he says in Stolen Focus. And now, apparently having rushed a bit for Magic Pill: “I went on a journey around the world, where I interviewed over a hundred experts.”

But showing off is not the same as showing discipline. In spite of Magic Pill’s 394 endnotes (including those published on the website for the book) and 318 posted clips from interviews, and notwithstanding the pair of fact-checkers whom Hari thanks in his acknowledgments, the book is strewn with sloppy errors. Some of these have already been made public. When a British restaurant critic named Jay Rayner, described by Hari as having lost his love for food after going on Ozempic, pointed out on X last month that this was “complete and utter bollocks,” Hari admitted his mistake: “I apologise to Jay for getting this wrong, & am gutted I & my fact-checkers missed it,” he wrote. Then his proffered explanation—that he’d meant to cite the experience of the film critic Leila Latif when she was on Ozempic—ran aground as well. “I’m not, nor have I ever been, on semaglutide,” Latif chimed in just hours later.

A few weeks ago he posted fixes for another seven errors from the book on his website, in response to an email from a journalist. (A detailed roundup of those mistakes has since been published in The Telegraph.) I came across a bunch of other glitches in my reading of the book. In one instance, Hari writes about an evening long ago when he heard about a restaurant in Las Vegas where the servers doled out spankings to anyone who didn’t clean their plate. According to the book, that conversation happened in the late 1990s or early aughts, but the restaurant in question—called the Heart Attack Grill—didn’t open in Las Vegas until 2011. This tiny error makes no difference to the story Hari tells, but lots of tiny errors, set against the backdrop of the author’s ostentatious rigor, tell a story of their own. In a chapter on the scourge of ultra-processed foods, Hari talks about the slurry of defatted beef that is sometimes called “pink slime,” suggesting that it got this name from a food executive. This is precisely not the case. (Food executives sued the guy who coined that phrase, along with the news outlet that reported it, for defamation.) When Hari writes about the big reveal of findings from a major trial of Ozempic’s use for losing weight, he sets the scene on “one day in 2022.” The reveal occurred in 2021. And when he describes a study of mothers who have been taught “responsive parenting” techniques, he says their children ended up half as likely to become obese or overweight as those of other parents. (Hari puts the word half in italics, to emphasize the size of the effect.) But this finding was not statistically significant, according to the published work to which he is referring. “Differences between study groups were modest,” it says.

When reached by email, Hari acknowledged two of these mistakes and insisted that the other two were spurious. Some food executives did end up uttering the words pink slime, he said. (This was only in the course of responding to the PR crisis that the coinage had produced.) He also said that he’d drawn the stat about responsive parenting from a different paper that came out of the same research project, which was published two years earlier than the one cited in the endnotes of his book. (The text in Magic Pill clearly refers to the findings of the more recent paper.)

I’m worried by this indolence with details, from a (once again) successful writer whose commitment to the truth was formerly in question. But I was disconcerted, too, by Hari’s careless use of language. He’s a lovely writer when he wants to be: As a columnist, his early work—filled with fizzy, funny formulations—was a pleasure to consume. Now he sometimes writes as though he’s dishing day-old cream of wheat. “Then a breakthrough came from totally out of left field,” reads one characteristic section opener. The scientists in Magic Pill are said to have “aha moments,” “light-bulb moments,” and moments as “in a game show, where you realize you’ve won the jackpot”; and many of their reported quotes—which Hari tends to give at snippet-length—are comically banal. “That was unbelievably exciting,” an endocrinologist tells him, in reference to the FDA’s approval of a diabetes drug. “When you have obesity as a child, it’s very difficult to become un-obese,” another source explains.

[Read: Ozempic or bust]

He’s also shameless about recycling his work. “I’d like to briefly restate a little of what I wrote,” he offers at one point, as the setup for a two-page run-through of a scene from Lost Connections. In other places, second-hand material gets passed off as something new. “If I was a sandwich, you wouldn’t want to eat me,” he says he told his trainer in Magic Pill, after learning that his body-fat percentage was up to 32. He made the same incomprehensible joke about his body-fat percentage, using almost the same words, in the story about his visit to the Austrian health spa from 2005: “If I were a sandwich, nobody would eat me. Except me.” He also used it in a column from 2010: “If I were a sandwich, nobody would eat me except me.”

Some stretches of Magic Pill are so caked over with cliché that you can’t help but wonder if Hari might be doing it on purpose. He writes about a time when “something unexpected happened,” and then another time when someone “stumbled on an unexpected fact,” and a third when a lot of people started to “notice something unexpected.” This formulation—someone noticed something—keeps coming back: We hear from people who have variously “noticed something weird,” “noticed something odd,” “notice[d] something disconcerting,” “noticed something striking,” “noticed something peculiar,” or simply “noticed something” (which occurs multiple times on its own).

Some people are so rich they’re said to have fuck-you money. As I read through Magic Pill, I couldn’t help but wonder: Is this Hari’s fuck-you prose? But then something else occurred to me: Ironically, and despite its tendency toward sloppiness, this is Hari’s writing on a diet. Sure, he used to tell his stories with panache, but that was the old Johann Hari—the fried-chicken-eating Johann Hari, the pill-popping Johann Hari, the plagiarizing Johann Hari. Now he’s on a strict regimen of bullet points. He’s skimmed the oil from his writing and doubled down on adding fiber.

Why else would he insist on keeping track of all the miles that he’s traveled for each book? Why else would he be calculating (and reporting!) the numbers of his interviews? And why else would Hari feel the need to enumerate his every thought and argument as if it were a meal to be recorded in a food-tracking app? Magic Pill, like all his other books, is preoccupied with numbered lists. He can’t seem to stop himself from tallying: the five reasons we eat; the seven ways that processed foods will undermine your health; the 12 potential risks of taking drugs like Ozempic; and the five long-term scenarios that these drugs may yet produce. Was this just another form of laziness? He’s counting calories, of course; he’s showing you his work is made from whole ingredients. This is journalism on a detox cleanse. This is how you write for sustenance instead of pleasure. And this may be what you do when you’re a recovering former columnist.

“I work hard to make my books both factually accurate and transparent,” Hari told me in his emailed response. “Because of some things I did that were unambiguously wrong 14 years ago, I am held to a high standard, and I embrace that high standard.” But few efforts at self-discipline can last for long, as Magic Pill itself explains.

