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Gavin Newsom delayed his own ‘nation-leading’ plastic policy. Why?

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Thursday, March 20, 2025

Three years ago, California Governor Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, signed off on the country’s strongest plastic reduction policy. The legislation, known as SB 54, gave the state recycling agency until 2025 to write rules to dramatically slash sales of single-use plastic. At the time, Newsom called the law “nation-leading,” and said he was “holding polluters responsible and cutting plastics at the source.” California’s recycling agency, CalRecycle, has been crafting rules around the law’s implementation since 2022, negotiating the specifics with industry groups and environmental advocates and incorporating public feedback. Earlier this month, however, the governor’s office unexpectedly rejected CalRecycle’s proposed rules. He told the agency to go back to the drawing board, leaving California no closer to addressing its plastic waste management problem. “It’s kind of like we just got slapped with a wet fish,” said Shira Lane, founder and CEO of a zero-waste organization in Sacramento called Atrium 916. Lane said she’d participated in two years of long, complicated meetings with CalRecycle officials to provide input on the regulations, and that it was unclear why the governor had now decided to reject them. His office’s statements on the issue pointed only vaguely to concerns about fairness and “minimizing costs for small businesses and working families.” Newsom’s one-eighty arrived as plastics industry groups — many of which claim publicly to support the legislation — ramped up complaints behind closed doors about the potential impact of the law. In the absence of a clear explanation from the governor, many environmental groups suspect that he responded to industry pressure. “A lot of people were hurt,” Lane said, describing the good-faith effort they had put into shaping the rules only for them to be rejected for unclear reasons. When it passed in 2022, SB 54 was hailed as the United States’ “most comprehensive policy for reducing sources of plastic waste,” and a “huge win” in the fight against ocean plastic pollution. It gave companies until 2032 to reduce their in-state sales of single-use plastic packaging and foodware, both by weight and by the number of items, by 25 percent. It also required them to achieve significantly higher recycling rates for plastic products, finance a $500 million annual fund to clean up existing pollution, and make all of their single-use packaging and foodware — even if it wasn’t made of plastic — recyclable or compostable by 2032.  CalRecycle was in charge of writing more specific rules to enforce the law, like delineating which products it applied to. Another body, known in industry parlance as a “producer responsibility organization,” would coordinate companies’ cooperation, requiring plastic producers to become paying members, managing the $500 million fund, and making sure the industry was complying with the law. An existing organization called Circular Action Alliance, composed of plastics industry representatives, was designated as the producer responsibility organization for SB 54. SB 54 had gained ground in the California legislature thanks to the threat of a more aggressive ballot initiative, which would have given plastic producers less control over the implementation of plastic reduction targets, placed a 1-cent-per-item tax on plastic producers and distributors, and banned polystyrene food packaging outright.  A trash can overflowing with plastic and other waste. Getty Images Supporters of the referendum, which had received the requisite 623,212 signatures to be included on the ballot, mostly included grassroots environmental groups. The initiative’s three sponsors agreed to withdraw it in exchange for the passage of SB 54, which was seen as preferable by business and industry groups. The American Chemistry Council, for instance — a plastics and petrochemical trade group — said in 2022 that SB 54 was “not the optimal legislation to drive California toward a circular economy,” but that it was a better outcome than the withdrawn ballot initiative. The group pledged to “work constructively with lawmakers and CalRecycle to support appropriate implementation of SB 54.” The California Chamber of Commerce similarly said that the policy would ensure “long-term policy certainty around recycling and packaging.” The Plastics Industry Association declined to endorse SB 54 but said it was better than the ballot initiative. Still, industry groups appeared to hold out hope in 2022 that unidentified changes would be made to the legislation. The American Chemistry Council vowed to “support subsequent legislation to make the necessary improvements to help ensure the intent of SB 54 is carried out effectively.” The California Chamber of Commerce’s president noted that the bill “allows the Legislature to make changes to the proposal in the future,” and the president of the California Business Roundtable said in a CalMatters op-ed that lawmakers should “come back to the conversation prepared to make changes that can open doors for a more circular economy.” After the passage of the law, CalRecycles held several information sessions and workshops about its forthcoming rules, with opportunities for participation from the public and plastic producers. The agency began the formal rulemaking process for SB 54 on March 8, 2024 and held two comment periods, during which industry groups provided feedback, over the course of that year. CalRecycles finished drafting the regulations in the fall, and in September began notifying industry groups that they would soon be going into effect. The rules