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We're only treading water': Ozone, smoke and smog besiege Coloradans despite climate efforts

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Saturday, August 3, 2024

A relentless wave of dry heat, coupled with a recent outbreak of wildfires, is fueling a summertime scourge of the Intermountain West: the near-daily spikes in ozone and other air pollutants, collectively known as smog. Colorado’s Denver metropolitan region and Northern Front Range — which extends from about the Wyoming border to Boulder — have been breaching federal ozone standards for years, despite vast improvements in controlling emissions in both transportation and the energy sector.  Experts attribute the continued seasonal surges in this colorless gas, which affects respiratory and cardiovascular health, to a combination of factors: climate change, population expansion and the region's unique geography. "There have been a lot of efforts to reduce pollution through making cars cleaner, through better regulations of oil and gas," Anthony Gerber, director of pulmonary research at National Jewish Health, told The Hill. "At the end of the day, we're only treading water because of issues with climate and then the growth of the Front Range," Gerber said. Different from the atmospheric ozone layer, which protects people from solar radiation, ground-level ozone poses a potential threat to those who inhale it, especially among individuals with existing sensitivities. This type of ozone forms when pollutants like nitrogen oxides or volatile organic compounds — known collectively as "ozone precursors" — react in sunlight and heat, according to the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment. Those compounds can come from vehicles that run on gasoline, industrial emissions, oil and gas operations and the particulate matter in wildfire smoke. The precursors then "mix the atmosphere with UV light and heat to create ozone," Gerber explained. The highest ozone levels in the region are not typically in the middle of an urban center; rather, they are usually "more nestled up against the Front Range foothills," according to Gerber. "Because of the mountains, those precursors can get trapped," he said. "But in periods of unusual weather — hot, dry weather, without a lot of winds — you can actually wind up with higher ozone levels that more broadly impact the urban areas." This summer has featured persistent dryness and an influx of smoke over the past couple weeks from wildfires thousands of miles away and a series of local blazes. Mike Silverstein, chair of the Regional Air Quality Council, explained that while the region does have prevailing winds that flow from west to east, the mountain range blocks the airflow at ground level.  Silverstein described a daytime "bathtub effect" in which warm air rises uphill and ushers in a mix of "all the oil and gas emissions, all the urban emissions, all the consumer products — hairsprays and bathroom products and cleaning products, paints and solvents, auto exhaust." "Then the sunlight causes the reaction of these various pollutants to become ozone," said Silverstein, whose agency advises the state on air quality for the Denver metropolitan/North Front Range nonattainment region. "It kind of puts a cap on our region — it’s like a dome," he added. Despite the incessant air quality alerts this summer and in recent years, Silverstein said "ozone levels and the number of ozone exceedance days tends to be fewer in recent years than we experienced 20 years ago." Attributing that decline to a significant reduction in emissions, he explained that Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) ozone attainment thresholds have become increasingly stringent. That said, Silverstein stressed that the region endures ozone standard exceedances for at least 30 days each year. Every summer, he continued, conditions also vary based on meteorological factors. As far as current surges are concerned, Silverstein pointed to the wildfire smoke — not just from local blazes, but from those in Canada and California — as "a big confounding factor." Until the fires began to flood the region with smoke in the past couple weeks, Silverstein said he observed "plenty of exceedance days" for ozone, but individual numbers weren't necessarily as high as in recent years. "Then when we started seeing the wildfire impact, the numbers just shot up," he added. For Gerber's patients, many of whom already have diminished lung function, the persistent pollution has meant an increase in symptoms like chest tightness. Due to the inflammatory nature of such pollutants, Gerber also voiced concern about the potential for related strokes or heart attacks. "We really encourage people to make sure they're taking all of their cardio-protective medications when the pollution is spiking," Gerber said. Although Rocky Mountain foothills inhabitants may suffer from a routine summer spike in air quality issues, they are hardly the only residents of the U.S. West to endure such seasonal circumstances. Silverstein cited Los Angeles as a prime example of a place marked by such pollution, noting that the "trapping effect" of mountainous topography helps drive the accumulation of contaminants. Meanwhile, a recent study recently connected oil and natural gas development to summertime surges in ozone levels at New Mexico's Carlsbad Caverns National Park. Contaminant concentrations there often surpass EPA standards, as pollutants blow in from the Permian Basin, the authors found. Gerber also flagged Salt Lake City as a vulnerable place and characterized ground-level ozone as "a general regional problem,” which also includes other pollutants, such as the particulate matter unleashed by wildfires.   "The two things tend to travel together," he said, noting that this mix of ozone and particulates is conventionally known as "smog." Looking back at a past in which oil and gas were dominant contributors to Front Range air pollution buildup, Gerber recognized the regulatory progress that has helped mitigate those emissions. "But now we're facing the dual problems of hotter days and also wildfires," Gerber said. "The evidence suggests that our air quality for the next 10 to 20 years is going to continue to frequently be at these sorts of unsafe levels."  Rather than relying on regulation to solve the problem, Gerber stressed a need to develop resilience strategies and modify the behavior of residents in areas impacted by ozone, such as exercising at earlier times of day. Silverstein echoed these sentiments, adding that "it comes down to lifestyle choices" — making the decision to minimize the use of petroleum-based products, switching from gasoline- to electricity-powered lawn tools and reducing time spent driving. The Regional Air Quality Council is also proposing two bills that would impact oil and gas operators: one that would reduce emissions venting when wells are shuttered for maintenance, and a second that would require the recapture of certain pollutants. Another potential solution that researchers recently explored was the possibility that free-fare public transit could make a dent in driving down ozone levels. To do so, they assessed an August 2022 initiative in which the regional public transportation agency waived all fares, with hopes that voluntary shifts away from cars could reduce ground-level ozone. But a University of Colorado Boulder PhD candidate, Grant Webster, who researched the effects of such shifts, recently determined they were insufficient. While Webster observed that public transit ridership during the period increased by 15 percent to 20 percent, car volumes stayed about the same. For Colorado to see a 1 percent decline in ozone pollution, public transit usage would need to increase by 74 to percent 192 percent, he found, publishing the results in Transportation Research. As the region continues to grapple with ozone and smog, Gerber emphasized the need for both short-term adaptive measures and longer-term actions that could reverse global warming. "We can't wave a magic wand and put all the carbon pollution back into a bottle and get rid of it by next year," he said. "So we need to be smart about adaptive strategies that can minimize the risk for people who otherwise enjoy all the great things about living on the Front Range."