The book describes a long history of research showing that losing weight by eating less is often ineffective. “When I injected myself with Ozempic for the fifth month in a row, I thought of all the diets I had tried over the years, all the times I had tried to cut out carbs or sugar,” Hari writes. “I wondered if all those diets had been a sad joke all along, and this was my only option now.” As a journalist, he also ends up straying from his regimen: From time to time, and in place of conversations with his expert sources, Hari slips into a looser and more entertaining style. He talks about his friends, for instance, and describes the conversations they’ve had about Ozempic. Hari’s pals, unlike his sources, tend to speak in long and lively monologues that just happen to encapsulate the themes of Magic Pill. “How much is this really about improving your health?” asks a friend whom he decides to call Lara. “I don’t think, for you, it is. Not really. Not primarily. I want you to stop, and really think about it.” She goes on:

I’ve known you for twenty-five years, and you’ve never been happy about how you look. You look good. I’ve always thought you looked good. But you don’t think you do. So you’re taking this drug—and all these huge risks—to conform to a particular look, an approved look, the most socially approved look. That’s why you’re doing it. You want to be thin. Those people at that Hollywood party you went to, where you learned about this drug for the first time, and you texted me all excited—they weren’t doing this to boost their health. They were already healthy. They had private chefs to cook them the healthiest possible food. They see a personal trainer every day. They were doing it to be unnaturally thin. You aren’t taking these risks to have a healthy heart. You’re taking them to have cheekbones.

Lara continues in this vein, with very minor interjections from the author, across five pages of the book. This reads like Hari’s writing on a binge, unchecked by endnotes or the need for posting audio from interviews. (The bits about his friends come with no citations.) And he’s in binge mode, too, when he’s telling stories from his past, like the one about the wellness trip to Austria. Certain rigors now appear to be suspended, and the facts get kind of doughy.

[Read: Ozempic patients need an off ramp]

For instance, when Hari first wrote about his visit to the Alpine clinic, for The Independent in 2005, he said that he was met at the entrance by a man. In Magic Pill, it’s “a woman dressed in an elaborate nineteenth-century Austrian peasant costume.” (When reached by email, Hari blamed this gender inconsistency on a typo in the first version, which turned she into he.) The same woman comes back later in the retold version of the story, still in her elaborate peasant costume, where the original version refers only to a “nurse.” Hari says in Magic Pill that multiple staffers at the clinic were in these silly peasant outfits. The version from The Independent—from which entire paragraphs have otherwise been borrowed word for word—mentions none of them. (“It’s normal, when writing an article, to leave out some minor descriptive details, and to include them when you have more space later,” Hari told me in the email.)

Similar adjustments can be found in Hari’s other reheated anecdotes. He starts the book with one about a trip he took to KFC on Christmas Eve in 2009, where all the members of the restaurant’s staff surprised him with a giant Christmas card addressed “to our best customer,” which included personal messages from each of them. He told the same story a few years ago in Lost Connections, and before that in an Independent column in 2010. But the original version takes place on December 23, not Christmas Eve; “You are our best customer” is a thing that’s said out loud, not written on a card, and there’s no mention of any personal messages from anyone at the restaurant. (Hari acknowledged that he’d made an error on the date, and told me that he’d be “happy to correct this.”) If these stories have been lightly edited, all the changes were of course unnecessary. Perhaps the clinic sounds a little sillier with the staff in dirndls, and the story of the card from KFC lands a little better when it plays out on Christmas Eve. But why would Hari bother to adjust these minor details when he’s taking such pains in other ways to demonstrate his scruples?

Hari’s subject matter and his execution seem to come together in these moments. He’s explained the social and environmental causes of compulsive overeating, and he’s appealed to all the ways in which behavior can be shaped by past experience. In recent years he’s done the same for drug abuse, depression, and distraction. After nearly losing his career for taking liberties with facts, Hari has gotten famous as a chronicler and social theorist of our lack of self-control. But however it’s presented, his struggle to constrain himself still appears to be ongoing. Johann Hari keeps wondering what happened to his willpower. Four books into his comeback, we all might wonder just the same.

Read the full story here.
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Costa Rica’s Térraba Community Battles Biodiversity Loss with Tree-Planting Revival

In southern Costa Rica, the Térraba Indigenous community stands as a frontline defender against a deepening global biodiversity crisis. With one million species facing extinction and ecosystems eroding faster than ever, according to United Nations assessments, local efforts like those in Térraba offer a model for resistance and recovery. The Térraba people, known as the […] The post Costa Rica’s Térraba Community Battles Biodiversity Loss with Tree-Planting Revival appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

In southern Costa Rica, the Térraba Indigenous community stands as a frontline defender against a deepening global biodiversity crisis. With one million species facing extinction and ecosystems eroding faster than ever, according to United Nations assessments, local efforts like those in Térraba offer a model for resistance and recovery. The Térraba people, known as the Brörán, have long confronted deforestation driven by logging and the spread of chemical-heavy agriculture. For decades, they have protected their ancestral lands, where rivers and forests hold deep cultural meaning. Pollution from upstream farms once tainted their water sources, killing fish and harming wildlife. Community members responded by restoring habitats and promoting sustainable practices that honor their traditions. Paulino Nájera Rivera embodies this commitment. Growing up amid the forests of Buenos Aires, he learned from elders about the balance between people and nature. In the 1980s, as trees fell to clear land for crops and cattle, he saw the damage firsthand. By the 1990s, he and his siblings took action, planting more than 37,000 native trees. They gathered seeds from rare species on the brink of disappearance, guided by traditional knowledge. Exotic plants popular for quick profits held no appeal; instead, they focused on species that belonged to the ecosystem. Today, Nájera Rivera’s land thrives with regenerated rainforest. Birds and animals have returned, and the soil supports diverse plant life. He turned this revival into a business called Rincón Ecológico Cultural, where he guides visitors on trails through the woods. Guests walk paths lined with towering trees, hear stories of Brörán heritage, and see before-and-after photos of the transformation. Groups of up to 100 people, including students from over 30 countries in Europe and beyond, join these tours. They learn about environmental stewardship and the community’s bond with the land. “Rincón Ecológico Cultural started from a dream that no one backed at first,” Nájera Rivera said. “We aimed to highlight our culture and let people understand who we are.” Nájera Rivera is among 77 Indigenous entrepreneurs who gained support from the Raíces program, a government-led initiative backed by the United Nations Development Programme’s Biodiversity Finance Initiative. Launched in 2020, Raíces—meaning “roots” in Spanish—serves as an incubator for sustainable tourism ventures in Indigenous territories. It provides training, funding access, and business tools tailored to communities often overlooked by traditional banks. Challenges like limited land titles and digital skills get addressed through customized approaches. Across its first three editions, Raíces has channeled over $1.7 million to back 35 ventures. Two-thirds are led by women, reflecting a push for gender balance in economic development. The program now enters its fourth round, expanding to Caribbean territories like Nairi-Awari and Bajo Chirripó, alongside southern areas such as Boruca, Cabagra, and Térraba. Other entrepreneurs echo Nájera Rivera’s success. In Térraba, Elides Rivera Navas runs Jardín del Idön, a garden-based tour operation that lets her stay rooted in her community while earning income. “Raíces gave me the chance to build a business without leaving my territory,” she explained. It balanced her family duties with professional growth. In the Boruca territory, Johanna Lázaro Morales operates Caushas Farm, offering cultural experiences tied to agriculture. The support improved her services, allowing her to care for her children and elderly parents. “It changed how we share our ways with the world,” Lázaro Morales noted, emphasizing community uplift through women’s roles. Andrey Zúñiga Torres, of Bribri-Cabécar descent in Ujarrás, leads KuyekECoVida, which spotlights local ecology and traditions. His work boosts the economy while passing knowledge to younger generations.These businesses do more than generate revenue; they safeguard biodiversity. By drawing tourists to restored sites, they fund conservation and educate visitors on threats like habitat loss. Indigenous groups manage a significant portion of the world’s remaining intact forests—about 36 percent globally—making their strategies key to addressing the crisis. In Costa Rica, where tourism brings in $4.3 billion yearly and protected areas cover a quarter of the land, such models align with national goals. The country reversed severe deforestation in the late 20th century through policies that value forests economically. Yet challenges persist. Global funding for biodiversity falls short by hundreds of billions annually, risking further declines in services like clean water and pollination that underpin half the world’s economy. In Térraba, ongoing pressures from agriculture demand vigilance. Raíces demonstrates how targeted support can empower communities to lead. As Nájera Rivera walks his trails, he shows that reconnecting with ancestral ways can heal the land and inspire change. For Costa Rica and beyond, these Indigenous efforts point to a path where people and nature sustain each other. The post Costa Rica’s Térraba Community Battles Biodiversity Loss with Tree-Planting Revival appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Unreliable Data Mask Just How Bad the Air Quality Crisis Is in India