were set to be adopted one year from the start of rulemaking, on March 8, 2025. Ben Allen, a Democratic senator who represents parts of Los Angeles and who sponsored SB 54, learned that industry groups objected to the rules less than a week before the March 8 deadline. He sat down with Circular Action Alliance and came up with what he called a “roadmap” to address their concerns: If industry groups would not object to CalRecycle’s regulations moving forward on schedule, then he and other lawmakers would pass legislation to make minor changes to the law itself and to empower CalRecycle to make slight adjustments to the rules it had spent so long working on. The proposed changes, laid out in a letter shared with Grist, included exemptions for biosciences packaging, less frequent reporting from packaging companies, and a more lenient timeline for plastic producers to become members of the producer responsibility organization. Allen said he had nearly reached a compromise by the time the governor’s office made its announcement. “People were not expecting the governor to pull back the drafted regulations,” Allen said. “That was a surprising development.” Newsom’s office declined to say whether it had held meetings with business or industry groups, and emphasized that the rulemaking delay would not change “the timeline” for SB 54, presumably referring to the statutory deadlines for plastic companies to reduce the amount of packaging they sell and meet certain recycling rates. When asked to elaborate on its cost concerns, a spokesperson for the governor pointed Grist to a regulatory impact assessment published by CalRecycle last October, which estimated SB 54-related compliance costs for California businesses and individuals. California state Senator Ben Allen, right, confers with Senator Mike McGuire in 2023. AP Photo / Rich Pedroncelli For businesses that sell more than $1 million of products covered by SB 54 each year, the annual costs would average about $791,000, the report found. The typical small businesses would see increased expenses of just $309. Households could end up paying a mean of $329 a year by 2032, though the report said this number would likely be mitigated by increases in personal income, as well as health and environmental benefits totaling more than $40 billion over 10 years. Allen objected to Newsom’s characterization of the bill’s toll on entrepreneurs and families. The whole point of the bill, he said, was to address an “untenable” rise in the cost of waste collection and pollution management in California, as cities are being forced to manage ever-increasing amounts of plastic garbage. “We knew that there might be some modest increases in consumer costs, but they would be more than made up for in ratepayer benefits on the back end,” he added.  Of the six business and industry groups that Grist reached out to, only Circular Action Alliance elaborated on its specific concerns over CalRecycle’s proposed rules for SB 54. A spokesperson said these had involved “clarifying producer obligations, compiling data to build the program plan, and fixing timing and sequencing issues.” The group said it had “actively engaged with interested parties” including the governor’s office, CalRecycle, and Allen “to address any feasibility concerns and ensure the successful implementation of the legislation.” “We look forward to continued engagement with all parties to move SB 54 forward,” the spokesperson said. Two groups — the American Chemistry Council and California Chamber of Commerce — sent Grist statements affirming their support for SB 54. The California Business Roundtable, the California Retailers Association, and the Plastics Industry Association did not respond to Grist’s requests for comment, though Plastics Industry Association President and CEO Matt Seaholm released a statement calling for policymakers “to craft practical, effective regulations that drive economic growth, foster innovation, and enhance circularity.” In the absence of clearer information about Newsom’s intentions, environmental advocates are concerned that business and industry groups are trying to claw back parts of the statute, despite their nominal support for it in 2022. “The more they can delay the implementation, the more they can make a case for the deadlines being unreasonable,” said Jennifer Savage, associate director of California policy for the nonprofit Surfrider. Plastic makers and business groups are already seizing on the SB 54 kerfuffle to argue that similar legislation shouldn’t be pursued in other jurisdictions. Last weekend, more than 100 companies and groups signed a letter obtained by Politico opposing a proposed New York bill on the grounds that it would “go beyond the California statute in key areas, … indicating that the impacts of New York’s proposal would be even more severe.” Allen said the governor’s office wants to move “expeditiously” to complete CalRecycle’s revisions by this summer. That includes initiating another 45-day public comment period, incorporating any changes, and submitting final documents to the state’s Office of Administrative Law to make sure they are clear and legal.  Nick Lapis, director of advocacy for the nonprofit Californians Against Waste, said his organization will be ready to participate however possible, whether by engaging in a public workshop or by submitting written comments on a draft of the new rules. He also hinted that the ballot initiative that environmentalists withdrew when SB 54 was passed may still be on the table. “We remain committed to reevaluating all possible avenues,” Cohen said, “including reviving the initiative to let voters decide on this.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Gavin Newsom delayed his own ‘nation-leading’ plastic policy. Why? on Mar 20, 2025.

