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Loud, angry, and Indigenous: Heavy metal takes on colonialism and climate change

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Monday, December 23, 2024

The crowd sways like starlings in murmuration as we wait for the show to start. The relaxed vibe belies the pandamonium about to be unleashed. Metal concerts are like that. To an outsider, they appear violent, and they can be, but to fans like me they are a place of solace.  I’ve been attending concerts since I was a teenager; the first was in a dusty parking lot and I never looked back. At the time, I gave no thought to what amplifiers cranked to 10 might do to my hearing, and it didn’t help that I liked being close to the action. Tonight, in Denver, I’ve got earplugs, sensible sneakers, and, because it has been acting up, a brace on my knee.  The lights dim and my pupils dilate. The band starts and my adrenaline spikes. The music is loud, but I don’t care. I push toward the stage, the sound becoming a roar, thrumming in my ears. A circle opens in front of me. I’ve reached the pit, where dozens of bodies swirl in a vortex, pushing and colliding with each other in a communal dance called moshing that is both an individual act of catharsis and a collective expression of emotion.   A baby metal concert I attended in 2023. Excitement pounds in my chest. It’s been another rough day, in a series of rough days. I’m Arapaho and Shoshone. And like all Indigenous peoples, our land is exploited, our sovereignty denied, our future imperiled. But it’s the accumulation of everyday microaggressions that make me angry. I not only live with this, I write about it, and I can’t help but get mad. I jump in. The ongoing brutality committed against Indigenous peoples — land grabs, genocide, continuing disregard for self-determination and sovereignty — bolster a culture of over-consumption and play an undeniable role in the climate crisis. Given that anger is a hallmark of heavy metal, it isn’t surprising that an Indigenous audience would find it appealing.   Although often associated with Satan, swords, and sorcery (and illegible logos), metal has always reflected on the environment and the state of the world. Indigenous bands have been part of the scene almost from its start more than five decades ago, but the past few years have seen a growing number of Native musicians writing about a wide range of subjects, from rurality to discrimination to the universal experience of having a good time despite all of that. Metal is famously opaque, with around 70 subgenres, but it is almost universally accepted that everything started with Black Sabbath in 1968. Even as that British quartet was laying the foundation, XIT, pronounced “exit,” was singing about the Indigenous experience on its 1972 album Plight of the Redman. XIT, once deemed the “first commercially successful all-Indian rock band,” sang frankly and expressively about colonization, poverty, and the loss of Indigenous traditions. Its politics and performances at American Indian Movement rallies prompted FBI attempts to suppress its music, but that didn’t keep XIT from touring Europe three times and appearing with bands like ZZ Top. Although their best music is delightfully of the ‘70s, it remains radical stuff. Winterhawk, led by Cree vocalist and guitarist Nik Alexander, explored similar themes in 1979 on Electric Warriors, an anti-colonial, pro-environmental message that could have been written today. “Man has his machines in mother earth, murdering the balance weaved destruction in our doom,” Alexander sang on “Selfish Man.” The song interrogates whether nuclear energy is worth destroying the land: “They say nuclear power is alright, like light to make the night bright. But it doesn’t mean you can have my birthright, does it, selfish man?” (Then, as now, Indigenous peoples were at the forefront of opposition to nuclear power.) The band was popular enough to perform with the likes of Van Halen and Motley Crue and earned a slot at the US Festival in 1983, but broke up a year later. As the 1970s gave way to the 80s, metal began splintering as bands like Metallica and Brazil’s Sepultura took it beyond the blues-based sound hard rock and metal were based upon. Testament, founded in 1983 and led by Chuck Billy, a member of the Hopland Band of Pomo Indians, sang about climate change on the 1989 album Practice What You Preach. In the song “Greenhouse Effect,” he refers to rainforests burning and “the world we know is dying slow” before singing “seal the planet’s fate, crimes they perpetrate, wasting precious land. It’s time to take a stand” in the rollicking chorus. Still, Billy doesn’t think many took the message to heart. “Twenty-five years later, everybody in the world realizes that, ‘Hey! Our climate has changed,’” he told Radio Metal. While Testament spoke to the issue broadly, Resistant Culture, an inter-tribal band that started in the late 1980s (when it was called Resistant Militia), speaks to its specific impacts on Indigenous people. Its music combines punk and metal with traditional Indigenous singing and the band, which is unapologetically political (one verse in “It’s Not Too Late,” released in 2005, includes the line “your heroes are my enemies, your philosophy wants us dead”), discourages overconsumption while promoting equitable sustainability, self-sufficiency, and self-determination. “The more independent of the system we can be, the less power it will have over our lives and communities and the more resilient we’ll be as we approach an uncertain future,” the band, which speaks as a collective in interviews, told the music blog Blow the Scene.  Read Next Hip hop has been a climate voice for 50 years. Why haven’t more people noticed? Zack O’Malley Greenburg Nirvana’s 1991 album Nevermind pushed grunge into the cultural mainstream. But metal did not die, it evolved. The two decades that followed saw it atomize into dozens of subgenres with different vocal styles, tempos, sonic textures, and lyrical themes. Indigenous bands were in lockstep with this global explosion, with bands like Mi’Gauss exploring their heritage on Algonquin War Metal, and Brazil’s Corubo addressing anti-colonialism and environmentalism in songs often sung in the Guarani language. Although Sepultura is not an Indigenous band, it worked with the Xavante Indigenous community on the album Roots, an exploration of Brazil’s history with colonization. Biipiigwan explicitly critiques the impact of Canada’s governmental policies on tribal communities. Metal has, in recent years, grown more explicitly concerned with climate and the environment, with pagan- and folk-infused bands bringing an element of spirituality and pre-colonial romanticization. Pre-colonial Scandinavian bands like Warundra explore traditional Pagan worship that was the norm before Christianity. This connection with nature is more than vague gestures to a pan-Pagan past, according to Kathryn Rountree, an anthropologist at Massey University who wrote a paper on the topic. For Indigenous peoples, it is “connected to this-worldly social and political concerns.” I’m in the pit when I fall and bang my head on the floor. Strangers immediately help me back to my feet, but someone with a strong shoulder and a rogue elbow sends me down once again. Ouch. I throw myself deeper into the fray, shoving my shoulder into someone twice my size. They shove back, but I hold my footing. To civilians, the pit looks chaotic. But it has a current, ebbing and flowing with the music and the emotions of the audience. I move against the crowd because it’s more fun that way. My cheek is sore from yet another fall earlier in the night. Few thoughts go through my head. I just want to move; feel something. The pit is one of the few places where being aggressive doesn’t make me seem like an angry Indian. I am angry, but metal concerts are about more than aggression. They’re about being able to express yourself, release frustration, and feel something akin to power. As an Arapaho and Shoshone from the Wind River Reservation, it’s nice to feel like I have some of that. Courtesy of Taylar Stagner There’s an argument to be made that metal is the most expansive and inclusive genre of music, with bands from scores of nations and backgrounds. Alien Weaponry infuses its music with Te Reo Māori, the Indigenous language of Aotearoa New Zealand, and explores Māori culture, history, and socio-political themes. The Hu incorporates traditional Mongolian instruments and throat singing in a style of music they call Hunnu rock inspired by ancient tribes.  