India’s air-quality crisis is deepened by unreliable data

NEW DELHI (AP) — Recent remarks about pollution from two Indian officials have increased frustration among residents who say policymakers are unwilling to acknowledge the severity of India's air quality crisis. When Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav told Parliament earlier this month that India’s capital, New Delhi, has seen 200 days with good air quality readings, pollution experts and opposition leaders said he chose a figure that overlooked the worst pollution months. A week later, Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta said the air quality index — a measure of air pollution — was similar to a temperature reading and could be dealt with by spraying water. Crowds jeered her at a subsequent public event, shouting “AQI” in reference to the city's poor air quality readings. Gupta had also greenlit a controversial cloud seeding program earlier this year, saying it could produce rain that would lower pollution — despite lack of evidence that the approach would work.“Instead of doing cloud seeding, I hope the government will wake up and take some real action,” said Anita, a 73-year-old New Delhi resident who goes by only one name. “It’s a shame."Environmentalists and data experts said India’s air quality measurement standards are looser than in countries such as the United States, so moderate readings often mask dangerous pollution levels. India's government air quality standards are also less stringent than World Health Organization guidelines.Experts said these gaps can erode public trust, even as few residents fully grasp how harmful polluted air is. Gaps in India’s air quality data India’s air quality is measured through a nationwide network of monitors and sensors, as well as satellite data. The monitors collect robust data, but there are too few of them, said Ronak Sutaria, CEO of Respirer Living, which builds machines and software for air quality monitoring. He said that the system falls short of letting citizens know how polluted the air in their neighborhoods really is. In 2019, India launched the National Clean Air Program, which set targets aiming to reduce pollution by up to 40% in 131 cities by 2026.The program has seen relative success, providing millions of dollars for monitors and water-spraying machines to reduce dust generated from vehicles plying the roads, construction activity and winds that blow desert sand into the cities. However, air pollution experts said the program has done little to reduce pollution from carbon-spewing industries or vehicle emissions, which are among the biggest sources of dirty air. Other sources include the burning of crop stubble on farms, use of wood and cow dung as cooking fuel and burning of garbage.A 2024 report by the Centre for Science and Environment, a New Delhi-based think tank, found that 64% of funds under the program went toward reducing dust and only 12% to reducing pollution from vehicles and less than 1% to bringing down industrial air pollution.“We are making huge investments in air quality monitoring. And so when we are expanding, then it also becomes an imperative that we should be focusing on the quality,” said Anumita Roychowdhury, executive director at the think tank. A public health emergency A study last year by the medical journal Lancet linked long-term exposure to polluted air to 1.5 million additional deaths every year in India, compared to a scenario where the country would have met WHO standards.Yet earlier this month, Prataprao Jadhav, India’s junior health minister, said there is no conclusive data available in the country to establish a direct correlation of death or disease exclusively to air pollution.Shweta Narayan, a campaign lead at the Global Climate and Health Alliance, said that air pollution is still not taken seriously as a public health issue.“Deaths related to air pollution are not being counted. And the reason why it’s not being counted is because there are no systematic mechanisms to do so,” Narayan said.Narayan said pollution causes long-term health problems for everyone exposed, but that it's especially bad for pregnant women, the elderly and children. “As a consequence of exposure to air pollution, we see a lot of preterm births, miscarriages, low birth weight. Exposure at this stage has a lifelong consequence,” she said.Earlier this month, New Delhi residents took to the streets to protest against dirty air and demand immediate government action in a relatively rare instance of public demonstrations. “We do not know whether ... citizens will be able to link air pollution to elections, but perhaps that’s where India is moving toward,” environmentalist Vimlendu Jha said in an interview. “Citizens are fed up.”Jha said authorities are not being honest about the problem and that there is a lack of political will to address the issue. “There’s more headline and image management than pollution management,” he said, adding that the high levels of pollution have been treated as normal by political leaders. “The first thing that the government needs to do is to be honest about the problem that we have," he said. "The right diagnosis is extremely critical.” Regardless of whether policymakers act, the consequences of dirty air for the residents of India’s capital are evident. “Everyone feels the pollution. People are not able to work or even breathe,” said Satish Sharma, a 60-year-old auto rickshaw driver. Sharma said he has reduced his work hours as his health has deteriorated in the last few weeks because of the pollution. “I want to tell the government to please do something about this pollution," he said. "Otherwise, people will move away from here.”Arasu reported from Bengaluru, India. AP journalists Piyush Nagpal in New Delhi and Aniruddha Ghosal in Hanoi, Vietnam, contributed to this report.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

Reiner family tragedy sheds light on pain of families grappling with addiction

Nick Reiner's drug addiction and mental illness may look recognizable to many families struggling with similar challenges.