Industry groups expressed concerns about California’s landmark plastic pollution law in the weeks before regulators were supposed to begin enforcing it.

Three years ago, California Governor Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, signed off on the country’s strongest plastic reduction policy. The legislation, known as SB 54, gave the state recycling agency until 2025 to write rules to dramatically slash sales of single-use plastic. At the time, Newsom called the law “nation-leading,” and said he was “holding polluters responsible and cutting plastics at the source.”

California’s recycling agency, CalRecycle, has been crafting rules around the law’s implementation since 2022, negotiating the specifics with industry groups and environmental advocates and incorporating public feedback. Earlier this month, however, the governor’s office unexpectedly rejected CalRecycle’s proposed rules. He told the agency to go back to the drawing board, leaving California no closer to addressing its plastic waste management problem.

“It’s kind of like we just got slapped with a wet fish,” said Shira Lane, founder and CEO of a zero-waste organization in Sacramento called Atrium 916. Lane said she’d participated in two years of long, complicated meetings with CalRecycle officials to provide input on the regulations, and that it was unclear why the governor had now decided to reject them. His office’s statements on the issue pointed only vaguely to concerns about fairness and “minimizing costs for small businesses and working families.”

Newsom’s one-eighty arrived as plastics industry groups — many of which claim publicly to support the legislation — ramped up complaints behind closed doors about the potential impact of the law. In the absence of a clear explanation from the governor, many environmental groups suspect that he responded to industry pressure. “A lot of people were hurt,” Lane said, describing the good-faith effort they had put into shaping the rules only for them to be rejected for unclear reasons.

When it passed in 2022, SB 54 was hailed as the United States’ “most comprehensive policy for reducing sources of plastic waste,” and a “huge win” in the fight against ocean plastic pollution. It gave companies until 2032 to reduce their in-state sales of single-use plastic packaging and foodware, both by weight and by the number of items, by 25 percent. It also required them to achieve significantly higher recycling rates for plastic products, finance a $500 million annual fund to clean up existing pollution, and make all of their single-use packaging and foodware — even if it wasn’t made of plastic — recyclable or compostable by 2032. 

CalRecycle was in charge of writing more specific rules to enforce the law, like delineating which products it applied to. Another body, known in industry parlance as a “producer responsibility organization,” would coordinate companies’ cooperation, requiring plastic producers to become paying members, managing the $500 million fund, and making sure the industry was complying with the law. An existing organization called Circular Action Alliance, composed of plastics industry representatives, was designated as the producer responsibility organization for SB 54.

SB 54 had gained ground in the California legislature thanks to the threat of a more aggressive ballot initiative, which would have given plastic producers less control over the implementation of plastic reduction targets, placed a 1-cent-per-item tax on plastic producers and distributors, and banned polystyrene food packaging outright. 

Trash overflowing
A trash can overflowing with plastic and other waste.
Getty Images

Supporters of the referendum, which had received the requisite 623,212 signatures to be included on the ballot, mostly included grassroots environmental groups. The initiative’s three sponsors agreed to withdraw it in exchange for the passage of SB 54, which was seen as preferable by business and industry groups. The American Chemistry Council, for instance — a plastics and petrochemical trade group — said in 2022 that SB 54 was “not the optimal legislation to drive California toward a circular economy,” but that it was a better outcome than the withdrawn ballot initiative. The group pledged to “work constructively with lawmakers and CalRecycle to support appropriate implementation of SB 54.”

The California Chamber of Commerce similarly said that the policy would ensure “long-term policy certainty around recycling and packaging.” The Plastics Industry Association declined to endorse SB 54 but said it was better than the ballot initiative.

