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Miners Are Pulling Valuable Metals from the Seafloor, and Almost No One Knows about It

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Tuesday, April 15, 2025

In hindsight, I am still not sure why the operators of the Danish-flagged MV Coco allowed me onboard. By the time I arrived last June, the vessel had been sailing for several weeks in the Bismarck Sea, a part of Papua New Guinea’s territorial waters, digging chunks of metal-rich deposits out of the ocean floor with a 12-ton hydraulic claw. The crew was testing the feasibility of mining seafloor deposits full of copper and some gold. It was probably the closest thing in the world to an operational deep-sea mining site. And the more I learned about the endeavor, the more surprised I became about the project’s very existence.On that summer morning, I arrived on a red catamaran after rolling over six-foot swells in the South Pacific for two hours, and I clambered up a metal ladder hanging down on the Coco’s starboard side. The 270-foot, 4,000-ton vessel towers at its prow, its vast aft deck full of cranes, winches and a remotely operated submersible. I was there at the invitation of Richard Parkinson, who founded Magellan, a company that specializes in deep-sea operations. At the top of the ladder, two crew members hauled me onboard the ship, which was roughly 20 miles from the closest shore, and a British manager for Magellan named James Holt greeted me, his smile sun-creased from more than two decades at sea. After a safety briefing, he ushered me through a heavy door into a dark, windowless shipping container on the rear deck that served as a control room.Inside the hushed cabin was a young Brazilian named Afhonso Perseguin, his face lit by screens displaying digital readings and colorful topographic charts. Gripping a joystick with his right hand, he delicately maneuvered a big, boxy remotely operated vehicle, or ROV, over a patch of seafloor a mile below. I watched on monitors as a robotic arm protruded from the ROV toward a monstrous set of clamshell jaws suspended from a cable that rose all the way up to the ship. Perseguin used the ROV’s arm to steer the jaws as a colleague beside him radioed instructions to a winch operator on deck.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Hydraulics drove the open clamshell into a gray chunk of flat seafloor ringed by rocky mounds and jagged slopes. The opposing teeth dug in, throwing up clouds of silt that filled the video feeds from the ROV. The robotic arm released, and the winch started hauling the jaws, clamped shut around their rocky cargo, on an hour-long journey up to the ship.Within minutes Perseguin reversed the ROV to survey the wider scene, revealing chimneys of rock looming up from the seafloor, pale yellow and gray in the submersible’s powerful lights. Small mollusk shells dotted their surface; a crab scuttled out of frame. “Quite amazing, really, isn’t it?” murmured John Matheson, a shaven-headed Scot supervising the ROV team. As Perseguin steered the ROV slowly around a column, the cameras suddenly captured a glassy plume of unmistakably warmer water spewing up from a hidden crevice.Hydraulics drove the monstrous clamshell jaws into a gray chunk of seafloor, throwing up clouds of silt that filled the video feeds from the remotely operated vehicle.That hydrothermal vent marked the edge of a tectonic plate in the Bismarck Sea. The metal-rich magma ejected over millennia from several such vents—some dormant, some still active like this one—was Magellan’s prize. The teams on the ship, hired by a company called Deep Sea Mining Finance (DSMF), were conducting bulk seafloor mining tests under a 2011 mining license issued by the Papua New Guinea (PNG) mining regulator. I was the only reporter onboard to witness the operation.Worldwide, oceanographers have found three distinct types of mineral deposits on the deep seafloor. Manganese crust is an inches-thick, metal-rich pavement that builds up over millions of years as dissolved metallic compounds in seawater gradually precipitate on certain seafloor regions. Polymetallic nodules are softball-size, metal-rich rocks strewn across enormous seafloor fields. And massive sulfide deposits, such as the ones being mined by the crew of the Coco, are big mounds and stacks of rock formed around hydrothermal vents. Over the past decade several companies have developed detailed but still hypothetical plans to profit from these deposits, hoping to help meet the world’s surging demand for the valuable metals necessary for batteries, electric cars, electronics, and many other products. Scientists have warned that these efforts risk destroying unique deep-sea habitats that we do not yet fully understand, and governments have been reluctant to grant exploration licenses in their territorial waters. But from what I saw during my two days and one night onboard the Coco, DSMF was digging in, and a new era of deep-sea mining had all but begun.Holt, one of Magellan’s offshore managers, said the aim was to test the physical requirements and environmental impacts of pulling up sulfide deposits. What would soon become unclear, however, was why the operators were stockpiling mounds of excavated rock on the seabed, and who in PNG knew the Coco was there.I was back outside on the rear deck as the sun dipped below the horizon when the cables finally brought the locked clamshell with its heavy contents to the sea surface. The giant yellow jaws emerged from the waves, gleaming under the ship’s floodlights. As they swung over the rear deck, water and small stones dripped from them; apparently the hydraulic system had failed to fully shut the contraption.A handful of us stood watching as it opened, dumping the load with a loud thud onto a massive metal weighing tray. The scales showed that some of the anticipated material was missing, presumably dropped during the mile-long journey to the surface. Crew members who had already completed dozens of similar lifts said this loss was an unusual occurrence. But the failure highlighted just one of the dangers of underwater mining: clouds of sediment leaked during these hauls to the surface or kicked up when the seafloor is ripped apart could suffocate sea creatures or unintentionally disperse harmful minerals.The Coco had been bringing up a jaw-load roughly every 12 hours. Just before this latest cache was swung onboard, an Australian marine scientist named Josh Young had been preparing to drop his testing equipment over the ship’s side. After each haul, he or his Papua New Guinean colleague Nicole Frani tried to measure the size and spread of the silt plume directly underneath the vessel. Using another winch, Young lowered a ring of long plastic cylinders known as Niskin tubes into the surf. Each sampling tube was set to open at a different depth as the ring passed down through the water column for several thousand feet. The scientists wanted to know how widely the cloud of silt “is spreading out and how it can affect the sea life below,” Frani explained.After less than an hour, Young hoisted the ring of tubes back up onto the deck. Peering over his shoulder, I watched an electronic screen reveal the water’s temperature, acidity, salinity, density, cloudiness and oxygen content, as well as its oxidizing capacity and conductivity—proxies for water cleanliness—at each depth.Like many offshore projects, the Coco operation was globalization incarnate. Frani and Young work for Erias, an Australian environmental consultancy that Magellan hired as a contractor for the summer’s endeavor. Magellan also hired the South African and British deckhands helping Young, plus the ROV team and a number of Malaysian hydrographic surveyors. Itself headquartered in Guernsey, an island between the U.K. and France, Magellan had chartered the Coco from a Danish firm, with sailors from the North Atlantic’s Faroe Islands and pursers from the Philippines. Much of the venture’s financing—for daily costs topping tens of thousands of dollars over several months—came from Russian and Omani investors, who had registered DSMF in the tax-friendly British Virgin Islands.Up on the ship’s bridge, Holt told me this enormously expensive exercise was to better understand the speed and power requirements of this mining technique, which relied on off-the-shelf commercial equipment Magellan had modified for underwater use. His remit was also to quantify the environmental impacts that a future vessel even larger than the 270-foot Coco might generate through similar extraction cycles. He told me that before the excursion had started he had been “totally in two minds” about seafloor mining. “But now I’ve seen how rich the deposit is and how little we’ve been disturbing the seabed,” he said. “We haven’t got huge clouds of sediment that are drifting off down in the current, smothering coral reefs, or all this sort of stuff that people are worried about.”I observed the same 12-hour extraction cycle twice during my time onboard. Holt told me that over nearly two months Magellan’s teams were focusing on four separate locations in a wider area collectively designated Solwara 1. In each location, the crew would excavate a number of square plots 33 feet on edge and up to 23 feet deep. He said PNG’s Mineral Resources Authority, or MRA, had approved the extraction of about 200 tons of material—from an ore body estimated at more than two million tons—for removal and further testing on shore. He also explained that to maximize the clamshell jaws’ productivity on the seafloor between each long descent and ascent, Magellan had decided to stockpile more material than the 200 tons permitted for testing—up to 600 tons from each of the four sites—perhaps for collection at a later date. I realized this meant Magellan and DSMF might be digging up more of the seabed than the regulator had anticipated.As with any mining endeavor, Solwara 1’s long-term economic viability would live and die on global metal prices, and in this case the ore’s copper concentration was a crucial factor. Two local geologists onboard seemed enthralled by their initial readings. Leaning over the pile of dark-gray rock that had been dumped onto the rear deck—after it had been smashed into pieces by a large drill—Paul Lahari grabbed some samples and carried them into a cramped prefab shipping container that served as a laboratory. “Anything to do with 0.5 or 1 percent, we’re already excited,” said the Papua New Guinean, who had decades of onshore and offshore mining experience.He was referring to the typical copper concentrations in ore mined on land. Inside the lab he wielded a small instrument that measures x-ray fluorescence, which he said would reveal the elemental composition of each sample. Soon, on its small digital screen, the instrument began to show matches to elements in the periodic table, as well as their estimated concentration in the sample. For copper, it was 12.33 percent. “That’s 10 times more than we get on land,” Lahari said, his voice rising. He noted that the sampling averages so far on the trip had hovered around 7 percent.All 200 tons the Coco recovered and carried onboard would eventually reach an Australian facility, where the rock would be further pulverized. Much smaller samples would then pass through a gauntlet of geochemical tests—heating, fusing, leaching—and the entire batch would be assigned an industry-recognized average copper concentration, or “grade,” alongside a report on the other metals found, including gold.Oceanographers have identified massive sulfide deposits across the Atlantic, Pacific, Indian and Arctic Oceans. Small-scale sample drilling has shown that they often contain similarly high concentrations of copper, alongside zinc and lead. Deposits form close to, if not on, the seafloor surface, meaning there’s far less “overburden”—the valueless material that must be removed to access the ore—than in most land-based mines.Other prospectors have been interested in Solwara’s potential for years. In 2011 executives from Nautilus Minerals, headquartered in Canada, leased the Solwara 1 site from PNG as a 20-year underwater-mining concession. Authorities in the perennially cash-strapped country invested $120 million in the project through a state-owned entity. The country’s taxpayers thus became a junior partner with Nautilus.At the time, Nautilus was hailed as a pioneer—the only company in the world to hold a license for deep-sea mining. But as the project progressed, things went sideways. A coastal nation controls resource exploitation in the waters constituting its exclusive economic zone, which reaches 200 nautical miles out from its shoreline in all directions. Any activities in the international waters between nations’ economic zones, such as deep-sea mining, are regulated by the International Seabed Authority, or ISA, a body established through a treaty sponsored by the United Nations.A Papua New Guinea governor wrote in a statement that he considered the “presence of any [mining] vessel or activity in the area to be illegal.”When PNG issued Nautilus’s license in 2011 for operations in its national waters, it had no specific underwater-mining legislation. The MRA, the country’s mining regulator, issued the license under rules for land-based mining after Nautilus had carried out impact assessments to earn a separate environmental permit. After false starts in sourcing a ship, in 2014 Nautilus commissioned a Chinese shipyard to build a mining vessel, and Nautilus contracted engineers to develop three enormous, tracked vehicles to break up, churn up and then suck up material from a massive sulfide deposit through a mile-long slurry hose connected to the surface vessel. The technique would mean dumping mining water back into the sea—something other mining operators were planning to do, too.But Nautilus began burning through up to $2 million a month, according to 2018 financial disclosures, eventually defaulting on payments to the Chinese shipyard before filing for bankruptcy in 2019. Its remaining assets included the mining permit, a few promising core samples, and the three tracked vehicles, only ever tested in shallow waters, that sat rusting on the edge of PNG’s capital, Port Moresby. After its insolvency, PNG Prime Minister James Marape told a local newspaper that the country had wasted tens of millions of dollars on a “concept that is a total failure.” In 2020 the head of the MRA ruled out any chance of reviving the Solwara project.I disembarked from the Coco less than a day and a half after I had boarded. In blazing afternoon sunshine, a much smaller skiff ferried me back to a remote, pebbly beach on the PNG island of New Ireland. I wanted to know how PNG’s officials and citizens felt about the Coco pulling up their seafloor. A local driver I had hired drove me in the dark over bumpy coastal roads to a guesthouse in the village of Kono.The following morning I sat outside at a rickety wood table, sharing a breakfast of fish, yams and crackers with some of the local men. One of them, Jonathan Mesulam, was a spokesperson for the Alliance of Solwara Warriors, a group that has long demanded a ban on deep-sea mining in the Bismarck Sea. A Fiji-based environmental campaigner had introduced me to him via an encrypted messaging app. As I described what I had seen onboard the Coco, Mesulam shifted from initially incredulous to increasingly agitated. He walked to the home of Kono’s chief, Chris Malagan, to discuss what I had told him ahead of a weekly public meeting Malagan presides over, which attracts many of the village’s 700 residents.Malagan began that afternoon’s meeting underneath large shoreline trees. Nearby, children waded out from the beach to cast lines for small fish in the shallows close to more than a dozen mud and straw huts. Adults sitting among the trees listened intently to Mesulam’s description of the Coco’s operations, which was based on my eyewitness account. Several people stood up to angrily denounce activities they considered threatening to their fish-centered livelihoods.