When Greg heard about the deaths of Rob and Michele Reiner, and the alleged involvement of their son Nick, the news struck a painfully familiar chord.It wasn’t the violence that resonated, but rather the heartache and desperation that comes with loving a family member who suffers from an illness that the best efforts and intentions alone can’t cure. Greg has an adult child who, like Nick Reiner, has had a long and difficult struggle with addiction. “It just rings close to home,” said Greg, chair of Families Anonymous, a national support program for friends and family members of people with addiction. (In keeping with the organization’s policy of anonymity for members, The Times is withholding Greg’s last name.)“It’s just so horrible to be the parent or a loved one of somebody that struggles with [addiction], because you can’t make any sense of this,” he said. “You can’t find a way to help them.”Every family’s experience is different, and the full picture is almost always more complicated than it appears from the outside. Public details about the Reiner family’s private struggles are relatively few.But some parts of their story are likely recognizable to the millions of U.S. families affected by addiction.“This is really bringing to light something that’s going on in homes across the country,” said Emily Feinstein, executive vice president of the nonprofit Partnership to End Addiction.Over the years, Nick Reiner, 32, and his parents publicly discussed his years-long struggle with drug use, which included periods of homelessness and multiple rehab stints.Most recently, he was living in a guesthouse on his parents’ Brentwood property. Family friends told The Times that Michele Singer Reiner had become increasingly concerned about Nick’s mental health in recent weeks.The couple were found dead in their home Sunday afternoon. Los Angeles police officers arrested Nick hours later. On Tuesday, he was charged with their murder. He is currently being held without bail and has been placed under special supervision due to potential suicide risk, a law enforcement official told The Times. Experts in substance use cautioned against drawing a direct line between addiction and violence.“Addiction or mental health issues never excuse a horrific act of violence like this, and these sort of acts are not a direct result or a trait of addiction in general,” said Zac Jones, executive director of Beit T’Shuvah, a nonprofit Los Angeles-based addiction treatment center.The circumstances around the Reiners’ highly publicized deaths are far from ordinary. The fact that addiction touched their family is not.Nearly 1 in 5 people in the U.S. has personally experienced addiction, a 2023 poll from the Kaiser Family Foundation found.Two-thirds of Americans have a family member with the disease, a proportion that is similar across rural, urban and suburban dwellers, and across Black, Latino and white respondents.“Substance use disorders, addiction, do not discriminate,” Jones said. “It affects everyone from the highest of the high [socioeconomic status] to people that are experiencing homelessness on Skid Row. ... There is no solution that can be bought.”During interviews for the 2015 film “Becoming Charlie,” a semi-autobiographical film directed by Rob Reiner and co-written by Nick Reiner, the family told journalists that Nick, then in his early 20s, had been to rehab an estimated 18 times since his early teens. Nick Reiner has also spoken publicly about his use of heroin as a teenager. Such cycles of rehab and relapse are common, experts said. One 2019 study found that it took an average of five recovery attempts to effectively stop using and maintain sobriety, though the authors noted that many respondents reported 10 or more attempts.Many families empty their savings in search of a cure, Feinstein said. Even those with abundant resources often end up in a similarly despairing cycle.“Unfortunately, the system that is set up to treat people is not addressing the complexity or the intensity of the illness, and in most cases, it’s very hard to find effective evidence-based treatment,” Feinstein said. “No matter how much money you have, it doesn’t guarantee a better outcome.”Addiction is a complex disorder with intermingled roots in genetics, biology and environmental triggers.Repeated drug use, particularly in adolescence and early adulthood when the brain is still developing, physically alters the circuitry that governs reward and motivation.On top of that, co-occurring mental health conditions, traumas and other factors mean that no two cases of substance abuse disorders are exactly the same. There are not enough quality rehabilitation programs to begin with, experts said, and even an effective program that one patient responds to successfully may not work at all for someone else.“There is always the risk of relapse. That can be hard to process,” Greg said.Families Anonymous counsels members to accept the “Three Cs” of a loved one’s addiction, Greg said: you didn’t cause it, you can’t cure it and you can’t control it.“Good, loving families, people that care, deal with this problem just as much,” he said. “This is just so common out there, but people don’t really talk about it. Especially parents, for fear of being judged.”After the killings, a family friend told The Times that they had “never known a family so dedicated to a child” as Rob and Michele Reiner, and that the couple “did everything for Nick. Every treatment program, therapy sessions and put aside their lives to save Nick’s repeatedly.”But the painful fact is that devotion alone cannot cure a complex, chronic disease.“If you could love someone into sobriety, into recovery, into remission from their psychiatric issues, then we’d have a lot fewer clients here,” Jones said. “Unfortunately, love isn’t enough. It’s certainly a part of the solution, but it isn’t enough.” If you or someone you know is experiencing a mental health crisis, help is available. Call 988 to connect to trained mental health counselors or text “HOME” to 741741 in the U.S. and Canada to reach the Crisis Text Line. Jake Reiner, Nick Reiner, Romy Reiner, Michele Singer Reiner and Rob Reiner attend Four Sixes Ranch Steakhouse’s pop-up grand opening at Wynn Las Vegas on Sept. 14, 2024. (Denise Truscello / Getty Images for Wynn Las Vegas)

Iraq's Dreams of Wheat Independence Dashed by Water Crisis

NAJAF, Iraq, Dec 16 (Reuters) - Iraqi wheat farmer Ma'an al-Fatlawi has long depended on the nearby Euphrates River to feed his ‌fields near ​the...