A relentless wave of dry heat, coupled with a recent outbreak of wildfires, is fueling a summertime scourge of the Intermountain West: the near-daily spikes in ozone and other air pollutants, collectively known as smog. Colorado’s Denver metropolitan region and Northern Front Range — which extends from about the Wyoming border to Boulder — have...

A relentless wave of dry heat, coupled with a recent outbreak of wildfires, is fueling a summertime scourge of the Intermountain West: the near-daily spikes in ozone and other air pollutants, collectively known as smog.

Colorado’s Denver metropolitan region and Northern Front Range — which extends from about the Wyoming border to Boulder — have been breaching federal ozone standards for years, despite vast improvements in controlling emissions in both transportation and the energy sector. 

Experts attribute the continued seasonal surges in this colorless gas, which affects respiratory and cardiovascular health, to a combination of factors: climate change, population expansion and the region's unique geography.

"There have been a lot of efforts to reduce pollution through making cars cleaner, through better regulations of oil and gas," Anthony Gerber, director of pulmonary research at National Jewish Health, told The Hill.

"At the end of the day, we're only treading water because of issues with climate and then the growth of the Front Range," Gerber said.

Different from the atmospheric ozone layer, which protects people from solar radiation, ground-level ozone poses a potential threat to those who inhale it, especially among individuals with existing sensitivities.

This type of ozone forms when pollutants like nitrogen oxides or volatile organic compounds — known collectively as "ozone precursors" — react in sunlight and heat, according to the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment.

Those compounds can come from vehicles that run on gasoline, industrial emissions, oil and gas operations and the particulate matter in wildfire smoke. The precursors then "mix the atmosphere with UV light and heat to create ozone," Gerber explained.

The highest ozone levels in the region are not typically in the middle of an urban center; rather, they are usually "more nestled up against the Front Range foothills," according to Gerber.

"Because of the mountains, those precursors can get trapped," he said. "But in periods of unusual weather — hot, dry weather, without a lot of winds — you can actually wind up with higher ozone levels that more broadly impact the urban areas."

This summer has featured persistent dryness and an influx of smoke over the past couple weeks from wildfires thousands of miles away and a series of local blazes.

Mike Silverstein, chair of the Regional Air Quality Council, explained that while the region does have prevailing winds that flow from west to east, the mountain range blocks the airflow at ground level. 

Silverstein described a daytime "bathtub effect" in which warm air rises uphill and ushers in a mix of "all the oil and gas emissions, all the urban emissions, all the consumer products — hairsprays and bathroom products and cleaning products, paints and solvents, auto exhaust."

"Then the sunlight causes the reaction of these various pollutants to become ozone," said Silverstein, whose agency advises the state on air quality for the Denver metropolitan/North Front Range nonattainment region.