“People are surprised—they are shocked after learning that the new company’s coming back,” Mesulam told me as villagers drifted away. “After all our efforts on campaigning against seabed mining, we thought it was a dead issue now,” he continued, becoming occasionally tearful. “We don’t want to be used as guinea pigs for trial and error,” he said. “These metals that are going to be dug out of our ocean will not benefit anyone from here because nobody here is using electric cars.”The lack of local awareness and the Coco’s stockpiling of seafloor material seemed unusual for a 21st-century extraction project. To better understand the political support and permitting process for deep-sea mining, I left New Ireland on a plane headed to Port Moresby. The capital, with its sprawling neighborhoods, is built around a spectacular natural harbor. In a hilltop hotel, I told a lawyer named Peter Bosip that I had recently been onboard a deep-sea-mining vessel. He seemed upset. He told me neither Nautilus’s 25-year environmental permit nor the MRA’s subsequently issued mining license for Solwara 1 had ever been made public—despite a constitutionally mandated transparency requirement and a decade-long legal battle waged by good-governance and environmental groups. (Parkinson sent me the cover page of the license, but neither he nor Magellan nor PNG regulators provided a full copy.)Such opaqueness was common in PNG, Bosip told me, but meant it was difficult for local communities to hold international companies to account for potential environmental infractions. Bosip is executive director of the Center for Environmental Law and Community Rights in PNG, a public-interest law firm that sued the government for access to the Solwara permit documents. “In PNG,” he told me, “the system is such a way that the responses are not forthcoming.” He apparently meant that government ministries, agencies and regulators rarely shared information willingly.DSMF provided the struggling Nautilus with high-interest loans, and during the 2019 bankruptcy proceedings, the company took possession of Nautilus’s Solwara 1 license. A document from the Supreme Court of British Columbia shows that DSMF’s listed representatives during those proceedings were Christopher Jordinson, an Australian who’d previously pled guilty to insider trading, and Matthias Bolliger, a Swiss national who was subsequently barred from directorships on the Isle of Man. Documents from the bankruptcy proceedings show the pair are listed as points of contact for DSMF’s largest shareholders: Omani tycoon Mohammed Al Barwani, whose family firm owns oil, gas and mining subsidiaries, and Alisher Usmanov, who is among Russia’s wealthiest pro-Putin oligarchs. Usmanov had been involved in Solwara-based mining for almost 20 years, but now—after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022—he tops worldwide sanctions lists.In July 2022 DSMF joined forces with SM2, another company founded by Parkinson, who in turn hired his firm Magellan to operate in PNG waters under Nautilus’s original license. Parkinson told me that in November 2023 he, Bolliger and Jordinson met with New Ireland’s governor. Sometime later various PNG agencies, including the MRA, approved the new mining technique.I spent days chasing down officials across Port Moresby, trying to get clarity on this approval process. After unanswered e-mails and unreturned phone calls, I finally reached the MRA’s managing director, Jerry Garry, by video call. He was in a remote highland region that was slated to host a gold mine, he said, but he told me his officials should be onboard any deep-sea-mining vessel in PNG to monitor operations. When I noted none had been onboard the Coco, he insisted he had no idea the Coco was even in the Bismarck Sea. Garry never again answered my calls.PNG’s attorney general, Pila Kole Niningi, didn’t reply to interview requests. I did reach Fiona Pagla, the PNG Department of Justice’s acting director for the national oceans office, who was at a conference in Bali. She told me that she knew nothing about the Coco but that if it was conducting marine scientific research, a committee inside her department should have been asked for approval. Hours later, when I pressed her for details in WhatsApp messages, Pagla replied, “No comment.”The country’s environment minister, Simon Kilepa, didn’t make himself available for an interview. Jude Tukuliya, head of the PNG Conservation and Environment Protection Authority, and officials at the country’s National Fisheries Authority did not respond to calls and written questions about the Coco and DSMF. Prime Minister Marape’s chief of staff insisted the premier would not discuss deep-sea mining.After returning to London, where I live, I continued my attempted outreach from afar. Late last summer DSMF’s website was taken down and replaced with a fresh one featuring a new entity called Sustainable Mining Solutions (SMS), billed as a joint venture between DSMF and Parkinson’s SM2. The site repeatedly mentioned Nautilus’s mining license and environmental permits—still not public—and said PNG would gain from Solwara 1’s profits and mining royalties, with benefits for local people “currently being negotiated.” Parkinson had told me soon after I’d left the Coco that Magellan and SM2 were not “cutting corners” and were “operating within the laws of that country.” He had also said the Australian lab readings indicated Solwara 1 is “a credible source of copper.” In response to a request for comment I sent in March by e-mail, DSMF wrote that the results “will be provided to the relevant regulatory authorities in due course, once the analyses by internal and third-party experts are completed.”This past January I finally, and unexpectedly, heard from Julius Chan, a PNG prime minister turned New Ireland governor with a national parliamentary seat. He’d previously said deep-sea miners should engage with islanders to provide confidence that a project wouldn’t affect their livelihoods. He wrote in a statement that those involved in Solwara “certainly do not have my government support and approval” and that he considered the “presence of any vessel or activity in the area to be illegal.” He died three weeks later at age 85. In its e-mail response, DSMF wrote, “The Solwara 1 project is compliant with the regulations, having secured a valid mining license as defined in the PNG Mining Act, and is a fully permitted project having met license requirements under relevant Papua New Guinea laws and regulations.” It also noted that “the allowable impacts of mining at Solwara 1 are regulated, managed and conducted in accordance with the Mining Law and Environmental Act (2000).”The Magellan team onboard the Coco had told me it was operating with permission from the MRA, and Parkinson told me before and after my visit to PNG that government officials were aware and supportive of their large-scale extraction tests. Perhaps some people inside the government had not shared details of the Coco’s mission as widely as they could have, I reasoned. But when I was onboard, there seemed to be little stopping the Solwara 1 project from scaling up significantly—unless steep capital costs somehow dissuaded deep-pocketed investors or public uproar in PNG forced a rethink among national politicians, who perhaps might have been hoping to recoup the sizable state investment Nautilus once blew through.What is clear is that deep-sea mining on a commercial scale will begin soon somewhere. Norway, the Cook Islands, Japan and Sweden have approved deep-sea mining in their exclusive economic zones. Norway’s offshore-resources agency says the country’s waters contain manganese crusts, as well as sulfide deposits, and the government had considered awarding exploitation licenses this year. Authorities in the Cook Islands have issued exploration licenses to three operators surveying for polymetallic nodules. Scientists at the University of Tokyo and collaborating institutions recently confirmed a vast nodule field close to Japan’s easternmost island, a tiny atoll called Minamitorishima. Estimates indicate the field contains more than 600,000 tons of cobalt—much more than the total 2023 output from the Democratic Republic of Congo, by far the largest global cobalt producer.A consortium of government agencies, academic institutions and private enterprises plans to extract Japan’s underwater resources in the decades ahead. With enormous deep-sea regions still unmapped, scientists say similar opportunities exist elsewhere. But after a 2023 study found that some polymetallic nodules emitted enough radiation that inappropriate handling could pose health risks, questions have increased about the wisdom of nodule mining. Citing limited scientific data on long-term environmental impacts, many nations, including Germany, Spain and Chile, have called for a pause. Palau and Fiji have advocated for a moratorium, and France wants an outright ban.The ISA has granted more than 30 exploration licenses for international waters, some for each of the three kinds of deposits. It has repeatedly delayed a framework for exploitation licenses, though, to the frustration of some people in the mining industry. The authority’s new secretary-general, Brazilian oceanographer Leticia Carvalho, took charge in January 2025, promising to end what she considers cozy relations between ISA and potential commercial operators. She has also suggested that the new subsea-mining code should be finalized by late this year.Unlike in the early years of, say, coal mining, environmental scientists are deeply involved in the development of seafloor extraction. But much remains unknown about the impacts. Scant studies exist on the consequences for marine life of sulfide-deposit mining like the Coco was carrying out. A case study involving Japanese state entities digging sulfides at a similar depth, several thousand miles north in the Pacific Ocean, gives some idea of what to expect. Researchers assessed the impact on nearby ocean flora and fauna for three years after a brief mining session. They found that populations of organisms less than a tenth of an inch in size may return to normal levels within a year, but larger species may remain depleted more than three years later. That mining lasted only six hours.In its statement, DSMF wrote, “Extensive scientific studies have enabled SMS to assess the risks to marine ecosystems and carefully weigh them against the damage caused by terrestrial mining.” The new SMS website says mining in Solwara 1 “will not adversely affect the marine life habitat” and that with recolonization efforts, three years after mining ends, the environment around any vents will “resemble the pre-mining condition of biomass and diversity.” Marine scientists I spoke to questioned that assertion. The ecosystem will not recover “unless the chemistry and the substrate and the texture and the morphology of the bottom, and the temperature and everything else, are what they were” before a location was disturbed, says Lisa Levin, professor emerita of biological oceanography and marine ecology at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in San Diego. “It couldn’t possibly be.” She says certain species exist only near these vents, and after mining it’s “highly likely” those species will become extinct. “People have to be willing to give up the seafloor ecosystems if they want to mine them,” Levin says. She adds that the contamination of fish stocks by chemicals from the seafloor should reasonably concern local societies.Throughout the world’s deep ocean zones, where scientists estimate thousands of species remain undiscovered, heavy mining equipment may harm organisms that are unable to quickly move out of its way. Leaks from mining equipment or mining water dumped from surface vessels could also threaten open-ocean fisheries, and noise and light pollution could impact reproduction or feeding patterns of species already threatened by other human actions. The environmental team onboard the Coco was clearly aware of some of these potential consequences.The juxtapositions I experienced at sea and on land were jarring. The extraordinary scale and power of the Coco’s technology, backed by distant billionaires, were in sharp contrast to subsistence communities where villagers paddle canoes into the surf to fish by hand. The informational asymmetry was striking, too: hydrographers, geologists and environmental scientists with millions of data points designed to gauge surroundings—and profits to be realized thousands of miles away—were set against local residents who seemed to lack access to attested Solwara permits, let alone details of possible environmental drawbacks. For the people who live there, short-term benefits—new local jobs, perhaps, or increased government revenues—might never outweigh stress to the ecosystem and a way of life that depends on it.As this article was going to press, senior PNG officials—including one in the country’s Department of Justice—told me the questions I had asked during my reporting had prompted action. In late February the government introduced new mining legislation that, for the first time, includes specific rules for deep-sea mining. The country’s Marine Scientific Research Committee, which comprises almost two dozen government entities, passed guidelines that will require future deep-sea-mining licenses to have committee approval. Because the legislation is open to public comment, it is not yet clear whether a new mining law will have retroactive force. If it does, officials told me, DSMF might have to reapply for its environmental permits and mining license and publish a fresh environmental impact assessment.Some of the reporting for this story was originally done while Willem Marx was on assignment for PBS.