Women are an increasing presence in Indigenous metal. Blitz is a one-woman band started by a musician who goes by the name Evil Eye. In addition to incorporating tribal music, she draws influence from bluegrass and classical. Singer-songwriter Sage Bond combines acoustic guitar with metal in compositions that often draw from Navajo creation stories and her own experiences to comment on justice, resilience, and unity in the face of systemic racism. Takiaya Reed and Sylvie Nehill of the Australian band Divide and Dissolve write slow, almost trudging, highly experimental and occasionally dissonant instrumental music. Their music has been called “an organic release of anger” and “an excavation of buried horrors.” Indigenous bands come from all parts of the United States, but Navajo Nation has a particularly vibrant community, with bands like Signal 99, Mutilated Tyrant, and Morbithory — the unholy trinity of Diné metal. Filmmaker and professor Ashkan Soltani Stone spent five years there, an experience he recounts in the book Rez Metal: Inside the Navajo Nation Heavy Metal Scene. He found a tight-knit community of musicians who focus on environmental issues and the experience of living in Indian Country, but also refuse to be pigeonholed. “Everybody expects them to be political and deal with very serious topics,” he said. “But in my opinion, they are just badass musicians.” Not a lot happens in rural communities, and for many Indigenous youth, metal provides an antidote to boredom. Much of the live music is country, and getting to a concert often requires a long drive. Stone said many bands simply want to create a lively local scene, have some fun, and travel. “They are just like everyone else,” he said. “They are stuck on a reservation where there are not many opportunities. But the music is there.” Landyn and Ayden Liston are the first to say they started Dogs Throw Spears simply to be part of Navajo Nation’s metal scene and get into shows for free. Though Landyn said “we are the last to say what genre we are,” they jokingly call themselves “Native raw dog metal” and play a style of music called death metal — a subgenre characterized by heavily distorted guitars, growled vocals, and complex rhythms. In the short time they’ve been performing, they’ve seen the number of people attending concerts, and starting bands, balloon. “These past two years bands have been coming out of nowhere,” Landyn said.  Although the band’s raw, aggressive songs explore Indigenous identity and their community grapples with weighty issues — Landyn specifically mentioned the high rate of suicide — Dogs Throw Spears has a lot to say beyond the bad in lyrics that sometimes veer toward cryptic. The song “Veggie Tales,” for example, tells listeners, “Fresh air, safe sex, rest well, beware. Breath in, breath out, fatigue, aware.” “Don’t just read off the surface,” Landyn said of the band’s songs. Thriving scenes and engaging bands can be found almost everywhere. Pan-Amerikan Native Front from Chicago highlights Native battles against colonizing forces and, in its own words, “the fierce resistance indigenous peoples of the ‘Americas’ have endured throughout centuries of colonial and post-colonial occupation.” The Salt Lake City band Yaotl Mictlan blends black metal — a style marked by shrieked vocals, fast guitars, and low-fidelity sonics — with Mesoamerican instruments and languages in a style it calls “pre-Hispanic metal.” Its early work focused on the Zapatista movement in Mexico. Tzompantli, (which means “skull rack” in the Indigenous language Nahuatl) is from Pomona, California, and celebrated Aztec, Mexica, and Chichimeca history on its crushing anti-colonial album Beating the Drums of Ancestral Force. Blackbraid, the one-man black metal band led by an artist who identifies himself as “south Native,” often reflects on his relationship to the natural world and ongoing resistance to genocide and oppression. Many of these bands are singing about all the same things XIT and Winterhawk sang about in the 1970s, including Indigenous persecution, environmental degradation, and the historical and present state of colonialism. Little has changed in 50 years, and in some cases things have grown worse. Ultimately, that may be what unites Indigenous metal bands and fans the world over. Despite coming from many tribes, communities, and countries, the destructive force of colonialism, and the degradation of the environment, is something we all share.  Documentaries, books, and articles are incredibly taken with Indigenous peoples and metal, and on some level those beyond Indigenous communities can understand how difficult it is to be Indigenous right now. Native people around the world are fighting a seemingly never-ending battle with colonialism. That battle is physical; land and water defenders protecting their communities from energy projects are regularly abused, beaten, and killed. It is verbal; at the world’s highest offices, Indigenous self-determination remains a footnote rather than a driving force to address climate change. And it is emotional; historic and ongoing trauma leaves Indigenous communities grappling with continuing colonial oppression, and that leaves Indigenous people grappling with things like a lack of infrastructure, underfunded healthcare, and a gap in education resources. Instead of giving into despair, metal provides a productive way to engage with the state of the world. The themes that these musicians explore are universal to the Indigenous experience. That is an awful truth, but also beautiful in its solidarity. Grist By the end of the night, I’m coming down off the excitement and a little sore. The pit will do that. As I get older, I know I can’t keep doing this. The exhilaration that comes with attending a concert, of being part of the crowd, takes a toll. I’ve got bruises alongside the alien tattooed on my arm, giving him a black eye. He looks worse than I do.  A sea of metal fans files out of the venue into the winter night air. I bump into someone and we start talking. I’ve always found it hard to make small talk, but we chat about the show, what bands we like, and how cold it is.  “You Native?” they ask. Taken aback, I say yes, face flushing. “Hell yeah.” They fist bump me, and disappear into the snow. I never know how to respond to something like that, but it leaves me smiling. That small connection makes the night seem a little brighter, friendlier.   The air is dry and cold but refreshing as I start the long trip home. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Loud, angry, and Indigenous: Heavy metal takes on colonialism and climate change on Dec 23, 2024.