NAJAF, Iraq, Dec 16 (Reuters) - Iraqi wheat farmer Ma'an al-Fatlawi has long depended on the nearby Euphrates River to feed his ‌fields near ​the city of Najaf. But this year, those waters, which made ‌the Fertile Crescent a cradle of ancient civilisation 10,000 years ago, are drying up, and he sees few options."Drilling wells is not successful in our land, because ​the water is saline," al-Fatlawi said, as he stood by an irrigation canal near his parched fields awaiting the release of his allotted water supply. A push by Iraq - historically among the Middle East's biggest wheat importers - to guarantee food security by ensuring wheat production ‍covers the country's needs has led to three successive annual surpluses ​of the staple grain. But those hard-won advances are now under threat as the driest year in modern history and record-low water levels in the Tigris and Euphrates rivers have reduced planting and could slash the harvest by up to 50% this season.     "Iraq ​is facing one of the ⁠most severe droughts that has been observed in decades," the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization's Iraq representative Salah El Hajj Hassan told Reuters. VULNERABLE TO NATURE AND NEIGHBOURSThe crisis is laying bare Iraq's vulnerability.A largely desert nation, Iraq ranks fifth globally for climate risk, according to the U.N.'s Global Environment Outlook. Average temperatures in Iraq have risen nearly half a degree Celsius per decade since 2000 and could climb by up to 5.6 C by the end of the century compared to the period before industrialisation, according to the International Energy Agency. Rainfall is projected to decline.But Iraq is also at the mercy of its neighbours for 70% of its water supply. And Turkey ‌and Iran have been using upstream dams to take a greater share of the region's shared resource.The FAO says the diminishing amount of water that has trickled down to Iraq is the biggest factor behind ​the ‌current crisis, which has forced Baghdad to introduce ‍rationing. Iraq's water reserves have plunged from 60 billion cubic ⁠metres in 2020 to less than 4 billion today, said El Hajj Hassan, who expects wheat production this season to drop by 30% to 50%. "Rain-fed and irrigated agriculture are directly affected nationwide," he said.EFFORTS TO END IMPORT DEPENDENCE UNDER THREATTo wean the country off its dependence on imports, Iraq's government has in recent years paid for high-yield seeds and inputs, promoted modern irrigation and desert farming to expand cultivation, and subsidised grain purchases to offer farmers more than double global wheat prices. It is a plan that, though expensive, has boosted strategic wheat reserves to over 6 million metric tons in some seasons, overwhelming Iraq's silo capacity. The government, which purchased around 5.1 million tons of the 2025 harvest, said in September that those reserves could meet up to a year of demand. Others, however, including Harry Istepanian - a water expert and founder of Iraq Climate Change Center - now expect imports to rise again, putting the country at greater risk of higher food prices with knock-on effects for trade and government budgets."Iraq's water ​and food security crisis is no longer just an environmental problem; it has immediate economic and security spillovers," Istepanian told Reuters.A preliminary FAO forecast anticipates wheat import needs for the 2025/26 marketing year to increase to about 2.4 million tons.Global wheat markets are currently oversupplied, offering cheaper options, but Iraq could once again face price volatility. Iraq's trade ministry did not respond to a request for comment on the likelihood of increased imports.In response to the crisis, the ministry of agriculture capped river-irrigated wheat at 1 million dunams in the 2025/26 season - half last season's level - and mandated modern irrigation techniques including drip and sprinkler systems to replace flood irrigation through open canals, which loses water through evaporation and seepage. A dunam is a measurement of area roughly equivalent to a quarter acre. The ministry is allocating 3.5 million dunams in desert areas using groundwater. That too is contingent on the use of modern irrigation."The plan was implemented in two phases," said Mahdi Dhamad al-Qaisi, an advisor to the agriculture minister. "Both require modern irrigation."Rice cultivation, meanwhile, which is far more water-intensive than wheat, was banned nationwide.RURAL LIVELIHOODS AT RISKOne ton of wheat production in Iraq requires about 1,100 cubic metres of water, said Ammar Abdul-Khaliq, head of the Wells and Groundwater Authority in southern Iraq. Pivoting to more dependence on wells to replace river water is risky. "If water extraction continues without scientific study, groundwater reserves will decline," he said. Basra aquifers, he said, have ​already fallen by three to five metres. Groundwater irrigation systems are also expensive due to the required infrastructure like sprinklers and concrete basins. That presents a further economic challenge to rural Iraqis, who make up around 30% of the population. Some 170,000 people have already been displaced in rural areas due to water scarcity, the FAO's El Hajj Hassan said. "This is not a matter of only food security," he said. "It's worse when we look at it from the perspective of livelihoods."At his farm in Najaf, al-Fatlawi is now experiencing that first-hand, having cut his wheat acreage to a fifth of its normal level this season and laid ​off all but two of his 10 workers. "We rely on river water," he said.(Reporting by Sarah El Safty in Dubai and Moayed Kenany in Baghdad; Additional reporting by Ahmed Rasheed and Maher Nazeh in Baghdad, Ahmed Saeed in Najaf, and Mohammed Ati in Basra; Editing by Joe Bavier)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

Revealed: Mexico’s industrial boomtown is making goods for the US. Residents say they’re ‘breathing poison’

Polluting facilities in Monterrey, which has close ties to the US, are pumping toxic heavy metals into the city’s air and threatening residents’ healthLeer en español en Quinto Elemento LabAn industrial boom in a US manufacturing hub in Mexico is contributing to a massive air pollution crisis that is threatening residents’ health, according to new research by the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab.The polluting facilities in Monterrey include factories that are operated by companies from around the world – including the US, Europe, Asia and Mexico – but export largely to the US. Continue reading...