The owners of a controversial mining license have begun extracting valuable metals from the ocean floor

In hindsight, I am still not sure why the operators of the Danish-flagged MV Coco allowed me onboard. By the time I arrived last June, the vessel had been sailing for several weeks in the Bismarck Sea, a part of Papua New Guinea’s territorial waters, digging chunks of metal-rich deposits out of the ocean floor with a 12-ton hydraulic claw. The crew was testing the feasibility of mining seafloor deposits full of copper and some gold. It was probably the closest thing in the world to an operational deep-sea mining site. And the more I learned about the endeavor, the more surprised I became about the project’s very existence.

On that summer morning, I arrived on a red catamaran after rolling over six-foot swells in the South Pacific for two hours, and I clambered up a metal ladder hanging down on the Coco’s starboard side. The 270-foot, 4,000-ton vessel towers at its prow, its vast aft deck full of cranes, winches and a remotely operated submersible. I was there at the invitation of Richard Parkinson, who founded Magellan, a company that specializes in deep-sea operations. At the top of the ladder, two crew members hauled me onboard the ship, which was roughly 20 miles from the closest shore, and a British manager for Magellan named James Holt greeted me, his smile sun-creased from more than two decades at sea. After a safety briefing, he ushered me through a heavy door into a dark, windowless shipping container on the rear deck that served as a control room.

Inside the hushed cabin was a young Brazilian named Afhonso Perseguin, his face lit by screens displaying digital readings and colorful topographic charts. Gripping a joystick with his right hand, he delicately maneuvered a big, boxy remotely operated vehicle, or ROV, over a patch of seafloor a mile below. I watched on monitors as a robotic arm protruded from the ROV toward a monstrous set of clamshell jaws suspended from a cable that rose all the way up to the ship. Perseguin used the ROV’s arm to steer the jaws as a colleague beside him radioed instructions to a winch operator on deck.


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Hydraulics drove the open clamshell into a gray chunk of flat seafloor ringed by rocky mounds and jagged slopes. The opposing teeth dug in, throwing up clouds of silt that filled the video feeds from the ROV. The robotic arm released, and the winch started hauling the jaws, clamped shut around their rocky cargo, on an hour-long journey up to the ship.

Within minutes Perseguin reversed the ROV to survey the wider scene, revealing chimneys of rock looming up from the seafloor, pale yellow and gray in the submersible’s powerful lights. Small mollusk shells dotted their surface; a crab scuttled out of frame. “Quite amazing, really, isn’t it?” murmured John Matheson, a shaven-headed Scot supervising the ROV team. As Perseguin steered the ROV slowly around a column, the cameras suddenly captured a glassy plume of unmistakably warmer water spewing up from a hidden crevice.

Hydraulics drove the monstrous clamshell jaws into a gray chunk of seafloor, throwing up clouds of silt that filled the video feeds from the remotely operated vehicle.

That hydrothermal vent marked the edge of a tectonic plate in the Bismarck Sea. The metal-rich magma ejected over millennia from several such vents—some dormant, some still active like this one—was Magellan’s prize. The teams on the ship, hired by a company called Deep Sea Mining Finance (DSMF), were conducting bulk seafloor mining tests under a 2011 mining license issued by the Papua New Guinea (PNG) mining regulator. I was the only reporter onboard to witness the operation.

Worldwide, oceanographers have found three distinct types of mineral deposits on the deep seafloor. Manganese crust is an inches-thick, metal-rich pavement that builds up over millions of years as dissolved metallic compounds in seawater gradually precipitate on certain seafloor regions. Polymetallic nodules are softball-size, metal-rich rocks strewn across enormous seafloor fields. And massive sulfide deposits, such as the ones being mined by the crew of the Coco, are big mounds and stacks of rock formed around hydrothermal vents. Over the past decade several companies have developed detailed but still hypothetical plans to profit from these deposits, hoping to help meet the world’s surging demand for the valuable metals necessary for batteries, electric cars, electronics, and many other products. Scientists have warned that these efforts risk destroying unique deep-sea habitats that we do not yet fully understand, and governments have been reluctant to grant exploration licenses in their territorial waters. But from what I saw during my two days and one night onboard the Coco, DSMF was digging in, and a new era of deep-sea mining had all but begun.

Holt, one of Magellan’s offshore managers, said the aim was to test the physical requirements and environmental impacts of pulling up sulfide deposits. What would soon become unclear, however, was why the operators were stockpiling mounds of excavated rock on the seabed, and who in PNG knew the Coco was there.


I was back outside on the rear deck as the sun dipped below the horizon when the cables finally brought the locked clamshell with its heavy contents to the sea surface. The giant yellow jaws emerged from the waves, gleaming under the ship’s floodlights. As they swung over the rear deck, water and small stones dripped from them; apparently the hydraulic system had failed to fully shut the contraption.

A handful of us stood watching as it opened, dumping the load with a loud thud onto a massive metal weighing tray. The scales showed that some of the anticipated material was missing, presumably dropped during the mile-long journey to the surface. Crew members who had already completed dozens of similar lifts said this loss was an unusual occurrence. But the failure highlighted just one of the dangers of underwater mining: clouds of sediment leaked during these hauls to the surface or kicked up when the seafloor is ripped apart could suffocate sea creatures or unintentionally disperse harmful minerals.

Man with large pile of dark soil glowing multicolored spheres in dirt

The Coco had been bringing up a jaw-load roughly every 12 hours. Just before this latest cache was swung onboard, an Australian marine scientist named Josh Young had been preparing to drop his testing equipment over the ship’s side. After each haul, he or his Papua New Guinean colleague Nicole Frani tried to measure the size and spread of the silt plume directly underneath the vessel. Using another winch, Young lowered a ring of long plastic cylinders known as Niskin tubes into the surf. Each sampling tube was set to open at a different depth as the ring passed down through the water column for several thousand feet. The scientists wanted to know how widely the cloud of silt “is spreading out and how it can affect the sea life below,” Frani explained.

After less than an hour, Young hoisted the ring of tubes back up onto the deck. Peering over his shoulder, I watched an electronic screen reveal the water’s temperature, acidity, salinity, density, cloudiness and oxygen content, as well as its oxidizing capacity and conductivity—proxies for water cleanliness—at each depth.