Indigenous bands have always been part of metal, creating a place for musicians and fans to channel anger and find community.

The crowd sways like starlings in murmuration as we wait for the show to start. The relaxed vibe belies the pandamonium about to be unleashed. Metal concerts are like that. To an outsider, they appear violent, and they can be, but to fans like me they are a place of solace. 

I’ve been attending concerts since I was a teenager; the first was in a dusty parking lot and I never looked back. At the time, I gave no thought to what amplifiers cranked to 10 might do to my hearing, and it didn’t help that I liked being close to the action. Tonight, in Denver, I’ve got earplugs, sensible sneakers, and, because it has been acting up, a brace on my knee. 

The lights dim and my pupils dilate. The band starts and my adrenaline spikes. The music is loud, but I don’t care. I push toward the stage, the sound becoming a roar, thrumming in my ears. A circle opens in front of me. I’ve reached the pit, where dozens of bodies swirl in a vortex, pushing and colliding with each other in a communal dance called moshing that is both an individual act of catharsis and a collective expression of emotion.  

A baby metal concert I attended in 2023.

Excitement pounds in my chest. It’s been another rough day, in a series of rough days. I’m Arapaho and Shoshone. And like all Indigenous peoples, our land is exploited, our sovereignty denied, our future imperiled. But it’s the accumulation of everyday microaggressions that make me angry. I not only live with this, I write about it, and I can’t help but get mad.

I jump in.


The ongoing brutality committed against Indigenous peoples — land grabs, genocide, continuing disregard for self-determination and sovereignty — bolster a culture of over-consumption and play an undeniable role in the climate crisis. Given that anger is a hallmark of heavy metal, it isn’t surprising that an Indigenous audience would find it appealing.  

Although often associated with Satan, swords, and sorcery (and illegible logos), metal has always reflected on the environment and the state of the world. Indigenous bands have been part of the scene almost from its start more than five decades ago, but the past few years have seen a growing number of Native musicians writing about a wide range of subjects, from rurality to discrimination to the universal experience of having a good time despite all of that.

Metal is famously opaque, with around 70 subgenres, but it is almost universally accepted that everything started with Black Sabbath in 1968. Even as that British quartet was laying the foundation, XIT, pronounced “exit,” was singing about the Indigenous experience on its 1972 album Plight of the Redman.

XIT, once deemed the “first commercially successful all-Indian rock band,” sang frankly and expressively about colonization, poverty, and the loss of Indigenous traditions. Its politics and performances at American Indian Movement rallies prompted FBI attempts to suppress its music, but that didn’t keep XIT from touring Europe three times and appearing with bands like ZZ Top. Although their best music is delightfully of the ‘70s, it remains radical stuff.

Winterhawk, led by Cree vocalist and guitarist Nik Alexander, explored similar themes in 1979 on Electric Warriors, an anti-colonial, pro-environmental message that could have been written today. “Man has his machines in mother earth, murdering the balance weaved destruction in our doom,” Alexander sang on “Selfish Man.” The song interrogates whether nuclear energy is worth destroying the land: “They say nuclear power is alright, like light to make the night bright. But it doesn’t mean you can have my birthright, does it, selfish man?” (Then, as now, Indigenous peoples were at the forefront of opposition to nuclear power.) The band was popular enough to perform with the likes of Van Halen and Motley Crue and earned a slot at the US Festival in 1983, but broke up a year later.

As the 1970s gave way to the 80s, metal began splintering as bands like Metallica and Brazil’s Sepultura took it beyond the blues-based sound hard rock and metal were based upon. Testament, founded in 1983 and led by Chuck Billy, a member of the Hopland Band of Pomo Indians, sang about climate change on the 1989 album Practice What You Preach. In the song “Greenhouse Effect,” he refers to rainforests burning and “the world we know is dying slow” before singing “seal the planet’s fate, crimes they perpetrate, wasting precious land. It’s time to take a stand” in the rollicking chorus. Still, Billy doesn’t think many took the message to heart. “Twenty-five years later, everybody in the world realizes that, ‘Hey! Our climate has changed,’” he told Radio Metal.

While Testament spoke to the issue broadly, Resistant Culture, an inter-tribal band that started in the late 1980s (when it was called Resistant Militia), speaks to its specific impacts on Indigenous people. Its music combines punk and metal with traditional Indigenous singing and the band, which is unapologetically political (one verse in “It’s Not Too Late,” released in 2005, includes the line “your heroes are my enemies, your philosophy wants us dead”), discourages overconsumption while promoting equitable sustainability, self-sufficiency, and self-determination. “The more independent of the system we can be, the less power it will have over our lives and communities and the more resilient we’ll be as we approach an uncertain future,” the band, which speaks as a collective in interviews, told the music blog Blow the Scene

Nirvana’s 1991 album Nevermind pushed grunge into the cultural mainstream. But metal did not die, it evolved. The two decades that followed saw it atomize into dozens of subgenres with different vocal styles, tempos, sonic textures, and lyrical themes. Indigenous bands were in lockstep with this global explosion, with bands like Mi’Gauss exploring their heritage on Algonquin War Metal, and Brazil’s Corubo addressing anti-colonialism and environmentalism in songs often sung in the Guarani language. Although Sepultura is not an Indigenous band, it worked with the Xavante Indigenous community on the album Roots, an exploration of Brazil’s history with colonization. Biipiigwan explicitly critiques the impact of Canada’s governmental policies on tribal communities.

Metal has, in recent years, grown more explicitly concerned with climate and the environment, with pagan- and folk-infused bands bringing an element of spirituality and pre-colonial romanticization. Pre-colonial Scandinavian bands like Warundra explore traditional Pagan worship that was the norm before Christianity. This connection with nature is more than vague gestures to a pan-Pagan past, according to Kathryn Rountree, an anthropologist at Massey University who wrote a paper on the topic. For Indigenous peoples, it is “connected to this-worldly social and political concerns.”