An industrial boom in a US manufacturing hub in Mexico is contributing to a massive air pollution crisis that is threatening residents’ health, according to new research by the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab.The polluting facilities in Monterrey include factories that are operated by companies from around the world – including the US, Europe, Asia and Mexico – but export largely to the US.And the facilities are pumping more toxic heavy metals into the city’s air than the totals reported in many US states, the analysis finds for the first time, as well as more earth-warming carbon dioxide than nearly half the nations in the world.The industrial pollution in Monterrey, a metro area of 5.3 million people that is 150 miles (241km) from the Texas border, has contributed to it ranking as the metro with the worst fine-particulate air pollution in Mexico, the US or Canada in a recent study that looked at trends up to 2019.The problem persists. On a daily basis, residents here live with about twice the levels of fine particulate air pollution as those in Los Angeles, which has long been the most polluted major metro in the US. And on bad days, the area sometimes has among the worst pollution levels in the world.Long-term exposure to this kind of air pollution has been linked to thousands of deaths per year in the area.Monterrey is one of the only major metro areas in the three nations where such air pollution has remained stubbornly high, at a time when most cities are accomplishing vast reductions in harmful pollutants.The findings come as residents have mounted protests about the air quality in Monterrey, with some carrying signs saying “We want to breathe” and demanding that the federal government take action.“You have to wonder: How are we not suffocating?” said Aldo Salazar, an environmental activist, who said he didn’t realize he was living in a fishbowl of pollution until he began hiking into the mountains that surround Monterrey, where he could stand in the clear sunshine and look down at the gray basin of smog beneath him. The mountains themselves are frequently not visible from the city owing to the dirty air.About 40 residents in a neighborhood in San Nicolás de los Garza protested near the Zinc Nacional recycling plant on 20 April 2025. They demanded the cease of operations of the company in this area. Photograph: El NorteThe Monterrey urban area has quadrupled in size since 1990 as it has become an industrial boomtown. And although vehicles and small businesses also contribute to pollution, about 60% comes from industrial emitters, including privately owned factories and public energy plants, according to a government estimate. This pollution consists of fine particles that are harmful if inhaled, and can include small quantities of dangerous metals.Many of the major factories in Monterrey produce goods that go to the US market – ranging from tractors and beer mugs to chocolate cookies – or recycle toxic waste and scrap metal sent from the US, the research shows. Among the top emitters are factories that recycle US car batteries and hazardous waste, and those that ship finished products back to the US.In one example, the analysis found that a single European steel company reported emitting more lead – which can cause brain damage in children – into the air in a year than all the companies combined in the New York/New Jersey metropolitan area, the most populous metro in the US. The company acknowledged these emissions but said future reports would show less pollution.The analysis also revealed that some facilities in Monterrey emit carcinogenic cadmium and arsenic at levels that are rarely reported in densely populated areas of the US.Top Mexican officials have promised to address air-quality problems in Monterrey. Alicia Bárcena, Mexico’s secretary of environment and natural resources, said in a statement to the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab that her administration is aware there is a problem with pollution and “actions are being taken to address this,” including updating emissions standards and improving industrial monitoring. She added that “there is a long-term trend towards improvement” in pollution levels.A view of the Santa Catarina river and Fundidora park in the city of Monterrey, seen with pollution on 19 November 2024 and without pollution on 2 November 2025. The mountains of the Sierra Madre (left) and Cerro de las Mitras (right) sometimes disappear from sight in days with bad air.Credit: José Villasaez, El NorteMexican President Claudia Sheinbaum said in July that she was awaiting research about Monterrey’s air pollution that was being coordinated by the “best scientists in our country on these issues”, and which would show “who is polluting, how much they are polluting and where they are polluting.”While industry representatives argue that facilities serving the US market have modern and effective pollution controls, some experts say the industrial growth in Monterrey may come at the price of residents’ health and lives.“Monterrey is paying a price for being too aggressive in getting foreign investment,” said Rafael Fernández de Castro, director of the Center for US-Mexican Studies at the University of California San Diego.“This will backfire,” he said. “Because this pollution is going to result in a big-time impact on public health. The remedy is going to be very, very costly and it will offset the short-term benefits of this very hot market that is Monterrey.”Polluting plants operate in highly populated areasTo find the top industrial polluters, the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab combed through emissions reports for thousands of facilities, which journalists obtained through records requests and government databases, as well as a leaked government inventory.The emissions reports used in this investigation, which companies self-report to the Mexican government, are not complete. There are gaps for certain plants, pollution types and years. But they provide an overall picture of what the companies themselves say they are pumping into the air.The investigation revealed that Monterrey contains a huge number of polluting industrial plants operating in highly populated areas. Particularly troubling were some that report emitting large amounts of heavy metals into dense, urban neighborhoods.Producers of metals, glass, ceramics and cement, as well as power plants and a government-run refinery, dominate the emissions reports.Chronic exposure to even small quantities of the heavy metals have been shown to cause an array of health effects like kidney dysfunction, nervous system disorders, birth defects, and cancer, as well as causing increases in learning disabilities and behavior problems in children that can affect the economic prospects of an entire population.The US has cracked down on air emissions of these metals due to their very harmful effects. But evidence suggests Mexican residents near plants making and recycling goods for US customers are still breathing in lead, cadmium and arsenic.The emissions numbers for each heavy metal are striking.Lead emissions more than that of all companies in many US statesPlants in Monterrey reported releasing a total of 4,362lbs (1979kg) of toxic lead into the air per year on average between 2021 and 2023 – more than all the companies in many US states.Top emitters in recent years included two steel plants and a half dozen companies that recycle old car batteries, often shipped down from the US. Among these is US company Clarios, which owns five plants that reported lead emissions in the Monterrey area.In response to questions, the company did not dispute its emissions but said that it operates “in full compliance with – and often exceed[s] – the environmental, health, and safety regulations in Mexico.”In another example, Ternium, a steel company headquartered in Luxemburg that supplies metals crucial to the North American auto industry, reported releasing over 1,000lbs (458kg) of lead into the air in 2023 from a factory in a crowded Monterrey neighborhood. That is more than all companies combined in the New York/New Jersey metropolitan area, the United States’ most populous metro.Ternium said that its treatment system captures 99% of lead emissions, and that its forthcoming lead and cadmium reports would show substantial decreases. “If we compare our emissions, they are similar to or lower than those reported by steel plants in the United States and Europe,” the company said.Hazardous cadmium emissionsIn the case of cadmium, which is considered even more hazardous because of its significant carcinogenic potential, facilities here reported emitting a total of 301lbs (137kg) in the average year.A general view shows Mexican state oil firm Pemex’s refinery in Cadereyta, on the outskirts of Monterrey, Mexico, in 2021. Photograph: Daniel Becerril/ReutersThat is more than in all but four places in the US – but those places are mostly rural locations far from dense populations, such as in Alaska’s Northwest Arctic Borough. The only place where comparably large amounts of cadmium were emitted near an urban population in the US was around two solar panel plants that are 10 miles (16km) south of Toledo, Ohio.Top emitters included zinc and steel plants, and power plants providing electricity to the city.US-owned glass producer Crisa Libbey reported emitting 45lbs (20kg) of cadmium into the air. The company did not respond to requests for comment.Top arsenic emittersMeanwhile, facilities reported emitting 66lbs (30kg) of arsenic per year into the air.Zinc Nacional, which recycles