"It kind of puts a cap on our region — it’s like a dome," he added.

Despite the incessant air quality alerts this summer and in recent years, Silverstein said "ozone levels and the number of ozone exceedance days tends to be fewer in recent years than we experienced 20 years ago."

Attributing that decline to a significant reduction in emissions, he explained that Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) ozone attainment thresholds have become increasingly stringent.

That said, Silverstein stressed that the region endures ozone standard exceedances for at least 30 days each year. Every summer, he continued, conditions also vary based on meteorological factors.

As far as current surges are concerned, Silverstein pointed to the wildfire smoke — not just from local blazes, but from those in Canada and California — as "a big confounding factor."

Until the fires began to flood the region with smoke in the past couple weeks, Silverstein said he observed "plenty of exceedance days" for ozone, but individual numbers weren't necessarily as high as in recent years.

"Then when we started seeing the wildfire impact, the numbers just shot up," he added.

For Gerber's patients, many of whom already have diminished lung function, the persistent pollution has meant an increase in symptoms like chest tightness. Due to the inflammatory nature of such pollutants, Gerber also voiced concern about the potential for related strokes or heart attacks.

"We really encourage people to make sure they're taking all of their cardio-protective medications when the pollution is spiking," Gerber said.

Although Rocky Mountain foothills inhabitants may suffer from a routine summer spike in air quality issues, they are hardly the only residents of the U.S. West to endure such seasonal circumstances.

Silverstein cited Los Angeles as a prime example of a place marked by such pollution, noting that the "trapping effect" of mountainous topography helps drive the accumulation of contaminants.

Meanwhile, a recent study recently connected oil and natural gas development to summertime surges in ozone levels at New Mexico's Carlsbad Caverns National Park. Contaminant concentrations there often surpass EPA standards, as pollutants blow in from the Permian Basin, the authors found.

Gerber also flagged Salt Lake City as a vulnerable place and characterized ground-level ozone as "a general regional problem,” which also includes other pollutants, such as the particulate matter unleashed by wildfires.  

"The two things tend to travel together," he said, noting that this mix of ozone and particulates is conventionally known as "smog."

Looking back at a past in which oil and gas were dominant contributors to Front Range air pollution buildup, Gerber recognized the regulatory progress that has helped mitigate those emissions.

"But now we're facing the dual problems of hotter days and also wildfires," Gerber said. "The evidence suggests that our air quality for the next 10 to 20 years is going to continue to frequently be at these sorts of unsafe levels." 

Rather than relying on regulation to solve the problem, Gerber stressed a need to develop resilience strategies and modify the behavior of residents in areas impacted by ozone, such as exercising at earlier times of day.

Silverstein echoed these sentiments, adding that "it comes down to lifestyle choices" — making the decision to minimize the use of petroleum-based products, switching from gasoline- to electricity-powered lawn tools and reducing time spent driving.

The Regional Air Quality Council is also proposing two bills that would impact oil and gas operators: one that would reduce emissions venting when wells are shuttered for maintenance, and a second that would require the recapture of certain pollutants.

Another potential solution that researchers recently explored was the possibility that free-fare public transit could make a dent in driving down ozone levels.

To do so, they assessed an August 2022 initiative in which the regional public transportation agency waived all fares, with hopes that voluntary shifts away from cars could reduce ground-level ozone.

But a University of Colorado Boulder PhD candidate, Grant Webster, who researched the effects of such shifts, recently determined they were insufficient. While Webster observed that public transit ridership during the period increased by 15 percent to 20 percent, car volumes stayed about the same.

For Colorado to see a 1 percent decline in ozone pollution, public transit usage would need to increase by 74 to percent 192 percent, he found, publishing the results in Transportation Research.

As the region continues to grapple with ozone and smog, Gerber emphasized the need for both short-term adaptive measures and longer-term actions that could reverse global warming.

"We can't wave a magic wand and put all the carbon pollution back into a bottle and get rid of it by next year," he said. "So we need to be smart about adaptive strategies that can minimize the risk for people who otherwise enjoy all the great things about living on the Front Range."

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Plan for Australia’s largest carbon capture project near Darwin criticised as creating ‘dumping ground’

Climate advocates fear the project, proposed by Japanese oil and gas giant Inpex, would turn the area into the ‘world’s largest carbon dumping ground’Sign up for climate and environment editor Adam Morton’s free Clear Air newsletter hereOil and gas giant Inpex has proposed Australia’s largest carbon capture facility in waters off the Northern Territory, which climate advocates have warned could turn Darwin into a carbon dumping ground.The Bonaparte carbon capture and storage (CCS) project proposes to pipe and store 8m to 10m tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO2) into an underground aquifer located about 250km offshore west of Darwin, according to documents lodged with the federal environment department. Continue reading...