I’m in the pit when I fall and bang my head on the floor. Strangers immediately help me back to my feet, but someone with a strong shoulder and a rogue elbow sends me down once again. Ouch. I throw myself deeper into the fray, shoving my shoulder into someone twice my size. They shove back, but I hold my footing.

To civilians, the pit looks chaotic. But it has a current, ebbing and flowing with the music and the emotions of the audience. I move against the crowd because it’s more fun that way. My cheek is sore from yet another fall earlier in the night. Few thoughts go through my head. I just want to move; feel something.

The pit is one of the few places where being aggressive doesn’t make me seem like an angry Indian. I am angry, but metal concerts are about more than aggression. They’re about being able to express yourself, release frustration, and feel something akin to power. As an Arapaho and Shoshone from the Wind River Reservation, it’s nice to feel like I have some of that.

Courtesy of Taylar Stagner

There’s an argument to be made that metal is the most expansive and inclusive genre of music, with bands from scores of nations and backgrounds. Alien Weaponry infuses its music with Te Reo Māori, the Indigenous language of Aotearoa New Zealand, and explores Māori culture, history, and socio-political themes. The Hu incorporates traditional Mongolian instruments and throat singing in a style of music they call Hunnu rock inspired by ancient tribes. 

Women are an increasing presence in Indigenous metal. Blitz is a one-woman band started by a musician who goes by the name Evil Eye. In addition to incorporating tribal music, she draws influence from bluegrass and classical. Singer-songwriter Sage Bond combines acoustic guitar with metal in compositions that often draw from Navajo creation stories and her own experiences to comment on justice, resilience, and unity in the face of systemic racism. Takiaya Reed and Sylvie Nehill of the Australian band Divide and Dissolve write slow, almost trudging, highly experimental and occasionally dissonant instrumental music. Their music has been called “an organic release of anger” and “an excavation of buried horrors.”

Indigenous bands come from all parts of the United States, but Navajo Nation has a particularly vibrant community, with bands like Signal 99, Mutilated Tyrant, and Morbithorythe unholy trinity of Diné metal. Filmmaker and professor Ashkan Soltani Stone spent five years there, an experience he recounts in the book Rez Metal: Inside the Navajo Nation Heavy Metal Scene. He found a tight-knit community of musicians who focus on environmental issues and the experience of living in Indian Country, but also refuse to be pigeonholed. “Everybody expects them to be political and deal with very serious topics,” he said. “But in my opinion, they are just badass musicians.”

Not a lot happens in rural communities, and for many Indigenous youth, metal provides an antidote to boredom. Much of the live music is country, and getting to a concert often requires a long drive. Stone said many bands simply want to create a lively local scene, have some fun, and travel. “They are just like everyone else,” he said. “They are stuck on a reservation where there are not many opportunities. But the music is there.”

Landyn and Ayden Liston are the first to say they started Dogs Throw Spears simply to be part of Navajo Nation’s metal scene and get into shows for free. Though Landyn said “we are the last to say what genre we are,” they jokingly call themselves “Native raw dog metal” and play a style of music called death metal — a subgenre characterized by heavily distorted guitars, growled vocals, and complex rhythms. In the short time they’ve been performing, they’ve seen the number of people attending concerts, and starting bands, balloon. “These past two years bands have been coming out of nowhere,” Landyn said. 

Although the band’s raw, aggressive songs explore Indigenous identity and their community grapples with weighty issues — Landyn specifically mentioned the high rate of suicide — Dogs Throw Spears has a lot to say beyond the bad in lyrics that sometimes veer toward cryptic. The song “Veggie Tales,” for example, tells listeners, “Fresh air, safe sex, rest well, beware. Breath in, breath out, fatigue, aware.”

“Don’t just read off the surface,” Landyn said of the band’s songs.

Thriving scenes and engaging bands can be found almost everywhere. Pan-Amerikan Native Front from Chicago highlights Native battles against colonizing forces and, in its own words, “the fierce resistance indigenous peoples of the ‘Americas’ have endured throughout centuries of colonial and post-colonial occupation.” The Salt Lake City band Yaotl Mictlan blends black metal — a style marked by shrieked vocals, fast guitars, and low-fidelity sonics — with Mesoamerican instruments and languages in a style it calls “pre-Hispanic metal.” Its early work focused on the Zapatista movement in Mexico. Tzompantli, (which means “skull rack” in the Indigenous language Nahuatl) is from Pomona, California, and celebrated Aztec, Mexica, and Chichimeca history on its crushing anti-colonial album Beating the Drums of Ancestral Force. Blackbraid, the one-man black metal band led by an artist who identifies himself as “south Native,” often reflects on his relationship to the natural world and ongoing resistance to genocide and oppression.

Many of these bands are singing about all the same things XIT and Winterhawk sang about in the 1970s, including Indigenous persecution, environmental degradation, and the historical and present state of colonialism. Little has changed in 50 years, and in some cases things have grown worse. Ultimately, that may be what unites Indigenous metal bands and fans the world over. Despite coming from many tribes, communities, and countries, the destructive force of colonialism, and the degradation of the environment, is something we all share. 

Documentaries, books, and articles are incredibly taken with Indigenous peoples and metal, and on some level those beyond Indigenous communities can understand how difficult it is to be Indigenous right now. Native people around the world are fighting a seemingly never-ending battle with colonialism.

That battle is physical; land and water defenders protecting their communities from energy projects are regularly abused, beaten, and killed. It is verbal; at the world’s highest offices, Indigenous self-determination remains a footnote rather than a driving force to address climate change. And it is emotional; historic and ongoing trauma leaves Indigenous communities grappling with continuing colonial oppression, and that leaves Indigenous people grappling with things like a lack of infrastructure, underfunded healthcare, and a gap in education resources.

Instead of giving into despair, metal provides a productive way to engage with the state of the world. The themes that these musicians explore are universal to the Indigenous experience. That is an awful truth, but also beautiful in its solidarity.

Grist

By the end of the night, I’m coming down off the excitement and a little sore. The pit will do that. As I get older, I know I can’t keep doing this. The exhilaration that comes with attending a concert, of being part of the crowd, takes a toll. I’ve got bruises alongside the alien tattooed on my arm, giving him a black eye. He looks worse than I do. 