steel dust sent from the US to recover zinc, was the largest reporter in this category in recent years.It recycles US hazardous waste in a tightly packed neighborhood and has reported emitting about 20lbs (9kg) of arsenic per year since 2017.By comparison, most plants that emit large amounts of arsenic in the US operate well away from large urban populations. Only one US plant that reports arsenic at these levels operates in a dense neighborhood in a major metropolitan area – the US Steel plant in Gary, Indiana.Zinc Nacional disputed that its emissions are this large. It said that its reports are only estimates that do not take into account its pollution-control technologies and that “our actual emissions are considerably lower.”Zinc Nacional plant seen in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, on 13 September 2024. Photograph: Bernardo De Niz/The GuardianAn industry group, the Institute for the Environmental Protection of Nuevo León, which advises Zinc Nacional and many other major Monterrey companies went further, saying in a statement that emissions reports submitted to the Mexican government “may include materials retained in filters or chimneys, or treated” and should only be used as “trend indicators”.However under the law, “only what is emitted into the air should be reported, without considering what is retained by the control equipment,” said an official from the Mexican environmental regulator, Semarnat.Other top arsenic emitters included the multinational cement company Cemex, a refinery and several energy plants.Cemex said that it is in full compliance with regulations and is investing in technologies to reduce its emissions, including using real-time air monitors and drones to detect and control any increased emissions. The company has “a long history of seriously embracing our environmental commitment.”Overall, about 40% of the heavy metals emissions reported came from a handful of companies operating plants within 5 miles (8km) of each other in the most densely populated area of Monterrey, called San Nicolás de los Garza. Its population of mostly working-class residents has exploded over the years.“Many of these factories have been there for 80 or 90 years and now they are absolutely surrounded by people living there, so that makes this problem a lot bigger,” said Glen Villarreal Zambrano, a state legislator who lives in the area and was, until recently, the head of the Nuevo León parks and wildlife department.“We are victims of our own success,” he said. “We have economic growth – now we have to put order to it.”‘We’re breathing in a capsule of poison’The health consequences are becoming increasingly clear to residents. Chronic exposure to fine particulate air pollution causes as many as 2,500 deaths every year in the Monterrey metropolitan region, as well as contributing to a multitude of chronic ailments, ranging from respiratory and neurological problems and cancer, according to a 2023 study issued by the state of Nuevo León.Guadalupe Rodríguez, director of the regional public nursery school system, has long worried about the effects of Monterrey’s air pollution on her young students. On the worst air quality days, when winds pick up dust to mix with the industrial pollution, monitors hung in the rafters of schools scattered around the city report air quality levels so high that they are symbolized with pictures of children wearing old-fashioned gas masks.Guadalupe Rodríguez, director of the regional public nursery school system, organized lead testing for all the children in her schools. Photograph: El Norte“We’re breathing in a capsule of poison throughout the entire metropolitan area,” she said. “Out of a school month, I’d say we get five good days and 15 bad ones”.She says about half the children, from infants to six year olds, suffer some kind of health condition, including repeated respiratory infections and allergies. She is also concerned about high rates of autism among her students.But it wasn’t until the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab published an investigation in January into Zinc Nacional that she was able to organize lead testing for all the children in her schools.That investigation revealed heavy metals contamination in homes and schools surrounding Zinc Nacional, which recycles hazardous waste from the US steel industry.Children play at a school in the municipality of San Nicolás de los Garza, near numerous facilities that have reported large emissions of heavy metals, in September 2024. Photograph: Bernardo De Niz/The GuardianZinc Nacional responded that the investigation was based on a study “that lacks scientific validity and institutional backing”. It said that its recycling process is crucial. “If these materials were not recycled, they would end up landfilled or released into the environment, posing real ecological risks”This spring medical teams began showing up at nine nursery schools to prick the fingers of children three to six years old whose parents signed up for the testing, which is ongoing.Rodríguez, who is also a state legislator, said she and other environmental activists have been trying to draw attention to the worsening air pollution problems for years, without tangible results.“There are laws, but they aren’t enforced,” she said.Guadalupe Martínez, 63, lived for 30 years in a neighborhood that sits in near several of the plants reporting the highest heavy metal emissions in the region.One morning in 2021, she began coughing and spitting up blood and her children took her to the emergency room, according to Martínez and her son. Her condition was so critical that she spent six months in an induced coma and more than a year in the hospital. Today she can barely speak because of her tracheotomy tube and is dependent on oxygen and constant care.“I don’t drink, I don’t smoke, I don’t stay up late,” said Martínez, whose family now wonders if living in the midst of so much pollution might have affected her health.Ricardo González and his mother, Guadalupe Martínez, who depends on oxygen and wonders whether living near several of the plants reporting the highest heavy metal emissions in the region has affected her health. Photograph: Courtesy of El NorteHer son, local attorney Ricardo González, is taking legal steps to demand that the government investigate the health effects of pollution in the urban area.“The authorities are failing to fulfil their duty to guarantee legal, physical and material safety for the people,” he said. “And by doing so, they are enabling and allowing the population to be poisoned.“CO2 emissions and outdated environmental regulationsThe Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab investigation also examined the region’s top emitters of carbon dioxide, a measure which shows not only how much of this global-warming gas each factory is sending into the atmosphere, but is often also an indicator of air pollution.In 2022, the roughly 200 plants that reported their annual CO2 releases in Monterrey emitted more of the greenhouse gas than more than 100 countries, and were similar to Paraguay, Panama and Costa Rica.One of the highest emitters in recent years was the Cadereyta refinery, run by Mexico’s state-owned oil company Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex). The plant can also be seen from satellites in space as one of the biggest emitters in the world of sulphur dioxide, which contributes to smog.The company did not respond to a request for comment.Experts said Pemex emissions have worsened in recent years, as the previous presidential administration ramped up processing of dirtier oil. Mexico’s refineries, including the nearly 50-year-old Cadereyta, are in a poor state of repair.The Cadereyta refinery has been “operating purely on inertia, without filters or anti-pollution measures – it simply degraded into what we’re seeing now”, said Gonzalo Monroy, an energy consultant.Since 2015, investment in refinery maintenance has decreased dramatically.“Most of the sulfur [capturing equipment] in the refineries and in the gas processing plants in Mexico are out of operation for lack of maintenance”, said Francisco José Barnés de Castro, an oil industry expert and former head of the Mexican Petroleum Institute.The Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab investigation also raised concerns about the effectiveness of Mexico’s environmental regulation of industrial facilities.Companies that would face tight air pollution regulation in the US are able to operate under decades-old Mexican environmental standards. These “are a real disgrace”, said Samuel García, the governor of Nuevo León, Monterrey’s home state, in a social media post this summer. They allow thresholds for air and heavy metals pollution that are “extremely high”.Additionally, emissions records for toxic chemicals at many facilities are missing, while others are removed from the record by the Mexican environmental regulator because of doubts about their accuracy.A ‘circular economy’ gone awry?Experts say the city’s relationship as a supplier to the US is crucial in explaining the pollution crisis. Monterrey has long prided itself on its entrepreneurial spirit and centuries-long history of teaming up with US businesses.Monterrey is still a place “where the factory, the facility, the smokestack is a source of pride,” said Eduardo Enrique Aguilar, a professor of political economics at University of Monterrey.But he said, since the North American Free Trade Agreement opened the trade borders between the US and Mexico in the 1990s, Monterrey has seen an over-accumulation of factories.