Oil and gas giant Inpex has proposed Australia’s largest carbon capture facility in waters off the Northern Territory, which climate advocates have warned could turn Darwin into a carbon dumping ground.The Bonaparte carbon capture and storage (CCS) project proposes to pipe and store 8m to 10m tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO2) into an underground aquifer located about 250km offshore west of Darwin, according to documents lodged with the federal environment department.Analysts said those volumes – if achieved – would make it one of the largest CCS projects in the world, while noting that most failed to meet their targets.The Bonaparte project, a joint venture between Inpex, TotalEnergies and Woodside Energy, involved sourcing CO2 from “a range of industrial facilities in the region”, including nearby liquefied natural gas plants, and eventually imports from the Asia Pacific. Carbon emissions would be transported offshore via a pipeline through Darwin harbour. Sign up to get climate and environment editor Adam Morton’s Clear Air column as a free newsletterEnvironmentalists have raised concerns that the project would be used to justify the further expansion of fossil fuels in the territory.Globally, 77 CCS projects were now in operation, capturing about 64m tonnes a year, according to an industry status report.Josh Runciman, the lead Australian gas analyst at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, said most CO2 captured by the industry was used for enhanced oil recovery, a way to extract more oil and gas from reservoirs.In practice, he said most CCS projects designed purely to capture and store carbon dioxide had “massively underperformed”, and many ceased operation sooner than intended.Australia now had two commercial scale CCS projects: Santos’s Moomba project in South Australia and Chevron’s Gorgon facility in Western Australia. The Inpex proposal would be much larger.“A 10m tonne per annum target would make this the largest CCS project globally,” Runciman said – but even assuming it reached those targets, that would be a “very small fraction” of the CO2 emissions globally from oil and gas.The Gorgon facility, which started injecting carbon dioxide in 2019, had captured less than half of the volumes it had originally intended, at a cost of more than $200 a tonne, he said.The Guardian contacted Inpex for comment but did not receive a response. In July, the company’s managing director, Tetsu Murayama, said in a statement: “The Bonaparte CCS project could substantially contribute to decarbonising northern Australia and potentially the wider Indo-Pacific region.”skip past newsletter promotionSign up to Clear Air AustraliaAdam Morton brings you incisive analysis about the politics and impact of the climate crisisPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain information about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. If you do not have an account, we will create a guest account for you on theguardian.com to send you this newsletter. You can complete full registration at any time. For more information about how we use your data see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionThe Bonaparte project was one component of larger plans to convert Darwin’s Middle Arm Peninsula into a hub for carbon import and storage, with Dutch company Vopak separately developing a dedicated import terminal for liquefied CO2.Environment Centre NT said the proposals risked turning the Top End into the “world’s largest carbon dumping ground”.The group’s senior climate campaigner, Bree Ahrens, said: “This is a dirty deal to import the world’s pollution, and the Albanese Government needs to rule it out.”The environmental organisation expressed concerns that CCS was being used to greenwash a massive expansion of gas production in the Northern Territory.“Carbon capture and storage is just a fossil fuel industry’s excuse to keep extracting coal and gas while pretending to care about climate change.

Labor must not partner with climate vandals on Australia’s new environmental laws | Tim Flannery

If the government cuts a deal with them, it risks repeating the mistakes of the Abbott era, sacrificing progress for politicsThis week the National Liberal Coalition has rewound the clock a decade. When Tony Abbott’s government abolished the Climate Commission in 2013, I knew it was a political act of climate vandalism. Abbott simply didn’t want to hear the facts: that pollution from coal, oil and gas were cooking our planet.For a decade after, denial evolved: from shouting that global heating wasn’t real, to claiming it could be solved later. Continue reading...