A sea of metal fans files out of the venue into the winter night air. I bump into someone and we start talking. I’ve always found it hard to make small talk, but we chat about the show, what bands we like, and how cold it is. 

“You Native?” they ask. Taken aback, I say yes, face flushing. “Hell yeah.” They fist bump me, and disappear into the snow. I never know how to respond to something like that, but it leaves me smiling. That small connection makes the night seem a little brighter, friendlier.  

The air is dry and cold but refreshing as I start the long trip home.

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Loud, angry, and Indigenous: Heavy metal takes on colonialism and climate change on Dec 23, 2024.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Brazil creates new Indigenous territories after COP30 protests

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's government recognises 10 new Indigenous lands during climate summit.

The government of Brazil has created 10 new Indigenous territories, after protesters urged action at the COP30 climate summit in the Brazilian city of Belém.The designation means the areas, including one in part of the Amazon, will have their culture and environment protected under Brazilian law - though this is not always enforced.The move follows similar actions from President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, whose government recognised Indigenous possession of 11 territories last year. The latest measure formalised through a presidential decree.It comes as thousands have protested at the UN's annual climate conference, with some carrying signs reading "demarcation now".Earlier last week, demonstrators - some of whom were from Indigenous groups - carrying signs that read "our forests are not for sale" broke into the summit and tussled with security.Past recognition of Indigenous reserves banned mining and logging, as well as restricting commercial farming, in the areas they covered to prevent deforestation. Expanding the total area considered Indigenous territory could prevent up to 20% of additional deforestation and reduce carbon emissions by 26% by 2030, according to a study by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, the Amazon Environmental Research Institute and the Indigenous Climate Change Committee.The new protected areas span hundreds of thousands of hectares and are inhabited by thousands of people from the Mura, Tupinambá de Olivença, Pataxó, Guarani-Kaiowá, Munduruku, Pankará, and Guarani-Mbya indigenous peoples.One area overlaps more than 78% with the Amazon National Park, part of the bio-diverse rainforest which plays a crucial role in regulating the global climate and storing carbon.The Brazilian government's announcement came on Indigenous Peoples' Day at COP30 on Monday.Until the left-wing Lula re-entered office, no new Indigenous lands had been declared since 2018, it said.Under his far-right predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro, who promoted mining on Indigenous lands, the protections afforded to them were frequently not enforced.Lula's government has previously taken action to drive out illegal miners from indigenous lands.Currently, Indigenous lands encompass 117.4 million hectares - roughly equivalent to the size of Colombia, or around 13.8% of Brazil's territory. Hundreds of Indigenous groups live in Brazil, according to the country's census.The Amazon rainforest is already at risk of a renewed surge in deforestation as efforts grow to overturn a key ban to protect it. Thick and healthy forestry helps pull carbon out of the atmosphere.Carbon released through the burning of fossil fuels has contributed to climate change.Countries are gathering at COP30 in an effort to reach agreements on how to try to limit global average temperature rises to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels and keep them "well below" 2C.The UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change says a large body of scientific evidence shows that warming of 2C or more would bring serious consequences, including extreme heat, higher sea levels and threats to food security.

Finally, Indigenous peoples have an influential voice at COP30. They’re speaking loud and clear.

The UN climate conference in the Brazilian Amazon marks an unprecedented effort to elevate Indigenous concerns in negotiating rooms and on the streets.

Indigenous peoples are on the vanguard of climate action. Longstanding relationships with land means they endure the direct consequences of climate change. And their unique knowledge offers effective solutions to climate problems. But despite this, international climate policies have fallen short of encouraging Indigenous leadership. With the UN climate summit hosted in the Amazon for the first time, COP30 marks an unprecedented effort to elevate Indigenous voices. Returning to Brazil again after the 1992 and 2012 Rio conferences, COP30 has the largest Indigenous delegation in the summit’s history. More than 3,000 Indigenous representatives from around the world are in the Amazonian city of Belém. Inside and outside the negotiation rooms, Indigenous organisations and coalitions have brought an unprecedented agenda to the summit: pressure for climate justice centred on the recognition of land rights and fair financing mechanisms. Indigenous voices in diplomacy A new form of climate diplomacy is emerging. This shift marks the creation of space for Indigenous delegates to participate in formal discussions that were previously exclusive to government officials. Since 2019, the UN’s Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform has expanded the Indigenous role in official negotiations. At this year’s summit, more than 900 Indigenous delegates – a record number – are participating in official debates. Led by Brazil’s Minister for Indigenous Peoples, Sônia Guajajara, the COP30 presidency has encouraged Indigenous leadership in decision-making. This includes giving Indigenous delegates seats in negotiation rooms and embedding their demands in climate pledges and finance mechanisms. “Indigenous Peoples want to take part, not just show up”, said Guajajara. “We want to lead and be part of the solution. So far, the investments driven by COP decisions have failed to deliver results – the 1.5°C goal is slipping out of reach”. But turning community participation into political influence requires more than participation. Initiatives such as Kuntari Katu in Brazil assist Indigenous leaders in connecting their priorities with broader climate policies. Such training provides modules on topics such as carbon market mechanisms and equips Indigenous representatives with tools to communicate their priorities in climate debates. Indigenous influence at COP30 is not confined to formal diplomacy. Protests inside and outside the COP venue have amplified long-sidelined demands. Under the rallying cry “Our land is not for sale”, one of the demonstrations occupied areas of the COP30 venue with direct confrontation with the security staff. Thousands of activists also joined a four-kilometre march in the host city of Belém to call for action from leaders to stop environmental destruction. These protests have brought global attention to injustices that climate politics have long tried to contain. They highlight unresolved land-tenure conflicts and the rising violence faced by Indigenous communities on the frontline of climate impacts. Land rights as climate solutions Indigenous territories deliver some of the world’s most effective responses to the climate crisis, from curbing deforestation to storing vast amounts of carbon. Yet much Indigenous land remains without formal recognition, leaving it exposed to invasions by illegal mining, agribusiness expansion, and land grabs, including for renewable energy projects. COP30 has brought commitments to recognising Indigenous territories as climate solutions. During the opening ceremony, Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva emphasised the centrality of Indigenous territories to promote effective climate action. World leaders pledged to secure 160 million hectares of Indigenous and community lands by 2030. Indigenous organisations say pledges remain far from sufficient given the threats to their lands. The Munduruku Indigenous community, an indigenous people living in the Amazon River basin, made this clear with a major blockade at COP30. Their action created long queues at the summit entrance, delaying thousands of delegates. The disruption compelled the COP presidency to meet with Munduruku leaders, who pressed for the demarcation of their territories and the right to be consulted on development projects in their territory. Fair climate finance One of COP30’s major negotiation challenges is finalising the Baku-Belém Roadmap, which aims to unlock A$1.5 trillion in climate funding. Yet climate finance mechanisms have a long history of undervaluing Indigenous knowledge and governance. Indigenous organisations say that fairness must be central to these pledges. At the Leaders’ Summit, a multilateral coalition launched the Tropical Forests Forever Fund. This commits A$7.6 billion to protect over one billion hectares of forests. With backing from 53 nations and 19 sovereign investors, the fund earmarks 20% of its finance for Indigenous projects. The Forest Tenure Funders Group also renewed its pledge, with a commitment of A$2.7 billion to secure Indigenous land rights. Still, Indigenous advocates warn climate finance must go beyond dollar amounts. They want a shift in who controls the funding and how projects are governed. Placing Indigenous leadership at the centre of financing means making sure Indigenous communities can receive funding directly and have fair agreements that protect them from financial risks. Transformative leadership UN climate conferences have long been criticised for delivering incremental progress but little systemic change. Yet signs of political transformation are emerging. Beyond climate debates, significant Indigenous leadership is gaining momentum across other international environmental policies. In 2024, the UN’s meeting to combat desertification formalised a new caucus for Indigenous Peoples, while the Convention on Biological Diversity established a permanent Indigenous subsidiary body. These growing political shifts reveal that effective environmental actions depend on dismantling power inequalities in decisions. Inclusive leadership in policymaking may not completely address the environmental crisis, but it marks a turning point as historically silenced voices begin to lead from the centre. Danilo Urzedo receives funding from the Australian Research Council under the Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country (IC210100034).Oliver Tester receives funding from the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country. Stephen van Leeuwen receives funding from the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country.