Like many offshore projects, the Coco operation was globalization incarnate. Frani and Young work for Erias, an Australian environmental consultancy that Magellan hired as a contractor for the summer’s endeavor. Magellan also hired the South African and British deckhands helping Young, plus the ROV team and a number of Malaysian hydrographic surveyors. Itself headquartered in Guernsey, an island between the U.K. and France, Magellan had chartered the Coco from a Danish firm, with sailors from the North Atlantic’s Faroe Islands and pursers from the Philippines. Much of the venture’s financing—for daily costs topping tens of thousands of dollars over several months—came from Russian and Omani investors, who had registered DSMF in the tax-friendly British Virgin Islands.

Up on the ship’s bridge, Holt told me this enormously expensive exercise was to better understand the speed and power requirements of this mining technique, which relied on off-the-shelf commercial equipment Magellan had modified for underwater use. His remit was also to quantify the environmental impacts that a future vessel even larger than the 270-foot Coco might generate through similar extraction cycles. He told me that before the excursion had started he had been “totally in two minds” about seafloor mining. “But now I’ve seen how rich the deposit is and how little we’ve been disturbing the seabed,” he said. “We haven’t got huge clouds of sediment that are drifting off down in the current, smothering coral reefs, or all this sort of stuff that people are worried about.”

Globe with the Bismarck Sea labeled, just north of Papua New Guinea

I observed the same 12-hour extraction cycle twice during my time onboard. Holt told me that over nearly two months Magellan’s teams were focusing on four separate locations in a wider area collectively designated Solwara 1. In each location, the crew would excavate a number of square plots 33 feet on edge and up to 23 feet deep. He said PNG’s Mineral Resources Authority, or MRA, had approved the extraction of about 200 tons of material—from an ore body estimated at more than two million tons—for removal and further testing on shore. He also explained that to maximize the clamshell jaws’ productivity on the seafloor between each long descent and ascent, Magellan had decided to stockpile more material than the 200 tons permitted for testing—up to 600 tons from each of the four sites—perhaps for collection at a later date. I realized this meant Magellan and DSMF might be digging up more of the seabed than the regulator had anticipated.

As with any mining endeavor, Solwara 1’s long-term economic viability would live and die on global metal prices, and in this case the ore’s copper concentration was a crucial factor. Two local geologists onboard seemed enthralled by their initial readings. Leaning over the pile of dark-gray rock that had been dumped onto the rear deck—after it had been smashed into pieces by a large drill—Paul Lahari grabbed some samples and carried them into a cramped prefab shipping container that served as a laboratory. “Anything to do with 0.5 or 1 percent, we’re already excited,” said the Papua New Guinean, who had decades of onshore and offshore mining experience.

He was referring to the typical copper concentrations in ore mined on land. Inside the lab he wielded a small instrument that measures x-ray fluorescence, which he said would reveal the elemental composition of each sample. Soon, on its small digital screen, the instrument began to show matches to elements in the periodic table, as well as their estimated concentration in the sample. For copper, it was 12.33 percent. “That’s 10 times more than we get on land,” Lahari said, his voice rising. He noted that the sampling averages so far on the trip had hovered around 7 percent.

All 200 tons the Coco recovered and carried onboard would eventually reach an Australian facility, where the rock would be further pulverized. Much smaller samples would then pass through a gauntlet of geochemical tests—heating, fusing, leaching—and the entire batch would be assigned an industry-recognized average copper concentration, or “grade,” alongside a report on the other metals found, including gold.

Oceanographers have identified massive sulfide deposits across the Atlantic, Pacific, Indian and Arctic Oceans. Small-scale sample drilling has shown that they often contain similarly high concentrations of copper, alongside zinc and lead. Deposits form close to, if not on, the seafloor surface, meaning there’s far less “overburden”—the valueless material that must be removed to access the ore—than in most land-based mines.

Other prospectors have been interested in Solwara’s potential for years. In 2011 executives from Nautilus Minerals, headquartered in Canada, leased the Solwara 1 site from PNG as a 20-year underwater-mining concession. Authorities in the perennially cash-strapped country invested $120 million in the project through a state-owned entity. The country’s taxpayers thus became a junior partner with Nautilus.

At the time, Nautilus was hailed as a pioneer—the only company in the world to hold a license for deep-sea mining. But as the project progressed, things went sideways. A coastal nation controls resource exploitation in the waters constituting its exclusive economic zone, which reaches 200 nautical miles out from its shoreline in all directions. Any activities in the international waters between nations’ economic zones, such as deep-sea mining, are regulated by the International Seabed Authority, or ISA, a body established through a treaty sponsored by the United Nations.

A Papua New Guinea governor wrote in a statement that he considered the “presence of any [mining] vessel or activity in the area to be illegal.”

When PNG issued Nautilus’s license in 2011 for operations in its national waters, it had no specific underwater-mining legislation. The MRA, the country’s mining regulator, issued the license under rules for land-based mining after Nautilus had carried out impact assessments to earn a separate environmental permit. After false starts in sourcing a ship, in 2014 Nautilus commissioned a Chinese shipyard to build a mining vessel, and Nautilus contracted engineers to develop three enormous, tracked vehicles to break up, churn up and then suck up material from a massive sulfide deposit through a mile-long slurry hose connected to the surface vessel. The technique would mean dumping mining water back into the sea—something other mining operators were planning to do, too.

But Nautilus began burning through up to $2 million a month, according to 2018 financial disclosures, eventually defaulting on payments to the Chinese shipyard before filing for bankruptcy in 2019. Its remaining assets included the mining permit, a few promising core samples, and the three tracked vehicles, only ever tested in shallow waters, that sat rusting on the edge of PNG’s capital, Port Moresby. After its insolvency, PNG Prime Minister James Marape told a local newspaper that the country had wasted tens of millions of dollars on a “concept that is a total failure.” In 2020 the head of the MRA ruled out any chance of reviving the Solwara project.


I disembarked from the Coco less than a day and a half after I had boarded. In blazing afternoon sunshine, a much smaller skiff ferried me back to a remote, pebbly beach on the PNG island of New Ireland. I wanted to know how PNG’s officials and citizens felt about the Coco pulling up their seafloor. A local driver I had hired drove me in the dark over bumpy coastal roads to a guesthouse in the village of Kono.

The following morning I sat outside at a rickety wood table, sharing a breakfast of fish, yams and crackers with some of the local men. One of them, Jonathan Mesulam, was a spokesperson for the Alliance of Solwara Warriors, a group that has long demanded a ban on deep-sea mining in the Bismarck Sea. A Fiji-based environmental campaigner had introduced me to him via an encrypted messaging app. As I described what I had seen onboard the Coco, Mesulam shifted from initially incredulous to increasingly agitated. He walked to the home of Kono’s chief, Chris Malagan, to discuss what I had told him ahead of a weekly public meeting Malagan presides over, which attracts many of the village’s 700 residents.

Malagan began that afternoon’s meeting underneath large shoreline trees. Nearby, children waded out from the beach to cast lines for small fish in the shallows close to more than a dozen mud and straw huts. Adults sitting among the trees listened intently to Mesulam’s description of the Coco’s operations, which was based on my eyewitness account. Several people stood up to angrily denounce activities they considered threatening to their fish-centered livelihoods.

“People are surprised—they are shocked after learning that the new company’s coming back,” Mesulam told me as villagers drifted away. “After all our efforts on campaigning against seabed mining, we thought it was a dead issue now,” he continued, becoming occasionally tearful. “We don’t want to be used as guinea pigs for trial and error,” he said. “These metals that are going to be dug out of our ocean will not benefit anyone from here because nobody here is using electric cars.”

Men on a ship with large excavator

The lack of local awareness and the Coco’s stockpiling of seafloor material seemed unusual for a 21st-century extraction project. To better understand the political support and permitting process for deep-sea mining, I left New Ireland on a plane headed to Port Moresby. The capital, with its sprawling neighborhoods, is built around a spectacular natural harbor. In a hilltop hotel, I told a lawyer named Peter Bosip that I had recently been onboard a deep-sea-mining vessel. He seemed upset. He told me neither Nautilus’s 25-year environmental permit nor the MRA’s subsequently issued mining license for Solwara 1 had ever been made public—despite a constitutionally mandated transparency requirement and a decade-long legal battle waged by good-governance and environmental groups. (Parkinson sent me the cover page of the license, but neither he nor Magellan nor PNG regulators provided a full copy.)

Such opaqueness was common in PNG, Bosip told me, but meant it was difficult for local communities to hold international companies to account for potential environmental infractions. Bosip is executive director of the Center for Environmental Law and Community Rights in PNG, a public-interest law firm that sued the government for access to the Solwara permit documents. “In PNG,” he told me, “the system is such a way that the responses are not forthcoming.” He apparently meant that government ministries, agencies and regulators rarely shared information willingly.

DSMF provided the struggling Nautilus with high-interest loans, and during the 2019 bankruptcy proceedings, the company took possession of Nautilus’s Solwara 1 license. A document from the Supreme Court of British Columbia shows that DSMF’s listed representatives during those proceedings were Christopher Jordinson, an Australian who’d previously pled guilty to insider trading, and Matthias Bolliger, a Swiss national who was subsequently barred from directorships on the Isle of Man. Documents from the bankruptcy proceedings show the pair are listed as points of contact for DSMF’s largest shareholders: Omani tycoon Mohammed Al Barwani, whose family firm owns oil, gas and mining subsidiaries, and Alisher Usmanov, who is among Russia’s wealthiest pro-Putin oligarchs. Usmanov had been involved in Solwara-based mining for almost 20 years, but now—after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022—he tops worldwide sanctions lists.

In July 2022 DSMF joined forces with SM2, another company founded by Parkinson, who in turn hired his firm Magellan to operate in PNG waters under Nautilus’s original license. Parkinson told me that in November 2023 he, Bolliger and Jordinson met with New Ireland’s governor. Sometime later various PNG agencies, including the MRA, approved the new mining technique.

I spent days chasing down officials across Port Moresby, trying to get clarity on this approval process. After unanswered e-mails and unreturned phone calls, I finally reached the MRA’s managing director, Jerry Garry, by video call. He was in a remote highland region that was slated to host a gold mine, he said, but he told me his officials should be onboard any deep-sea-mining vessel in PNG to monitor operations. When I noted none had been onboard the Coco, he insisted he had no idea the Coco was even in the Bismarck Sea. Garry never again answered my calls.