“They come here, pay very low wages, and offload all the environmental harm – which is ultimately borne by us, by the people who live here,” said Aguilar.Since 2006, international exports from the metro have tripled. About 90% in sales go to the US – totalling at least $46bn dollars in 2024.As part of this manufacturing boom, he said the region has become a “recycling hub” for the US companies, who want to process US waste into new goods in what is now dubbed “the circular economy.”Some of the highest emissions figures found by the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab came from factories recycling waste and scrap exported out of the US for Mexican companies to process and use as raw materials.These imports included hazardous waste from the US, including toxic steel dust and millions of old car batteries.But Monterrey also receives vast quantities of everyday recycling that US consumers throw into their bins, including household paper recycling, and nearly 2m metric tons a year of scrap metal.“Ultimately, the United States has to send its waste somewhere, and clearly, there was already infrastructure here – highways, energy usage, and technological capacity,” said Aguilar, who said the pollution it foists upon the population is “a real injustice.”But an industry group, advising Ternium, Zinc Nacional, Clarios and numerous other large companies on environmental issues, pointed to Monterrey’s role in recycling US materials as an environmental benefit to the planet.“These are not uncontrolled wastes, but valuable inputs that are reprocessed under federal permits and supervision,” the group, Instituto para la Protección Ambiental de Nuevo León, said in a statement. Recycling can “replace primary mining, reduce global emissions and deforestation, and promote the circular economy.”The group said that Monterrey’s industrial boom has been accompanied by hundreds of millions of dollars in investments in environmental improvements in the region.“The industrial boom and nearshoring have gone hand in hand with an unprecedented process of industrial modernization in environmental matters,” it said.‘Mexico is not the trash dump for the US’Calls for action on the industrial pollution problems have intensified since the journalistic investigation earlier this year.Neighbors have staged several protests outside the Zinc Nacional plant, with signs such as “Mexico is not the trash dump for the United States”, and government officials have instituted five different temporary closures of the plant. The company announced it would move some of its operations elsewhere. (It said it followed all applicable regulations, and that the wellbeing of the community was a priority.)State and federal officials have responded by saying they will crack down on industrial polluters citywide.“The metropolitan area of Monterrey is one of the most polluted regions in terms of air quality in our country,” said Mariana Boy Tamborrell, the federal attorney for environmental protection, appointed last fall, who said her agency plans to step up inspections and sampling to make sure industry complies with the laws.“We want to prevent companies from merely simulating compliance or engaging in greenwashing,” Boy Tamborrell added.García,Nuevo León’s governor, has amplified that message in various statements this summer, saying that “there will be zero tolerance” for those who pollute and that “industry has completely failed” to handle pollution.But Hugo Barrera, an air pollution researcher, said solutions might not come so easily. His organization, the Mario Molina Center for Energy and Environment, has recommended that government and industry should work together to relocate polluting factories outside the urban area.But companies “don’t seem interested”, he said. “It’s very costly to move industry, and it’s both politically and economically difficult.”Ultimately, activists hope the huge groundswell of public anger that has now built around the air pollution issue in Monterrey will spark meaningful improvements.“If people don’t know the air is dangerous, the government doesn’t have to act,” said Vivianne Clariond, who is pushing for the government to do something about the smog.Clariond’s own background is a sign of how broad the movement has become. Her grandfather founded a major steel mill, which was later bought by the international conglomerate Ternium and is now considered one the biggest polluters in the city. She is also the daughter of a former governor, and has herself served as a councilor in local government.People take part in a protest demanding the closure of the Pemex refinery, blaming it for polluting the air, in Monterrey, Mexico, on 28 January 2024. Photograph: Daniel Becerril/ReutersNow a wide array of Monterrey residents – from the affluent to the working class – are joining the fight to reduce pollution. And many hope that Sheinbaum, a trained climate scientist, will take up the cause and make the changes to environmental law and enforcement that will be needed to improve the situation.“What we need is someone with the guts to act,” Clariond said. “When Mexico City was the most polluted city in the world, they introduced vehicle inspections, bike lanes, cable cars, a metro. They made decisions – even if unpopular.”“Here in Nuevo León, nobody wants to sacrifice the economy or their political capital.”El Norte newspaper contributed reportingTo find the top industrial polluters in Monterrey, the Guardian and Quinto Elemento Lab analyzed emissions data for the region from multiple viewpoints. This included filing public records requests to obtain a database of each facilities’ reports to the Mexican government, as well as their itemized accounts of their releases from each part of their operation. We also obtained a leaked draft of an emissions inventory that was never published. Ultimately the numbers we decided to publish in this piece are from the Mexican government’s Registro de Emisiones y Transferencia de Contaminantes program, which compiles emissions data to share with the public and the international community through the North American Pollutant Release and Transfer Register (NAPRTR) initiative.We downloaded these from a webportal run by the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC), an international organization created as a side accord to the 1994 free trade agreement (Nafta) between the US, Canada and Mexico to facilitate cooperation on environmental issues across the three countries.The reports only include emissions from facilities that are federally regulated (generally industrial facilities in sectors like chemicals, metals, automotive components and power; and those that generate more than 10 tons of hazardous waste each year.)We gathered data on all facilities that reported their emissions in the most recent three years available (2021-2023) and used their most recent report for each type of pollutant. Some facilities had no reports for certain types of pollutants in certain years. To calculate the total amount of heavy metals emitted  – lead, cadmium and arsenic, and their compounds – we used three-year averages for each.To calculate CO2 emissions for the entire metro region, we used 2022 emissions reports. It was the year with the most complete dataset, due to the fact that many of the largest reporters’ records were removed from the 2023 final report by the government as “inconsistencies”, which the regulator said meant there were reasons to suspect the reliability of the information. (Some heavy metals reports are also disqualified for being “inconsistent”.)To compare emissions in the US and Mexico, we analyzed analogous reports submitted by US polluters. The CEC itself publishes such national comparisons and has an initiative to improve the comparability of pollution reporting.But there are some differences in the data gathered in the US and Mexico – most notably the minimum reporting thresholds. For instance, in the case of lead, US facilities that use 45kg per year must report their lead emissions; while, in Mexico, plants that use 5kg must report. In the case of cadmium and arsenic, Mexico requires reporting by plants that use at least 5kg of a substance; whereas the US standards do not require reporting by facilities unless they handle at least 4,530kg. We found that the vast majority of emissions in both countries come from large reporters. The comparisons were designed to focus on large reporters.As part of our right-of-reply process, we sent letters outlining our findings to the top emissions reporters. In consequence we removed reports from two facilities, Forja de Monterrey and Tenigal, from our heavy metal emissions totals because the companies demonstrated that their reports were in error.Comparisons of Monterrey’s fine-particulate pollution with other metro areas, including Los Angeles, are based on a 2025 study led by researchers at George Washington University. They used data from satellites, air monitors and computer models to look at pollution levels in 13,189 metro areas around the globe over a 20-year-period. We analysed this data to focus on metros with populations over 1 million in the North American free trade zone countries of Mexico, the United States and Canada. The year 2020 was excluded from this analysis because of the pandemic, when emissions temporarily plunged in many places (though fine-particulate pollution estimates increased in Monterrey that year as well).Editors: Alastair Gee, Alejandra XanicData editor: Will CraftData visualization: Andrew WitherspoonFactchecking: Bojana Pavlović

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