Protesters blockade Cop30 summit over plight of Indigenous peoples

Munduruku people demand to speak to Brazil’s president, saying they are never listened to• Cop30: click here for full Guardian coverage of the climate talks in BrazilProtesters blockaded the main entrance to the Cop30 climate conference for several hours early on Friday morning, demanding to speak to Brazil’s president about the plight of the country’s Indigenous peoples.About 50 people from the Munduruku people in the Amazon basin blocked the entrance with some assistance from international green groups, watched by a huge phalanx of riot police, soldiers and military vehicles. Continue reading...

Protesters blockaded the main entrance to the Cop30 climate conference for several hours early on Friday morning, demanding to speak to Brazil’s president about the plight of the country’s Indigenous peoples.About 50 people from the Munduruku people in the Amazon basin blocked the entrance with some assistance from international green groups, watched by a huge phalanx of riot police, soldiers and military vehicles.They hoped to speak to Lula da Silva to explain their grievances. “We demand the presence of President Lula, but unfortunately we are unable to do so, as always,” said one of the protesters. “We were always barred, we were never listened to.”Instead the group had to settle for André Corrêado Lago, the tall, amiable Cop president, who spent more than an hour listening and talking to the group’s representatives.Long queues formed outside the centre and delegates were diverted to a small side entrance. Eventually the activists relocated to a building to hold further discussions with Corrêa do Lago.These protests are just a small part of what is expected at the Belem summit. For the first time in four years the UN climate conference is being held in a democracy, and senior figures at the Cop30 conference centre have encouraged the presence of civil society groups.UN secretary-general António Guterres told the Guardian that Indigenous and other people’s organisations were needed to balance the power of corporate lobbyists, who have dominated recent summits. One in every 25 participants at this year’s summit is a fossil fuel lobbyist, according to an analysis by the Kick Big Polluters Out coalition, it emerged on Friday. Meanwhile Corrêa do Lago has said civil society will play an important role in raising the ambition of negotiators.That spirit pervades the conference and the meetings around it. For days, activists have flooded into Belém, many borne by boat along the Amazon River itself. On Wednesday, more than 100 vessels sailed in a protest flotilla up and down Guajará Bay close to the Federal University of Pará, which has become the venue for a “people’s summit” running alongside the main climate talks.On Saturday two inflatable serpents representing the spirit of resistance at Cop30 will be carried along the streets of the city, as thousands of Indigenous and other civil society activists remind jetsetting delegates where this Cop is taking place: the Amazon, the global frontline of environmental destruction and forest defence.Activists argue that at best Cop climate summits are a forum where the concerns of the developing world can be expressed in the full glare of media attention and relayed back to civil society in the global north.More than four events a day are being organised, ranging from protests against agribusinesses, transport projects and mining operations, to rallies for Palestine, health, women’s rights and Indigenous land demarcation. One demand that has emerged from civil society groups this year is a call for a new formalised body, the so-called Belém Action Mechanism (Bam), which would accelerate, coordinate and support a “just transition” towards a low-carbon economy and “orient the entire international system behind people-centred transitions at local and national levels, where workers and communities are in charge of decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods”, according to the Climate Action Network.The vast majority of events have been peaceful and some joyous, including a performance by the celebrated Brazilian musician Gilberto Gil.“What we are excited about in Brazil is that this country has a culture and a history of mass movements which really push political decisions for social change,” said Kudakwashe Manjonjo, who is an adviser for Power Shift Africa and part of the Climate Action Network.“We will be part of all the demonstrations that are happening both in and outside the conference to push for climate finance, just transition and support for adaptation …The global south is mass-led. The Cop coming to Brazil has shown that spirit. We have seen Indigenous people becoming part of the process in a way that just isn’t possible in the global north.”Louiza Salek, with the working group on Indigenous food sovereignty, said it was good to be part of the fight. She was singing “Bam Bam Bam Bam” to the tune of La Bamba with dozens of others in the hallway of the Cop to draw attention to the Belém Action Network, which wants leaders to step up their climate actions. “After three Cops with absolutely no demonstrations allowed, I feel like people want to be heard. We are all together and mobilising. We are in a democratic country where we can take actions. And this feels good. We need to be together collectively.”Inside the conference halls negotiations continued. On Thursday the official negotiating hours were extended to 9pm in order to deal with the four particularly thorny issues on which the presidency is taking special consultation. These are focused around finance, trade, emissions-cutting pledges and transparency. A similar extension was expected on Friday night, but in practice, talks could go on much later as Brazil strives to achieve progress in the consultations ahead of a stocktake session on Saturday.