PNG’s attorney general, Pila Kole Niningi, didn’t reply to interview requests. I did reach Fiona Pagla, the PNG Department of Justice’s acting director for the national oceans office, who was at a conference in Bali. She told me that she knew nothing about the Coco but that if it was conducting marine scientific research, a committee inside her department should have been asked for approval. Hours later, when I pressed her for details in WhatsApp messages, Pagla replied, “No comment.”

The country’s environment minister, Simon Kilepa, didn’t make himself available for an interview. Jude Tukuliya, head of the PNG Conservation and Environment Protection Authority, and officials at the country’s National Fisheries Authority did not respond to calls and written questions about the Coco and DSMF. Prime Minister Marape’s chief of staff insisted the premier would not discuss deep-sea mining.

After returning to London, where I live, I continued my attempted outreach from afar. Late last summer DSMF’s website was taken down and replaced with a fresh one featuring a new entity called Sustainable Mining Solutions (SMS), billed as a joint venture between DSMF and Parkinson’s SM2. The site repeatedly mentioned Nautilus’s mining license and environmental permits—still not public—and said PNG would gain from Solwara 1’s profits and mining royalties, with benefits for local people “currently being negotiated.” Parkinson had told me soon after I’d left the Coco that Magellan and SM2 were not “cutting corners” and were “operating within the laws of that country.” He had also said the Australian lab readings indicated Solwara 1 is “a credible source of copper.” In response to a request for comment I sent in March by e-mail, DSMF wrote that the results “will be provided to the relevant regulatory authorities in due course, once the analyses by internal and third-party experts are completed.”

This past January I finally, and unexpectedly, heard from Julius Chan, a PNG prime minister turned New Ireland governor with a national parliamentary seat. He’d previously said deep-sea miners should engage with islanders to provide confidence that a project wouldn’t affect their livelihoods. He wrote in a statement that those involved in Solwara “certainly do not have my government support and approval” and that he considered the “presence of any vessel or activity in the area to be illegal.” He died three weeks later at age 85. In its e-mail response, DSMF wrote, “The Solwara 1 project is compliant with the regulations, having secured a valid mining license as defined in the PNG Mining Act, and is a fully permitted project having met license requirements under relevant Papua New Guinea laws and regulations.” It also noted that “the allowable impacts of mining at Solwara 1 are regulated, managed and conducted in accordance with the Mining Law and Environmental Act (2000).”

The Magellan team onboard the Coco had told me it was operating with permission from the MRA, and Parkinson told me before and after my visit to PNG that government officials were aware and supportive of their large-scale extraction tests. Perhaps some people inside the government had not shared details of the Coco’s mission as widely as they could have, I reasoned. But when I was onboard, there seemed to be little stopping the Solwara 1 project from scaling up significantly—unless steep capital costs somehow dissuaded deep-pocketed investors or public uproar in PNG forced a rethink among national politicians, who perhaps might have been hoping to recoup the sizable state investment Nautilus once blew through.

What is clear is that deep-sea mining on a commercial scale will begin soon somewhere. Norway, the Cook Islands, Japan and Sweden have approved deep-sea mining in their exclusive economic zones. Norway’s offshore-resources agency says the country’s waters contain manganese crusts, as well as sulfide deposits, and the government had considered awarding exploitation licenses this year. Authorities in the Cook Islands have issued exploration licenses to three operators surveying for polymetallic nodules. Scientists at the University of Tokyo and collaborating institutions recently confirmed a vast nodule field close to Japan’s easternmost island, a tiny atoll called Minamitorishima. Estimates indicate the field contains more than 600,000 tons of cobalt—much more than the total 2023 output from the Democratic Republic of Congo, by far the largest global cobalt producer.

A consortium of government agencies, academic institutions and private enterprises plans to extract Japan’s underwater resources in the decades ahead. With enormous deep-sea regions still unmapped, scientists say similar opportunities exist elsewhere. But after a 2023 study found that some polymetallic nodules emitted enough radiation that inappropriate handling could pose health risks, questions have increased about the wisdom of nodule mining. Citing limited scientific data on long-term environmental impacts, many nations, including Germany, Spain and Chile, have called for a pause. Palau and Fiji have advocated for a moratorium, and France wants an outright ban.

The ISA has granted more than 30 exploration licenses for international waters, some for each of the three kinds of deposits. It has repeatedly delayed a framework for exploitation licenses, though, to the frustration of some people in the mining industry. The authority’s new secretary-general, Brazilian oceanographer Leticia Carvalho, took charge in January 2025, promising to end what she considers cozy relations between ISA and potential commercial operators. She has also suggested that the new subsea-mining code should be finalized by late this year.

Unlike in the early years of, say, coal mining, environmental scientists are deeply involved in the development of seafloor extraction. But much remains unknown about the impacts. Scant studies exist on the consequences for marine life of sulfide-deposit mining like the Coco was carrying out. A case study involving Japanese state entities digging sulfides at a similar depth, several thousand miles north in the Pacific Ocean, gives some idea of what to expect. Researchers assessed the impact on nearby ocean flora and fauna for three years after a brief mining session. They found that populations of organisms less than a tenth of an inch in size may return to normal levels within a year, but larger species may remain depleted more than three years later. That mining lasted only six hours.

In its statement, DSMF wrote, “Extensive scientific studies have enabled SMS to assess the risks to marine ecosystems and carefully weigh them against the damage caused by terrestrial mining.” The new SMS website says mining in Solwara 1 “will not adversely affect the marine life habitat” and that with recolonization efforts, three years after mining ends, the environment around any vents will “resemble the pre-mining condition of biomass and diversity.” Marine scientists I spoke to questioned that assertion. The ecosystem will not recover “unless the chemistry and the substrate and the texture and the morphology of the bottom, and the temperature and everything else, are what they were” before a location was disturbed, says Lisa Levin, professor emerita of biological oceanography and marine ecology at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in San Diego. “It couldn’t possibly be.” She says certain species exist only near these vents, and after mining it’s “highly likely” those species will become extinct. “People have to be willing to give up the seafloor ecosystems if they want to mine them,” Levin says. She adds that the contamination of fish stocks by chemicals from the seafloor should reasonably concern local societies.

Throughout the world’s deep ocean zones, where scientists estimate thousands of species remain undiscovered, heavy mining equipment may harm organisms that are unable to quickly move out of its way. Leaks from mining equipment or mining water dumped from surface vessels could also threaten open-ocean fisheries, and noise and light pollution could impact reproduction or feeding patterns of species already threatened by other human actions. The environmental team onboard the Coco was clearly aware of some of these potential consequences.

The juxtapositions I experienced at sea and on land were jarring. The extraordinary scale and power of the Coco’s technology, backed by distant billionaires, were in sharp contrast to subsistence communities where villagers paddle canoes into the surf to fish by hand. The informational asymmetry was striking, too: hydrographers, geologists and environmental scientists with millions of data points designed to gauge surroundings—and profits to be realized thousands of miles away—were set against local residents who seemed to lack access to attested Solwara permits, let alone details of possible environmental drawbacks. For the people who live there, short-term benefits—new local jobs, perhaps, or increased government revenues—might never outweigh stress to the ecosystem and a way of life that depends on it.

As this article was going to press, senior PNG officials—including one in the country’s Department of Justice—told me the questions I had asked during my reporting had prompted action. In late February the government introduced new mining legislation that, for the first time, includes specific rules for deep-sea mining. The country’s Marine Scientific Research Committee, which comprises almost two dozen government entities, passed guidelines that will require future deep-sea-mining licenses to have committee approval. Because the legislation is open to public comment, it is not yet clear whether a new mining law will have retroactive force. If it does, officials told me, DSMF might have to reapply for its environmental permits and mining license and publish a fresh environmental impact assessment.

Some of the reporting for this story was originally done while Willem Marx was on assignment for PBS.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