This week the National Liberal Coalition has rewound the clock a decade. When Tony Abbott’s government abolished the Climate Commission in 2013, I knew it was a political act of climate vandalism. Abbott simply didn’t want to hear the facts: that pollution from coal, oil and gas were cooking our planet.For a decade after, denial evolved: from shouting that global heating wasn’t real, to claiming it could be solved later.While the LNP wallows in denial, the Albanese government is rewriting Australia’s most important environment law, the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act. It’s critical that the PM doesn’t try to cut deals on this law with the same climate deniers who dismantled Australia’s climate ambition last time.The last few weeks we’ve seen on display a Liberal National Coalition dominated by climate vandals, repulsed by renewables and trapped in a toxic relationship with expensive, polluting coal and gas. For years they have pretended that denial is debate. Now the Liberal party has openly abandoned net zero emissions by 2050 altogether, essentially saying let climate disasters rip, and to hell with our kids. It is the same approach that tore down a carbon price, dismantled the Climate Commission and wasted a decade in which we could have been getting a head start on building Australian jobs in renewables, electric vehicle batteries and green steel.Let’s be clear: there is no credible reason to scrap our net zero target. The Liberal party’s decision would be laughable if it were not such a callous act of recklessness. Reaching net zero by 2050 or before has the overwhelming support of scientists, economists, industry, energy experts and governments around the world motivated by indisputable evidence. A sweeping majority of Australians, alongside peak business and civil bodies, back the target. All that is left is the stubborn ideologues shouting at the tide as it floods their front door.What does net zero emissions actually mean? And is it different to the Paris agreement? – videoTo hand such wreckers a say over the future of Australia’s environment laws would be madness. These are the same forces that unleashed a lost decade of climate inaction. The lesson from that period could not be clearer: when denialists set the terms, progress burns. That failure is only reinforced by the fossil fuel industry’s hold on our politics.For two years Labor has promised that this reform will be a once-in-a-generation fix to Australia’s broken nature laws. The Great Barrier Reef has experienced the sixth mass bleaching event in a decade, but the package will allow new coal and gas projects to be approved without any consideration of their climate impacts. Under the government’s plan, fossil fuel corporations would need to disclose only a fraction of their pollution and an unverified plan to reduce it, and even that information would not be used to influence a decision.The Albanese government has approved 32 new or expanded coal, oil and gas developments, including the North West Shelf expansion, Australia’s most polluting project in a decade. Together, these approvals will pump up to 12.8m tonnes of climate pollution into the atmosphere in Australia, making it harder for Australia to meet its own targets. The global impact is in the order of billions of tonnes of pollution.And 42 more projects are in the pipeline. Many would run well into the second half of this century, some even beyond 2100.Climate pollution is the biggest threat to our reefs, forests and wildlife. Any credible environment law must tackle it at its source. To claim the Safeguard Mechanism will sort it out later is folly. The Safeguard only applies after a project has been approved. It is like letting the arsonist start the fire, then hoping the firefighter can control it later. By then, the damage is under way.We cannot afford more delay. Every fraction of a degree of heating harms our environment – and all of us that rely on it. Every new tonne of pollution makes the task harder. Australia’s laws must ensure that high-polluting projects cannot be waved through.There is a better path. The government can still implement credible reform that increases protection for climate and nature, and without the now rejected ‘climate trigger’. That means three simple things. First, require all projects to fully disclose their climate pollution, including the emissions when fossil fuels are burned overseas. Second, make sure this information is independently assessed and used in decision-making. And third, allow the environment minister to put limits on projects that are incompatible with Australia’s climate targets, policies and international commitments.Canada requires analysis of both direct and downstream emissions. The EU and the UK have similar standards. Last year, the UK supreme court ruled that ignoring the climate impact of new fossil fuel projects was unlawful. Australia is on the frontline of climate damage. We must not be shirkers.When I look back on 2013, what stands out is not just that the Climate Commission was scrapped, but that the science was ignored. A decade later, the same political forces that tore down that work are trying to drag us backwards again. If the government cuts a deal with them, it risks repeating the mistakes of the Abbott era, sacrificing truth for expedience and progress for politics.Australia has a choice. We can keep approving new coal and gas projects that push us further from safety, or we can finally pass a law that protects our magnificent environment, creatures and people.

From nanoscale to global scale: Advancing MIT’s special initiatives in manufacturing, health, and climate

MIT.nano cleanroom complex named after Robert Noyce PhD ’53 at the 2025 Nano Summit.