Brazil's COP30 Resumes After Security Clashes With Indigenous Protesters

By William James, Leonardo Benassatto and Simon JessopBELEM, Brazil (Reuters) -A day after Indigenous protesters stormed Brazil's COP30 climate...

By William James, Leonardo Benassatto and Simon JessopBELEM, Brazil (Reuters) -A day after Indigenous protesters stormed Brazil's COP30 climate summit, country delegates returned to negotiating actions, policies and financing for tackling climate change with an air of calm.The reopening had been slightly delayed for repairs to damage at the entrance from the previous night's clash, in which the U.N. said two security guards sustained minor injuries, but there were minimal changes to the airport-style baggage checks.Outside, two Brazilian navy vessels escorted a protest flotilla carrying Indigenous leaders and environmental activists around Belem's Guajara Bay. Participants held signs saying "Save the Amazon" or calling for land rights and hundreds of people - including Indigenous leaders, the Amazon city's residents and COP delegates - crowded the waterfront to watch.The talks are taking place behind closed doors, but the Brazilian presidency has scheduled a public 'stocktaking' session later on Wednesday at which delegates can express their concerns around issues such as carbon taxes and finance for countries affected most by warming.AL GORE TO ADDRESS THE SUMMITFormer U.S. Vice President Al Gore delivered his annual climate presentation to the summit - which the United States has snubbed this year, despite being the world's biggest historical polluter since the Industrial Revolution.After listing a string of recent extreme weather events across the world, from flooding to fires, Gore said: "How long are we going to stand by and keep turning the thermostat up so that these kinds of events get even worse?"The brief, dramatic clash on Tuesday night underlined the tension at this year's meeting, where President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has highlighted native peoples as key voices in deciding the world's future and how forests are managed.Indigenous groups from across Latin America sent representatives, with demands for an end to logging, mining, farming and fossil fuel extraction in the forest, which plays a vital role in soaking up carbon emissions.Some delegates were unsurprised by the melee."It's unfortunate that they went too far. But protest is what moves things along, in my mind," said Jack Hurd, head of both the World Economic Forum's Earth System Agenda and the Tropical Forest Alliance.'THE AMAZON IS AT A TIPPING POINT'Among the 195 governments taking part, many have expressed concern about a splintering in global consensus around climate action -- and have taken aim at the United States.Indigenous leaders have said they are aghast at the ongoing industry and development in the Amazon.A group representing Brazil's Indigenous communities said it was not responsible for organizing Tuesday's protest, but supported the "autonomy of all peoples to express themselves freely and democratically, without any form of paternalism - the kind that the State imposed on us for so many years.""We are here to keep demanding real commitments and to reaffirm that the answer is us," the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil said in a statement.The world's governments have so far failed to do enough to limit global warming increasing beyond 1.5 degrees Celsius above the preindustrial average -- the threshold at which scientists say we could unleash catastrophic extremes.Last month, scientists warned that the Amazon rainforest could begin to die back and transform into a different ecosystem, such as a savannah, if rapid deforestation continues as the global average temperature crosses 1.5C. It is predicted to do so around 2030, earlier than previously estimated.Environmental activists praised the decision to hold COP30 near the rainforest."We are actually bringing climate negotiators and climate leaders to the heart of the forest to experience firsthand what it is to live here, remembering that the Amazon is at tipping point and that the population here are suffering," Greenpeace Brazil's executive director, Carolina Pasquali, told Reuters.(Reporting by William James, Leonardo Benassato and Simon Jessop in Belem, Brazil; Writing by Katy Daigle; Editing by Philippa Fletcher)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

‘We are not here for theater’: Can the ‘most Indigenous COP’ live up to the hype?

Brazil’s push to spotlight Indigenous voices at COP30 could redefine what inclusion looks like — or expose how shallow it’s been.