The Trump Team Wants to Boost Birth Rates While Poisoning Children

“I want a baby boom,” Trump has said. His administration is indeed exploring a range of approaches to boost the birth rate, including baby bonuses and classes on natural fertility. Yet his focus is entirely on the production of babies. When it comes to keeping these babies alive, this administration is leaving parents on their own, facing some horrifying and unprecedented challenges. It’s common for right-wing American governments, whether at the state or federal level, to be only half-heartedly natalist: restricting abortion, birth control, and sex education, while also failing to embrace any policy that makes it easier to raise a family, like universal childcare, robust public education, school lunch, cash supports for parents, or paid family leave. But the Trump-Vance government has taken this paradox to a new level, with natalist rhetoric far surpassing that of other recent administrations, while real live children are treated with more depraved, life-threatening indifference than in any American government in at least a century. Due to brutal cuts at the Food and Drug Administration, where 20,000 employees have been fired, the administration has suspended one of its quality-control programs for milk, Reuters reported this week. Milk is iconically associated with child health, and this is not a mere storybook whimsy: Most pediatricians regard it as critical for young children’s developing brains and bones. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends two cups a day for babies between 1 and 2 years old. While some experts—and of course the administration—are downplaying the change, emphasizing that milk will still be regulated, a bird flu epidemic hardly seems like the right time to be cutting corners. A government so focused on making more babies shouldn’t be so indifferent to risks to our nation’s toddlers.This reckless approach to child safety is not limited to food. Also this week, The New York Times reported that the Environmental Protection Agency was canceling tens of millions of dollars in grants for research on environmental hazards to children in rural America. These hazards include pesticides, wildfire smoke, and forever chemicals, and the grants supported research toward solutions to such problems. Many focused on improving child health in red states like Oklahoma. Children are much more vulnerable than adults to the health problems that can stem from exposure to toxins. That makes Trump’s policies, for all his baby-friendly chatter, seem pathologically misopedic; he is reversing bans on so-called “forever chemicals” and repealing limits set by the Biden administration on lead exposure, all of which will have devastating effects on children’s mental and physical development.And of course there’s RFK Jr.’s crazy campaign against vaccines. This week, the health secretary said he was considering removing the Covid-19 vaccine from the list of vaccines the government recommends for children, even though to win Senate confirmation, he had agreed not to alter the childhood vaccine schedule. Even worse, RFK Jr. has used his office to promote disinformation about extensively debunked links between vaccines and autism, while praising unproven “treatments” for measles as an outbreak that has afflicted more than 600 people and killed at least three continues to spread. Trump’s public health cuts are meanwhile imperiling a program that gives free vaccines to children. So far, I haven’t even mentioned children outside the United States. Trump has not only continued Biden’s policy of mass infanticide in Gaza—at least 100 children there have been killed or injured every week by Israeli forces since the dissolution of the ceasefire in March—he has vastly surpassed that shameful record by dismantling USAID. (The Supreme Court demanded that the government restore some of the funding to the already-contracted programs, but it’s unclear what the results of that ruling will be.) Children across the globe will starve to death due to this policy. The cuts to nutrition funding alone, researchers estimate, will kill some 369,000 children who could otherwise have lived. That’s not even counting all the other children’s lives imperiled by USAID funding cuts to vaccines, health services, and maternal care, or the children who will go unprotected now that Trump has cut 69 programs dedicated to tracking child labor, forced labor, and human trafficking.Natalist or exterminationist? Pro-child or rabidly infanticidal? It’s tempting to dismiss such extreme contradictions within the Trump administration as merely chaotic and incoherent. But the situation is worse than that. Trying to boost births while actively making the world less safe for children is creepy—but not in a new way. The contradiction is baked into the eugenicist tradition that Vance and Trump openly embrace. Vance said at an anti-abortion rally in January that he wanted “more babies in the United States of America.” Vance also said he wanted “more beautiful young men and women” to have children. Notice he doesn’t just say “more babies”: the qualifiers are significant. Vance was implying that he wanted the right people to have babies: American, white, able-bodied, “beautiful” people with robust genetics. Children dying because of USAID cuts aren’t part of this vision, presumably, because those children are not American or white. As for infected milk, environmental toxins, or measles—here too, it’s hard not to hear social Darwinist overtones: In a far-right eugenicist worldview, children killed by those things likely aren’t fit for survival. In a more chaotic and dangerous environment, this extremely outdated logic goes, natural selection will ensure that the strongest survive. It’s also worth noting that this way of thinking originates in—and many of these Trump administration policies aim to return us to—an earlier era, when people of all ages, but especially children, were simply poisoned by industrial pollution, unvaccinated for diseases, and unprotected from industrial accidents. In such an unsafe world for children, people had many more of them; the world was such a dangerous place to raise kids that families expected to lose a few. That all-too-recent period is the unspoken context for natalist and eugenicist visions. That’s the world Trump and Vance seem to be nostalgic for, one in which women were constantly pregnant and in labor, and children were constantly dying horrible deaths. Doesn’t that sound pleasant for everyone?

“I want a baby boom,” Trump has said. His administration is indeed exploring a range of approaches to boost the birth rate, including baby bonuses and classes on natural fertility. Yet his focus is entirely on the production of babies. When it comes to keeping these babies alive, this administration is leaving parents on their own, facing some horrifying and unprecedented challenges. It’s common for right-wing American governments, whether at the state or federal level, to be only half-heartedly natalist: restricting abortion, birth control, and sex education, while also failing to embrace any policy that makes it easier to raise a family, like universal childcare, robust public education, school lunch, cash supports for parents, or paid family leave. But the Trump-Vance government has taken this paradox to a new level, with natalist rhetoric far surpassing that of other recent administrations, while real live children are treated with more depraved, life-threatening indifference than in any American government in at least a century. Due to brutal cuts at the Food and Drug Administration, where 20,000 employees have been fired, the administration has suspended one of its quality-control programs for milk, Reuters reported this week. Milk is iconically associated with child health, and this is not a mere storybook whimsy: Most pediatricians regard it as critical for young children’s developing brains and bones. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends two cups a day for babies between 1 and 2 years old. While some experts—and of course the administration—are downplaying the change, emphasizing that milk will still be regulated, a bird flu epidemic hardly seems like the right time to be cutting corners. A government so focused on making more babies shouldn’t be so indifferent to risks to our nation’s toddlers.This reckless approach to child safety is not limited to food. Also this week, The New York Times reported that the Environmental Protection Agency was canceling tens of millions of dollars in grants for research on environmental hazards to children in rural America. These hazards include pesticides, wildfire smoke, and forever chemicals, and the grants supported research toward solutions to such problems. Many focused on improving child health in red states like Oklahoma. Children are much more vulnerable than adults to the health problems that can stem from exposure to toxins. That makes Trump’s policies, for all his baby-friendly chatter, seem pathologically misopedic; he is reversing bans on so-called “forever chemicals” and repealing limits set by the Biden administration on lead exposure, all of which will have devastating effects on children’s mental and physical development.And of course there’s RFK Jr.’s crazy campaign against vaccines. This week, the health secretary said he was considering removing the Covid-19 vaccine from the list of vaccines the government recommends for children, even though to win Senate confirmation, he had agreed not to alter the childhood vaccine schedule. Even worse, RFK Jr. has used his office to promote disinformation about extensively debunked links between vaccines and autism, while praising unproven “treatments” for measles as an outbreak that has afflicted more than 600 people and killed at least three continues to spread. Trump’s public health cuts are meanwhile imperiling a program that gives free vaccines to children. So far, I haven’t even mentioned children outside the United States. Trump has not only continued Biden’s policy of mass infanticide in Gaza—at least 100 children there have been killed or injured every week by Israeli forces since the dissolution of the ceasefire in March—he has vastly surpassed that shameful record by dismantling USAID. (The Supreme Court demanded that the government restore some of the funding to the already-contracted programs, but it’s unclear what the results of that ruling will be.) Children across the globe will starve to death due to this policy. The cuts to nutrition funding alone, researchers estimate, will kill some 369,000 children who could otherwise have lived. That’s not even counting all the other children’s lives imperiled by USAID funding cuts to vaccines, health services, and maternal care, or the children who will go unprotected now that Trump has cut 69 programs dedicated to tracking child labor, forced labor, and human trafficking.Natalist or exterminationist? Pro-child or rabidly infanticidal? It’s tempting to dismiss such extreme contradictions within the Trump administration as merely chaotic and incoherent. But the situation is worse than that. Trying to boost births while actively making the world less safe for children is creepy—but not in a new way. The contradiction is baked into the eugenicist tradition that Vance and Trump openly embrace. Vance said at an anti-abortion rally in January that he wanted “more babies in the United States of America.” Vance also said he wanted “more beautiful young men and women” to have children. Notice he doesn’t just say “more babies”: the qualifiers are significant. Vance was implying that he wanted the right people to have babies: American, white, able-bodied, “beautiful” people with robust genetics. Children dying because of USAID cuts aren’t part of this vision, presumably, because those children are not American or white. As for infected milk, environmental toxins, or measles—here too, it’s hard not to hear social Darwinist overtones: In a far-right eugenicist worldview, children killed by those things likely aren’t fit for survival. In a more chaotic and dangerous environment, this extremely outdated logic goes, natural selection will ensure that the strongest survive. It’s also worth noting that this way of thinking originates in—and many of these Trump administration policies aim to return us to—an earlier era, when people of all ages, but especially children, were simply poisoned by industrial pollution, unvaccinated for diseases, and unprotected from industrial accidents. In such an unsafe world for children, people had many more of them; the world was such a dangerous place to raise kids that families expected to lose a few. That all-too-recent period is the unspoken context for natalist and eugenicist visions. That’s the world Trump and Vance seem to be nostalgic for, one in which women were constantly pregnant and in labor, and children were constantly dying horrible deaths. Doesn’t that sound pleasant for everyone?

The greater Pittsburgh region is among the 25 worst metro areas in the country for air quality: Report

PITTSBURGH — The greater Pittsburgh metropolitan area is among the 25 regions in the country with the worst air pollution, according to a new report from the American Lung Association.The nonprofit public health organization’s annual “State of the Air” report uses a report card-style grading system to compare air quality in regions across the U.S. This year’s report found that 46% of Americans — 156.1 million people — are living in places that get failing grades for unhealthy levels of ozone or particulate pollution. Overall, air pollution measured by the report was worse than in previous years, with more Americans living in places with unhealthy air than in the previous 10 years the report has been published.The 13-county region spanning Pittsburgh and southwestern Pennsylvania; Weirton, West Virginia; and Steubenville, Ohio received “fail” grades for both daily and annual average particulate matter exposure for the years 2021–2023.The region ranked 16th worst for 24-hour particle pollution out of 225 metropolitan areas and 12th worst for annual particle pollution out of 208 metropolitan areas. Particulate matter pollution, which comes from things like industrial emissions, vehicle exhaust, wildfires, and wood burning, causes higher rates of asthma, decreased lung function in children, and increased hospital admissions and premature death due to heart attacks and respiratory illness. Long-term exposure to particulate matter pollution also raises the risk of lung cancer, and research suggests that in the Pittsburgh region, air pollution linked to particulate matter and other harmful substances contributes significantly to cancer rates. According to the report, the Pittsburgh metro area is home to around 50,022 children with pediatric asthma, 227,806 adults with asthma, 173,588 people with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD), 250,600 people with cardiovascular disease, 1,468 people with lung cancer, and around 25,746 pregnant people, all of whom are especially vulnerable to the harmful impacts of particulate matter pollution exposure."The findings help community members understand the ongoing risks to the health of people in our region," said Matt Mehalik, executive director of the Breathe Project and the Breathe Collaborative, a coalition of more than 30 groups in southwestern Pennsylvania that advocate for cleaner air. "These findings emphasize the need to transition away from fossil fuels — in industry, transportation and residential uses — if we are to improve our health and address climate change." Allegheny County has received a failing grade for particulate matter pollution from the American Lung Association every year since the "State of the Air" report was first issued in 2004. The region is home to numerous polluting industries, with an estimated 80% of toxic air pollutants in Allegheny County (which encompasses Pittsburgh) coming from ten industrial sites, according to an analysis by the nonprofit environmental advocacy group PennEnvironment Research & Policy Center. The Ohio River near Pittsburgh Credit: Kristina Marusic for EHN In the 2024 State of the Air report, which looked at 2020-2022, Pittsburgh was for the first time ever not among the 25 cities most polluted by particulate matte, and showed some improvements in air quality, some of which may have resulted from pollution reductions spurred by the COVID-19 shut-down in 2020.The region earned a grade D for ozone smog this year, but its ranking improved from last year — it went from the 50th worst metro area for ozone smog in 2024’s report to the 90th worst in this year’s. Ozone pollution also comes from sources like vehicle exhaust and industrial emissions, and occurs when certain chemicals mix with sunlight. Exposure to ozone pollution is linked to respiratory issues, worsened asthma symptoms, and long-term lung damage.Each year the State of the Air Report makes recommendations for improving air quality. This year those recommendations include defending funding for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), because sweeping staff cuts and reduction of federal funding under the Trump administration are impairing the agency’s ability to enforce clean air regulations. For example, the report notes that EPA recently lowered annual limits for fine particulate matter pollution from 12 micrograms per cubic meter to 9 micrograms per cubic meter, and that states, including Pennsylvania, have submitted their recommendations for which areas should be cleaned up. Next, the agency must review those recommendations and add its own analyses to make final decisions by February 6, 2026 about which areas need additional pollution controls. If it fails to do so due to lack of funding or staffing, the report suggests, air quality might suffer.“The bottom line is this,” the report states. “EPA staff, working in communities across the country, are doing crucial work to keep your air clean. Staff cuts are already impacting people’s health across the country. Further cuts mean more dirty air.”