“MIT.nano is essential to making progress in high-priority areas where I believe that MIT has a responsibility to lead,” opened MIT president Sally Kornbluth at the 2025 Nano Summit. “If we harness our collective efforts, we can make a serious positive impact.”It was these collective efforts that drove discussions at the daylong event hosted by MIT.nano and focused on the importance of nanoscience and nanotechnology across MIT's special initiatives — projects deemed critical to MIT’s mission to help solve the world’s greatest challenges. With each new talk, common themes were reemphasized: collaboration across fields, solutions that can scale up from lab to market, and the use of nanoscale science to enact grand-scale change.“MIT.nano has truly set itself apart, in the Institute's signature way, with an emphasis on cross-disciplinary collaboration and open access,” said Kornbluth. “Today, you're going to hear about the transformative impact of nanoscience and nanotechnology, and how working with the very small can help us do big things for the world together.”Collaborating on healthAngela Koehler, faculty director of the MIT Health and Life Sciences Collaborative (MIT HEALS) and the Charles W. and Jennifer C. Johnson Professor of Biological Engineering, opened the first session with a question: How can we build a community across campus to tackle some of the most transformative problems in human health? In response, three speakers shared their work enabling new frontiers in medicine.Ana Jaklenec, principal research scientist at the Koch Institute for Integrative Cancer Research, spoke about single-injection vaccines, and how her team looked to the techniques used in fabrication of electrical engineering components to see how multiple pieces could be packaged into a tiny device. “MIT.nano was instrumental in helping us develop this technology,” she said. “We took something that you can do in microelectronics and the semiconductor industry and brought it to the pharmaceutical industry.”While Jaklenec applied insight from electronics to her work in health care, Giovanni Traverso, the Karl Van Tassel Career Development Professor of Mechanical Engineering, who is also a gastroenterologist at Brigham and Women’s Hospital, found inspiration in nature, studying the cephalopod squid and remora fish to design ingestible drug delivery systems. Representing the industry side of life sciences, Mirai Bio senior vice president Jagesh Shah SM ’95, PhD ’99 presented his company’s precision-targeted lipid nanoparticles for therapeutic delivery. Shah, as well as the other speakers, emphasized the importance of collaboration between industry and academia to make meaningful impact, and the need to strengthen the pipeline for young scientists.Manufacturing, from the classroom to the workforcePaving the way for future generations was similarly emphasized in the second session, which highlighted MIT’s Initiative for New Manufacturing (MIT INM). “MIT’s dedication to manufacturing is not only about technology research and education, it’s also about understanding the landscape of manufacturing, domestically and globally,” said INM co-director A. John Hart, the Class of 1922 Professor and head of the Department of Mechanical Engineering. “It’s about getting people — our graduates who are budding enthusiasts of manufacturing — out of campus and starting and scaling new companies,” he said.On progressing from lab to market, Dan Oran PhD ’21 shared his career trajectory from technician to PhD student to founding his own company, Irradiant Technologies. “How are companies like Dan’s making the move from the lab to prototype to pilot production to demonstration to commercialization?” asked the next speaker, Elisabeth Reynolds, professor of the practice in urban studies and planning at MIT. “The U.S. capital market has not historically been well organized for that kind of support.” She emphasized the challenge of scaling innovations from prototype to production, and the need for workforce development.“Attracting and retaining workforce is a major pain point for manufacturing businesses,” agreed John Liu, principal research scientist in mechanical engineering at MIT. To keep new ideas flowing from the classroom to the factory floor, Liu proposes a new worker type in advanced manufacturing — the technologist — someone who can be a bridge to connect the technicians and the engineers.Bridging ecosystems with nanoscienceBridging people, disciplines, and markets to affect meaningful change was also emphasized by Benedetto Marelli, mission director for the MIT Climate Project and associate professor of civil and environmental engineering at MIT.