The United Nations-sponsored climate negotiations begin this week. Known as COP30, this year’s conference marks the 10th anniversary of the Paris Agreement and will be the first ever held in the Amazon. It is also being marketed as the most Indigenous of COPs. As the host country, Brazil is taking the lead to provide camping sites for up to 3,000 people, credentials for hundreds to enter the official venue, and direct channels for Indigenous contributions and demands to be presided over by Brazil’s Minister of Indigenous People, Sonia Guajajara. Indigenous experts say that on paper, what Brazil is doing for Indigenous participation at COP is major progress. Whether those actions translate to influence will be the true test.  This, as 2024 became the hottest year on record, with global temperatures breaching the 1.5 degrees Celsius limit set by the Paris Agreement, global greenhouse gas emissions continuing to rise, and international experts projecting that extreme climate events like droughts, floods, and storms will be more frequent and intense. In Brazil, 46 percent of greenhouse gas emissions come from deforestation, primarily due to illegal practices like logging, farming, and ranching in the Amazon.  But Indigenous peoples in Brazil, and globally for that matter, continue to offer solutions. Indigenous territories in the Amazon are among the best preserved and in 2024, less than 1.5 percent of deforestation occurred inside demarcated lands, which are responsible for almost 60 percent of the forest’s carbon storage. That trend is seen across the planet with hundreds of studies showing positive ecological outcomes when Indigenous peoples are involved in land stewardship. Those positive impacts stem from their sovereignty over lands, posing potential threats to state and corporate interests.  Indigenous peoples have struggled to participate in previous COP summits. COPs are often viewed as some of the U.N.’s most democratic processes — signatory countries, regardless of size and power, get one vote each — but they are intergovernmental, so only national delegations get to negotiate, and wording of the final texts produced at the conference is their purview. That means Indigenous peoples are nonstate actors and have no formal role in the negotiations, despite the adoption of the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous peoples, which determines that states must consult and collaborate on issues that concern Indigenous peoples.  Read Next Here are the 5 issues to watch at COP30 in Brazil Zoya Teirstein, Naveena Sadasivam, & Anita Hofschneider Then there are the labyrinthine power structures and acronyms inside the U.N. system. Nonstate actors at COP must be members of organizations accredited by the UNFCCC, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The 2015 Paris Agreement established the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform to enable participation in U.N. climate processes, and while the platform can amplify Indigenous perspectives, “it does not and cannot speak for Indigenous peoples, in negotiations,” said Ghazali Ohorella of the Alifuru people from the Maluku Islands and co-chair of the International Indigenous Peoples’ Forum on Climate Change, or IIPFCC, a representative caucus of Indigenous peoples participating in the UNFCCC. “We coordinate. We decide our lines. We push,” said Ohorella. The record for Indigenous participation at a COP was 316 people in 2023 when it was held in Dubai. Earlier this year, Minister Guajajara pledged to facilitate 1,000 UNFCCC credentials for Indigenous peoples, with half those reserved for Brazilians. But Ohorella said those credentials have failed to materialize. Guajajara’s Ministry of Indigenous People confirmed 360 Indigenous peoples had been given credentials but didn’t rule out the possibility of other organizations having arranged more by themselves.  But accreditation isn’t guaranteed to translate to meaningful participation. Opportunities to engage with negotiators are scarce, and the competition is cutthroat. “There are tens of thousands of other participants, many of whom are more experienced and better connected than you,” said Hayley Walker, a professor of international negotiation at the Institute of Scientific Economics and Management and co-researcher on a paper published earlier this year about access and participation of nonstate actors at COPs. Newcomers often struggle to navigate COP politics and end up leaving the process quickly. Even those with experience and know-how must go toe-to-toe with well-resourced fossil fuel, mining and agribusiness lobbyists who have flooded the previous two COPs.  Every five years, signatory states to the Paris Agreement are required to file climate action plans. This year is one of those years. Known as Nationally Determined Contributions, or NDCs, they are the treaty’s backbone embodying efforts by each country to reduce national emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change. NDCs essentially shape global progress on the Paris Agreement’s long-term goals. Read Next 10 years after the Paris Agreement, countries are still missing climate deadlines Naveena Sadasivam Brazil’s latest NDC is the country’s first to mention Indigenous peoples. “It was an important political signal of the role they hold in the current administration,” says Claudio Angelo, international policy coordinator at the Brazilian climate policy coalition Observatório do Clima. However, he added that Indigenous peoples were not involved in drafting the text.  According to the international land and rights advocacy organization Rights and Resources Initiative, or RRI, that lack of participation tracks across all Latin American NDCs filed so far. A report by the organization published last week found that of the most recent round of NDCs, only Ecuador’s tags Indigenous territories as a climate strategy. The country is 1 of 6 that recognizes its sovereign land rights.  “References to Indigenous people were generic and unsupported by the necessary assurances,” said Carla Cardenas, Latin America program director at RRI. “All around, there was an evident lack of substance.” According to Alana Manchineri of the Manchineri peoples of Brazil and international adviser to the Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon, or COIAB, Brazil’s NDC fell well short of acknowledging Indigenous climate contributions and of proposing safeguards to continuously threatened territorial rights. Of the numerous studies on Indigenous land demarcation as a leading climate solution, a report released last week by the Environmental Defense Fund projects deforestation and CO2 emissions in the Amazon would be up to 45 percent higher without Indigenous-managed and protected lands. More than 370 million people around the world identify as Indigenous. They are the first line of defense, and targets, of climate change. Over centuries, Indigenous communities have survived and adapted to floods, heat waves, storms, and other climate events, developing strategies to cultivate drought-resilient crops, hurricane-enduring homes, and early warning systems for extreme weather.  “It all points to us and our territories as the solution,” said Juan Carlos Jintiach of the Ecuadorian Shuar people and executive secretary of the Global Alliance of Territorial Communities. “We have plenty of recommendations and proposals. In our lands lie our source of life, our stewardship, our future. Through time, we have learned to mitigate and adapt. We want to be part of the conversation.”  This year, COIAB’s Manchineri has been part of a team crafting the first ever Indigenous NDC. The document calls for culturally appropriate climate plans, an end to fossil fuels, direct access to climate finance, and meaningful representation in international negotiations. Above all, it urges land demarcation and territorial protection to be recognized as climate policy.  “We translated demands and proposals from the territories into the language of international conferences,” said Manchinei. She added that being at COP30 only makes sense if people back home, and on the ground, understand its importance. “Our authority as Indigenous leaders is anchored on the territories.” The Indigenous NDC will be hand-delivered to Brazilian national delegates to inform and influence negotiations. Read Next UN climate talks are built on consensus. That’s part of the problem. Joseph Winters Inspired by that, RRI is crafting a template for an open-access civil NDC that will allow other communities to do the same. “It will be a flexible structure that communities can tailor with national data, linking local indicators and strengthening the recognition of their territorial rights,” said RRI’s Carla Cardenas. Since these are not official government documents, they bear no formal weight in the COP framework. What they do, Cardenas said, is act as a catalyst for discussions.  “Inside the venue we do what works. Less podium. More hallways. Bilaterals with delegations. Coffee lines. Hallway chats. Ride the shuttle to the venue with the right person at the right time,” said Ghazali Ohorella of IIPFCC. “Do our demands get reflected? Sometimes yes, sometimes later, sometimes in pieces.” But unfamiliarity with UNFCCC’s intergovernmental nature and the narrative around this being the most Indigenous of COPs may sow frustration and widen the gap between expectations and actual opportunities to have influence over future climate goals.  According to Ghazalli Ohorella, if the goal of COP30 is more photo ops with Indigenous peoples, it will be a success. If it’s tangible impact, “the wiring is not finished.” The true measure, he said, is not who enters the venue, but what leaves in the final texts.  “We are not here for theater.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline ‘We are not here for theater’: Can the ‘most Indigenous COP’ live up to the hype? on Nov 10, 2025.

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