PITTSBURGH — The greater Pittsburgh metropolitan area is among the 25 regions in the country with the worst air pollution, according to a new report from the American Lung Association.The nonprofit public health organization’s annual “State of the Air” report uses a report card-style grading system to compare air quality in regions across the U.S. This year’s report found that 46% of Americans — 156.1 million people — are living in places that get failing grades for unhealthy levels of ozone or particulate pollution. Overall, air pollution measured by the report was worse than in previous years, with more Americans living in places with unhealthy air than in the previous 10 years the report has been published.The 13-county region spanning Pittsburgh and southwestern Pennsylvania; Weirton, West Virginia; and Steubenville, Ohio received “fail” grades for both daily and annual average particulate matter exposure for the years 2021–2023.The region ranked 16th worst for 24-hour particle pollution out of 225 metropolitan areas and 12th worst for annual particle pollution out of 208 metropolitan areas. Particulate matter pollution, which comes from things like industrial emissions, vehicle exhaust, wildfires, and wood burning, causes higher rates of asthma, decreased lung function in children, and increased hospital admissions and premature death due to heart attacks and respiratory illness. Long-term exposure to particulate matter pollution also raises the risk of lung cancer, and research suggests that in the Pittsburgh region, air pollution linked to particulate matter and other harmful substances contributes significantly to cancer rates. According to the report, the Pittsburgh metro area is home to around 50,022 children with pediatric asthma, 227,806 adults with asthma, 173,588 people with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD), 250,600 people with cardiovascular disease, 1,468 people with lung cancer, and around 25,746 pregnant people, all of whom are especially vulnerable to the harmful impacts of particulate matter pollution exposure."The findings help community members understand the ongoing risks to the health of people in our region," said Matt Mehalik, executive director of the Breathe Project and the Breathe Collaborative, a coalition of more than 30 groups in southwestern Pennsylvania that advocate for cleaner air. "These findings emphasize the need to transition away from fossil fuels — in industry, transportation and residential uses — if we are to improve our health and address climate change." Allegheny County has received a failing grade for particulate matter pollution from the American Lung Association every year since the "State of the Air" report was first issued in 2004. The region is home to numerous polluting industries, with an estimated 80% of toxic air pollutants in Allegheny County (which encompasses Pittsburgh) coming from ten industrial sites, according to an analysis by the nonprofit environmental advocacy group PennEnvironment Research & Policy Center. The Ohio River near Pittsburgh Credit: Kristina Marusic for EHN In the 2024 State of the Air report, which looked at 2020-2022, Pittsburgh was for the first time ever not among the 25 cities most polluted by particulate matte, and showed some improvements in air quality, some of which may have resulted from pollution reductions spurred by the COVID-19 shut-down in 2020.The region earned a grade D for ozone smog this year, but its ranking improved from last year — it went from the 50th worst metro area for ozone smog in 2024’s report to the 90th worst in this year’s. Ozone pollution also comes from sources like vehicle exhaust and industrial emissions, and occurs when certain chemicals mix with sunlight. Exposure to ozone pollution is linked to respiratory issues, worsened asthma symptoms, and long-term lung damage.Each year the State of the Air Report makes recommendations for improving air quality. This year those recommendations include defending funding for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), because sweeping staff cuts and reduction of federal funding under the Trump administration are impairing the agency’s ability to enforce clean air regulations. For example, the report notes that EPA recently lowered annual limits for fine particulate matter pollution from 12 micrograms per cubic meter to 9 micrograms per cubic meter, and that states, including Pennsylvania, have submitted their recommendations for which areas should be cleaned up. Next, the agency must review those recommendations and add its own analyses to make final decisions by February 6, 2026 about which areas need additional pollution controls. If it fails to do so due to lack of funding or staffing, the report suggests, air quality might suffer.“The bottom line is this,” the report states. “EPA staff, working in communities across the country, are doing crucial work to keep your air clean. Staff cuts are already impacting people’s health across the country. Further cuts mean more dirty air.”

New, 'Living' Building Material Made From Fungi and Bacteria Could Pave the Way to Self-Healing Structures

Researchers are developing the biomaterial as a more environmentally friendly alternative to concrete, but any wide-scale use is still far away

New, ‘Living’ Building Material Made From Fungi and Bacteria Could Pave the Way to Self-Healing Structures Researchers are developing the biomaterial as a more environmentally friendly alternative to concrete, but any wide-scale use is still far away Microscopic images of the bacteria and mycelium scaffolds. The circles indicate the likely presence of S. pasteurii bacteria. Viles, Ethan et al., Cell Reports Physical Science 2025 Concrete is a crucial construction material. Unfortunately, however, producing it requires large amounts of energy—often powered by fossil fuels—and includes chemical reactions that release carbon dioxide. This intensive process is responsible for up to 8 percent of humanity’s carbon dioxide emissions. As such, finding more sustainable building materials is vital to lessening our global carbon footprint. And to help achieve this goal, scientists are studying methods that might replace concrete with biologically derived materials, or biomaterials for short. Now, researchers have developed a building material made of mycelium—the tubular, branching filaments found in most fungi—and bacteria cells. As detailed in a study published last week in the journal Cell Reports Physical Science, the living bacteria survived in the structure for an extended amount of time, laying the groundwork for more environmentally friendly and self-healing construction material down the line. The researchers grew mycelium from the fungus Neurospora crassa, commonly known as red bread mold, into a dense, scaffold-like structure. Then, they added Sporosarcina pasteurii bacteria. “We like these organisms for several reasons,” Chelsea Heveran, a co-author of the study and an expert in engineered living materials at Montana State University, tells the Debrief’s Ryan Whalen. “First, they do not pose very much threat to human health. S. pasteurii is a common soil microorganism and has been used for years in biomineralization research, including in field-scale commercial applications. N. crassa is a model organism in fungal research.” They also liked that both organisms are capable of biomineralization—the process that forms bones and coral by creating hardened calcium carbonate. To set off biomineralization, the team placed the scaffold in a growing medium with urea and calcium. The bacteria formed calcium carbonate quickly and effectively, making the material stronger. Importantly, the bacteria S. pasteurii was alive, or viable, for at least a month. Live organisms in building material could offer unique properties—such as the ability to self-repair or self-clean—but only as long as they’re alive. This study didn’t test those traits specifically, according to a statement, but the longer lifetime of this material “lays the groundwork for these functionalities.” “We are excited about our results,” Heveran tells New Scientist’s James Woodford. “When viability is sufficiently high, we could start really imparting lasting biological characteristics to the material that we care about, such as self-healing, sensing or environmental remediation.” This month-long lifespan marks a significant improvement over previous structures. In fact, a major challenge in the development of living biomaterials is their short viability—other similar materials made with living organisms have remained viable for just days or weeks. Plus, they don’t usually form the complex internal structures necessary in construction projects, according to the statement. In the new study, however, “we learned that fungal scaffolds are quite useful for controlling the internal architecture of the material,” Heveran explains in the statement. “We created internal geometries that looked like cortical bone, but moving forward, we could potentially construct other geometries, too.” Ultimately, the researchers developed a tough structure that could provide the basis for future sustainable building alternatives. As reported by New Atlas’ Abhimanyu Ghoshal, however, scientists still have other challenges to tackle on the path to replacing concrete—for instance, scaling the material’s production, making it usable for different types of construction projects and overcoming the higher costs associated with living biomaterials. These materials, so far, “do not have high enough strength to replace concrete in all applications,” Heveran says in the statement. “But we and others are working to improve their properties so they can see greater usage.” To that end, Aysu Kuru, a building engineer at the University of Sydney in Australia who did not participate in the study, tells New Scientist that “proposing mycelium as a scaffolding medium for living materials is a simple but powerful strategy.” Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

New electronic “skin” could enable lightweight night-vision glasses

MIT engineers developed ultrathin electronic films that sense heat and other signals, and could reduce the bulk of conventional goggles and scopes.