“If we’re going to have a tangible impact on the trajectory of climate change in the next 10 years, we cannot do it alone,” he said. “We need to take care of ecology, health, mobility, the built environment, food, energy, policies, and trade and industry — and think about these as interconnected topics.”Faculty speakers in this session offered a glimpse of nanoscale solutions for climate resiliency. Michael Strano, the Carbon P. Dubbs Professor of Chemical Engineering, presented his group’s work on using nanoparticles to turn waste methane and urea into renewable materials. Desirée Plata, the School of Engineering Distinguished Climate and Energy Professor, spoke about scaling carbon dioxide removal systems. Mechanical engineering professor Kripa Varanasi highlighted, among other projects, his lab’s work on improving agricultural spraying so pesticides adhere to crops, reducing agricultural pollution and cost.In all of these presentations, the MIT faculty highlighted the tie between climate and the economy. “The economic systems that we have today are depleting to our resources, inherently polluting,” emphasized Plata. “The goal here is to use sustainable design to transition the global economy.”What do people do at MIT.nano?This is where MIT.nano comes in, offering shared access facilities where researchers can design creative solutions to these global challenges. “What do people do at MIT.nano?” asked associate director for Fab.nano Jorg Scholvin ’00, MNG ’01, PhD ’06 in the session on MIT.nano’s ecosystem. With 1,500 individuals and over 20 percent of MIT faculty labs using MIT.nano, it’s a difficult question to quickly answer. However, in a rapid-fire research showcase, students and postdocs gave a response that spanned 3D transistors and quantum devices to solar solutions and art restoration. Their work reflects the challenges and opportunities shared at the Nano Summit: developing technologies ready to scale, uniting disciplines to tackle complex problems, and gaining hands-on experience that prepares them to contribute to the future of hard tech.The researchers’ enthusiasm carried the excitement and curiosity that President Kornbluth mentioned in her opening remarks, and that many faculty emphasized throughout the day. “The solutions to the problems we heard about today may come from inventions that don't exist yet,” said Strano. “These are some of the most creative people, here at MIT. I think we inspire each other.”Robert N. Noyce (1953) Cleanroom at MIT.nanoCollaborative inspiration is not new to the MIT culture. The Nano Summit sessions focused on where we are today, and where we might be going in the future, but also reflected on how we arrived at this moment. Honoring visionaries of nanoscience and nanotechnology, President Emeritus L. Rafael Reif delivered the closing remarks and an exciting announcement — the dedication of the MIT.nano cleanroom complex. Made possible through a gift by Ray Stata SB ’57, SM ’58, this research space, 45,000 square feet of ISO 5, 6, and 7 cleanrooms, will be named the Robert N. Noyce (1953) Cleanroom.“Ray Stata was — and is — the driving force behind nanoscale research at MIT,” said Reif. “I want to thank Ray, whose generosity has allowed MIT to honor Robert Noyce in such a fitting way.”Ray Stata co-founded Analog Devices in 1965, and Noyce co-founded Fairchild Semiconductor in 1957, and later Intel in 1968. Noyce, widely regarded as the “Mayor of Silicon Valley,” became chair of the Semiconductor Industry Association in 1977, and over the next 40 years, semiconductor technology advanced a thousandfold, from micrometers to nanometers.“Noyce was a pioneer of the semiconductor industry,” said Stata. “It is due to his leadership and remarkable contributions that electronics technology is where it is today. It is an honor to be able to name the MIT.nano cleanroom after Bob Noyce, creating a permanent tribute to his vision and accomplishments in the heart of the MIT campus.”To conclude his remarks and the 2025 Nano Summit, Reif brought the nano journey back to today, highlighting technology giants such as Lisa Su ’90, SM ’91, PhD ’94, for whom Building 12, the home of MIT.nano, is named. “MIT has educated a large number of remarkable leaders in the semiconductor space,” said Reif. “Now, with the Robert Noyce Cleanroom, this amazing MIT community is ready to continue to shape the future with the next generation of nano discoveries — and the next generation of nano leaders, who will become living legends in their own time.”