MIT engineers have developed a technique to grow and peel ultrathin “skins” of electronic material. The method could pave the way for new classes of electronic devices, such as ultrathin wearable sensors, flexible transistors and computing elements, and highly sensitive and compact imaging devices. As a demonstration, the team fabricated a thin membrane of pyroelectric material — a class of heat-sensing material that produces an electric current in response to changes in temperature. The thinner the pyroelectric material, the better it is at sensing subtle thermal variations.With their new method, the team fabricated the thinnest pyroelectric membrane yet, measuring 10 nanometers thick, and demonstrated that the film is highly sensitive to heat and radiation across the far-infrared spectrum.The newly developed film could enable lighter, more portable, and highly accurate far-infrared (IR) sensing devices, with potential applications for night-vision eyewear and autonomous driving in foggy conditions. Current state-of-the-art far-IR sensors require bulky cooling elements. In contrast, the new pyroelectric thin film requires no cooling and is sensitive to much smaller changes in temperature. The researchers are exploring ways to incorporate the film into lighter, higher-precision night-vision glasses.“This film considerably reduces weight and cost, making it lightweight, portable, and easier to integrate,” Xinyuan Zhang, a graduate student in MIT’s Department of Materials Science and Engineering (DMSE). “For example, it could be directly worn on glasses.”The heat-sensing film could also have applications in environmental and biological sensing, as well as imaging of astrophysical phenomena that emit far-infrared radiation.What’s more, the new lift-off technique is generalizable beyond pyroelectric materials. The researchers plan to apply the method to make other ultrathin, high-performance semiconducting films.Their results are reported today in a paper appearing in the journal Nature. The study’s MIT co-authors are first author Xinyuan Zhang, Sangho Lee, Min-Kyu Song, Haihui Lan, Jun Min Suh, Jung-El Ryu, Yanjie Shao, Xudong Zheng, Ne Myo Han, and Jeehwan Kim, associate professor of mechanical engineering and of materials science and engineering, along with researchers at the University Wisconsin at Madison led by Professor Chang-Beom Eom and authors from multiple other institutions.Chemical peelKim’s group at MIT is finding new ways to make smaller, thinner, and more flexible electronics. They envision that such ultrathin computing “skins” can be incorporated into everything from smart contact lenses and wearable sensing fabrics to stretchy solar cells and bendable displays. To realize such devices, Kim and his colleagues have been experimenting with methods to grow, peel, and stack semiconducting elements, to fabricate ultrathin, multifunctional electronic thin-film membranes.One method that Kim has pioneered is “remote epitaxy” — a technique where semiconducting materials are grown on a single-crystalline substrate, with an ultrathin layer of graphene in between. The substrate’s crystal structure serves as a scaffold along which the new material can grow. The graphene acts as a nonstick layer, similar to Teflon, making it easy for researchers to peel off the new film and transfer it onto flexible and stacked electronic devices. After peeling off the new film, the underlying substrate can be reused to make additional thin films.Kim has applied remote epitaxy to fabricate thin films with various characteristics. In trying different combinations of semiconducting elements, the researchers happened to notice that a certain pyroelectric material, called PMN-PT, did not require an intermediate layer assist in order to separate from its substrate. Just by growing PMN-PT directly on a single-crystalline substrate, the researchers could then remove the grown film, with no rips or tears to its delicate lattice.“It worked surprisingly well,” Zhang says. “We found the peeled film is atomically smooth.”Lattice lift-offIn their new study, the MIT and UW Madison researchers took a closer look at the process and discovered that the key to the material’s easy-peel property was lead. As part of its chemical structure, the team, along with colleagues at the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, discovered that the pyroelectric film contains an orderly arrangement of lead atoms that have a large “electron affinity,” meaning that lead attracts electrons and prevents the charge carriers from traveling and connecting to another materials such as an underlying substrate. The lead acts as tiny nonstick units, allowing the material as a whole to peel away, perfectly intact.The team ran with the realization and fabricated multiple ultrathin films of PMN-PT, each about 10 nanometers thin. They peeled off pyroelectric films and transfered them onto a small chip to form an array of 100 ultrathin heat-sensing pixels, each about 60 square microns (about .006 square centimeters). They exposed the films to ever-slighter changes in temperature and found the pixels were highly sensitive to small changes across the far-infrared spectrum.The sensitivity of the pyroelectric array is comparable to that of state-of-the-art night-vision devices. These devices are currently based on photodetector materials, in which a change in temperature induces the material’s electrons to jump in energy and briefly cross an energy “band gap,” before settling back into their ground state. This electron jump serves as an electrical signal of the temperature change. However, this signal can be affected by noise in the environment, and to prevent such effects, photodetectors have to also include cooling devices that bring the instruments down to liquid nitrogen temperatures.Current night-vision goggles and scopes are heavy and bulky. With the group’s new pyroelectric-based approach, NVDs could have the same sensitivity without the cooling weight.The researchers also found that the films were sensitive beyond the range of current night-vision devices and could respond to wavelengths across the entire infrared spectrum. This suggests that the films could be incorporated into small, lightweight, and portable devices for various applications that require different infrared regions. For instance, when integrated into autonomous vehicle platforms, the films could enable cars to “see” pedestrians and vehicles in complete darkness or in foggy and rainy conditions. The film could also be used in gas sensors for real-time and on-site environmental monitoring, helping detect pollutants. In electronics, they could monitor heat changes in semiconductor chips to catch early signs of malfunctioning elements.The team says the new lift-off method can be generalized to materials that may not themselves contain lead. In those cases, the researchers suspect that they can infuse Teflon-like lead atoms into the underlying substrate to induce a similar peel-off effect. For now, the team is actively working toward incorporating the pyroelectric films into a functional night-vision system.“We envision that our ultrathin films could be made into high-performance night-vision goggles, considering its broad-spectrum infrared sensitivity at room-temperature, which allows for a lightweight design without a cooling system,” Zhang says. “To turn this into a night-vision system, a functional device array should be integrated with readout circuitry. Furthermore, testing in varied environmental conditions is essential for practical applications.”This work was supported by the U.S. Air Force Office of Scientific Research.

President of Eugene wood treatment plant gets 90-day prison term for lying to DEQ inspectors

"There has to be some accountability," U.S. District Judge Michael J. McShane said.

A federal judge Tuesday sentenced the president of Eugene’s J.H. Baxter & Co. wood treatment plant to 90 days in prison for lying about the company’s illegal handling of hazardous waste at the site.U.S. District Judge Michael J. McShane called Georgia Baxter-Krause, 62, an “absent president” who took little responsibility for what occurred.“The fact that you lied when confronted suggests you knew the practice was not ‘above board,’” McShane said. “There has to be some accountability.”He also ordered Baxter-Krause and the company to pay $1.5 million in criminal fines. The plant is now a potential cleanup site under the federal Superfund program.J.H. Baxter & Co. Inc. pleaded guilty to illegally treating hazardous waste and Baxter-Krause pleaded guilty to two counts of making false statements in violation of the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act governing hazardous waste management.The company so far has paid $850,000 of its $1 million share of the fine, and Baxter-Krause has paid $250,000 of her $500,000 share, their attorney David Angeli said.Much of the debate at the sentencing focused on whether Baxter-Krause should go to prison for lying to investigators.According to court documents, J.H. Baxter used hazardous chemicals to treat and preserve wood. Water from the process was considered hazardous waste. The company operated a legal wastewater treatment unit, but for years when there was “too much water on site,” the company essentially would “boil” off the wastewater, allowing discharge into the air through open vents, according to court records.Photograph sent to Georgia Baxter-Krause on July 8, 2019, depicting the inside of a J.H. Baxter container after weeks of boiling hazardous waste, according to federal prosecutors.U.S. Attorney's OfficeAngeli argued that the violations at the Eugene plant were “less egregious” than other criminal environmental damage cases and that “everyone” on the premises thought the hazardous waste handling was OK. He sought probation for Baxter-Krause.“Every person said she never directed or managed this activity,” Angeli said. “She was rarely even in Eugene.”But Assistant U.S. Attorney William McLaren said Baxter-Krause blatantly lied when inspectors from the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality requested information about the company’s practice of boiling off the wastewater.Baxter-Krause provided false information when questioned about the extent of the illegal activity and failed to disclose that the company kept detailed logs that tracked it, according to prosecutors.The plant illegally boiled about 600,000 gallons of wastewater on 136 days from January to October 2019, McLaren said.The government didn’t seek the maximum fine for the environmental violations, which would have been $7 million for each day a violation was found, he said. A separate civil class-action suit is pending against the company filed by people living near the West Eugene plant. They allege gross negligence that allowed “carcinogenic and poisonous chemicals’’ to be regularly released into the air and groundwater. Baxter-Krause told an investigator that the company didn’t keep records on the boiling dates and claimed it occurred only occasionally during the rainy season, records said.“Those were not minimal or immaterial slip-ups,” McLaren said. What the company was doing was “known for years on end” and it was occurring every month, he said.“Despite alerts about equipment failure and the need for capital upgrades, the evidence reflects those warnings went unheeded by J.H. Baxter’s leadership for years,” McLaren said. “And by early 2019, this illegal boiling became the company’s sole method for treating their hazardous wastewater.”Baxter-Krause, who took over the company in 2001 after her father’s death, apologized to the community around the plant and to her friends and family. She now lives in Bend but had lived in California throughout her tenure as company president and visited the Eugene facility about three times a year, according to her lawyers.“I should have been honest,” she said. “To the West Eugene community who was impacted by my careless actions, I apologize. Not a day goes by that I don’t feel remorse. I am ashamed of what I have done. I feel I have truly let you down.”She acknowledged that as president, “the buck stops with me. I should have been more proactive in fully understanding the facility’s permits, the day-to-day operations and ensuring full compliance with environmental laws.”J.H. Baxter treated wood products at the plant from 1943 to 2022. Chemicals used to treat wood, such as creosote and pentachlorophenol, also known as “penta” or PCP, have contaminated the soil and groundwater and are an ongoing concern for surrounding neighborhoods, according to the government.The chemicals remain in tanks at the site and the environmental contamination has not been addressed, according to the Environmental Protection Agency.The company has spent more than $2 million since the plant’s closure to secure the facility and work on complying with environmental regulations, but it has been unable to sell the property because of the historical contamination, according to court records.The judge said it will be up to the Federal Bureau of Prisons where to send Baxter-Krause to serve the sentence. The defense said it would request that she be placed in a community corrections setting.Baxter-Krause was ordered to surrender on July 17. She wondered aloud in the courtroom after her sentencing how she would maintain the compliance reports.Her lawyers explained that the Environmental Protection Agency is on site daily working to fully shut the property down.The EPA is still working to determine how to handle and remove chemicals from the site. It collected soil, sediment, and water samples in May 2023 from both the facility and the surrounding areas. These samples will determine the environmental and potential public health impacts of chemicals that have migrated from the site and from air pollution from its operations.-- Maxine Bernstein covers federal court and criminal justice. Reach her at 503-221-8212, mbernstein@oregonian.com, follow her on X @maxoregonian, on Bluesky @maxbernstein.bsky.social or on LinkedIn.

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