Malcolm Turnbull accuses Liberals of ‘Trumpian campaign against renewables’ after party dumps net zero

Climate groups call backflip a ‘disaster’ while moderate Liberals worry about impact on winning back urban electoratesGet our breaking news email, free app or daily news podcastThe former Liberal prime minister Malcolm Turnbull says his party’s decision to dump a net zero emissions target shows it “does not take climate change seriously”, accusing the opposition of “a Trumpian campaign against renewables”.But while moderate sources are alarmed about the impact on winning back or retaining urban electorates, and climate groups called the backflip a “disaster”, the Liberal decision to scrap its own 2050 target and unwind Labor’s 2035 and renewable energy pledges has been praised by conservative MPs and campaigners. Continue reading...

The former Liberal prime minister Malcolm Turnbull says his party’s decision to dump a net zero emissions target shows it “does not take climate change seriously”, accusing the opposition of “a Trumpian campaign against renewables.”But while moderate sources are alarmed about the impact on winning back or retaining urban electorates, and climate groups called the backflip a “disaster”, the Liberal decision to scrap their own 2050 target and unwind Labor’s 2035 and renewable energy pledges has been praised by conservative MPs and campaigners.Turnbull, unseated by right-wing MPs in a 2018 party room coup partly over energy and climate policy, told Guardian Australia: “this is what happens when you outsource your policy development to Sky News and the right wing media echo chamber.”“The Liberals’ decision to abandon the 2050 net zero target will simply confirm to most Australians that the parliamentary party does not take climate change seriously and wants to join a Trumpian campaign against renewables,” Turnbull said.“No amount of nuance or qualifying footnotes will change that impression. They have the memory of goldfish and the dining habits of piranhas.”The move was warmly welcomed by right-wing campaign group Advance, which has pushed the Coalition to ditch net zero, including rallying its members to bombard Liberal MPs with messages. Advance’s director Matthew Sheahan emailed supporters to call the shift “a major victory in the fight to take back the country from the activists and elites.”Nationals leader David Littleproud claimed the Liberal policy “mirrors” his own party’s position and said he was optimistic about upcoming negotiations with Liberal MPs to settle a unified Coalition position.“We believe in climate change. We believe that we need to do something about it. That we should do our fair share,” he said.Liberal MP Leon Rebello told Guardian Australia the Coalition believed they had social licence to abandon the targets. Conservative Queensland MP, Garth Hamilton, called it a “great win from the backbench”.Hamilton, who has previously backed Andrew Hastie for the Liberal leadership, foreshadowed that immigration may emerge as the next contentious policy challenge.“I hope we deal with immigration a lot better,” he said.Environmental groups were aghast at the change. The Australian Conservation Foundation accused the Liberals of having “given up on climate action, caved to global fossil fuel giants and condemned Australians to” extreme weather events through climate change. Despite Ley saying the Liberals backed the Paris agreement’s intent to limit global temperature rises, the Climate Council said “walking away from net zero aligns with more than 3°C of global heating and would spell disaster for Australia’s climate, economy and household bills”.The shift is seen as a major internal victory for right-wing Liberal MPs over the moderate faction. Key moderates like Tim Wilson, Andrew Bragg, Maria Kovacic and Dave Sharma had raised alarm over the electoral repercussions of dumping the target.Jason Falinski, former Liberal MP and New South Wales branch president, had warned his party against going “Nationals-lite”. He told Guardian Australia on Thursday: “I look forward to understanding how this wins us more votes.”Charlotte Mortlock, founder of Hilma’s network, a group to recruit Liberal women, was scathing of the decision. She told ABC TV it would make it difficult for the party to win back inner metropolitan seats.“What I fear is the main takeaway is we are not taking climate change seriously,” she said.“The Coalition has a chequered history on climate… at the moment there might be movement around net zero and climate change, but you either believe in climate change and want to pursue net zero or you want to abandon it.”Multiple moderates told Guardian Australia they were broadly accepting of the position, which would “enable us to keep fighting” in metropolitan seats. One MP said moderates had negotiated in the meeting to keep the 2050 target, and while supportive of the position, described the result as “pretty brutal”.Others raised concerns the break in bipartisan support of net zero, and the Coalition’s promise to wind back Labor’s climate incentives, would impact investor confidence.Tony Wood, energy and climate change senior fellow at public policy think tank Grattan Institute, said business groups have been consistently calling for predictability and clarity around climate policy.“The idea that Australia would no longer have a clear direction in the long-term, but we’re just going to ‘follow everybody else’ is not very helpful for investors,” he said.“In what’s been proposed so far, I can’t see how it would reduce emissions, I don’t see how it would reduce prices either.”

Pennsylvania Lawmakers Look to End Budget Stalemate, Sealed With Concession by Democrats on Climate

Pennsylvania lawmakers are advancing a $50 billion spending package to end a four-month budget stalemate that has held up billions for public schools and social services

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — Billions of dollars for Pennsylvania’s public schools and social services could soon start flowing after months of delay, as lawmakers on Wednesday took up a roughly $50 billion spending plan to break the state’s budget impasse.Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro was expected to sign key budget bills by the end of the day.A key concession to help seal a deal meant Democrats agreeing to Republican demands to back off any effort to make Pennsylvania the only major fossil fuel-producing state to force power plant owners to pay for their planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions.Democrats won't get the amount of money that Shapiro originally sought in his initial budget proposal, but the deal — after weeks of closed-door negotiations — is expected to deliver substantial new sums to public schools and an earned income tax credit for lower earners, as Democrats had sought.It will also bring relief that the stalemate is over.“The win is that we’re going to, hopefully before the end of the day, have a funding plan for the commonwealth and that’s a win for everybody who’s been waiting on state resources," said House Appropriations Committee Chairman Jordan Harris, D-Philadelphia, told reporters in a Capitol hallway Wednesday morning.The advancing votes in the politically divided Legislature arrive weeks after counties, school districts and social service agencies are warning of mounting layoffs, borrowing costs and growing damage to the state’s safety net.School districts, rape crisis agencies and county-run social services have gone without state aid since July 1, when the state lost some of its spending authority without a signed state budget in force.The agreement to back off the carbon dioxide cap-and-trade program on power plants comes six years after then-Gov. Tom Wolf made joining the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative the centerpiece of his plan to fight climate change.The plan made Pennsylvania — the nation's second-largest natural gas producer — the only major fossil fuel-producing state to undertake a carbon cap-and-trade program. It has been held up in court and never went into effect.It was popular with environmental groups and renewable energy advocates, but it was opposed by Republicans, fossil fuel interests and the labor unions that work on pipelines, refineries and power plants.Under the $50.1 billion budget deal, new authorized spending would rise by about $2.5 billion, or 5%.Practically all of the overall spending increase would go toward Medicaid and public schools. Billions in surplus cash will be required for the plan to balance, the second straight year that Pennsylvania is running a multibillion-dollar budget deficit. Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

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