Still, industry groups appeared to hold out hope in 2022 that unidentified changes would be made to the legislation. The American Chemistry Council vowed to “support subsequent legislation to make the necessary improvements to help ensure the intent of SB 54 is carried out effectively.” The California Chamber of Commerce’s president noted that the bill “allows the Legislature to make changes to the proposal in the future,” and the president of the California Business Roundtable said in a CalMatters op-ed that lawmakers should “come back to the conversation prepared to make changes that can open doors for a more circular economy.”

After the passage of the law, CalRecycles held several information sessions and workshops about its forthcoming rules, with opportunities for participation from the public and plastic producers. The agency began the formal rulemaking process for SB 54 on March 8, 2024 and held two comment periods, during which industry groups provided feedback, over the course of that year. CalRecycles finished drafting the regulations in the fall, and in September began notifying industry groups that they would soon be going into effect. The rules were set to be adopted one year from the start of rulemaking, on March 8, 2025.

Ben Allen, a Democratic senator who represents parts of Los Angeles and who sponsored SB 54, learned that industry groups objected to the rules less than a week before the March 8 deadline. He sat down with Circular Action Alliance and came up with what he called a “roadmap” to address their concerns: If industry groups would not object to CalRecycle’s regulations moving forward on schedule, then he and other lawmakers would pass legislation to make minor changes to the law itself and to empower CalRecycle to make slight adjustments to the rules it had spent so long working on.

The proposed changes, laid out in a letter shared with Grist, included exemptions for biosciences packaging, less frequent reporting from packaging companies, and a more lenient timeline for plastic producers to become members of the producer responsibility organization. Allen said he had nearly reached a compromise by the time the governor’s office made its announcement. “People were not expecting the governor to pull back the drafted regulations,” Allen said. “That was a surprising development.”

Newsom’s office declined to say whether it had held meetings with business or industry groups, and emphasized that the rulemaking delay would not change “the timeline” for SB 54, presumably referring to the statutory deadlines for plastic companies to reduce the amount of packaging they sell and meet certain recycling rates. When asked to elaborate on its cost concerns, a spokesperson for the governor pointed Grist to a regulatory impact assessment published by CalRecycle last October, which estimated SB 54-related compliance costs for California businesses and individuals.

Senator Allen (right) hands papers to a colleague (left)
California state Senator Ben Allen, right, confers with Senator Mike McGuire in 2023.
AP Photo / Rich Pedroncelli

For businesses that sell more than $1 million of products covered by SB 54 each year, the annual costs would average about $791,000, the report found. The typical small businesses would see increased expenses of just $309. Households could end up paying a mean of $329 a year by 2032, though the report said this number would likely be mitigated by increases in personal income, as well as health and environmental benefits totaling more than $40 billion over 10 years.

Allen objected to Newsom’s characterization of the bill’s toll on entrepreneurs and families. The whole point of the bill, he said, was to address an “untenable” rise in the cost of waste collection and pollution management in California, as cities are being forced to manage ever-increasing amounts of plastic garbage.

“We knew that there might be some modest increases in consumer costs, but they would be more than made up for in ratepayer benefits on the back end,” he added. 

Of the six business and industry groups that Grist reached out to, only Circular Action Alliance elaborated on its specific concerns over CalRecycle’s proposed rules for SB 54. A spokesperson said these had involved “clarifying producer obligations, compiling data to build the program plan, and fixing timing and sequencing issues.” The group said it had “actively engaged with interested parties” including the governor’s office, CalRecycle, and Allen “to address any feasibility concerns and ensure the successful implementation of the legislation.”

“We look forward to continued engagement with all parties to move SB 54 forward,” the spokesperson said.

Two groups — the American Chemistry Council and California Chamber of Commerce — sent Grist statements affirming their support for SB 54. The California Business Roundtable, the California Retailers Association, and the Plastics Industry Association did not respond to Grist’s requests for comment, though Plastics Industry Association President and CEO Matt Seaholm released a statement calling for policymakers “to craft practical, effective regulations that drive economic growth, foster innovation, and enhance circularity.”

In the absence of clearer information about Newsom’s intentions, environmental advocates are concerned that business and industry groups are trying to claw back parts of the statute, despite their nominal support for it in 2022.

“The more they can delay the implementation, the more they can make a case for the deadlines being unreasonable,” said Jennifer Savage, associate director of California policy for the nonprofit Surfrider.

Plastic makers and business groups are already seizing on the SB 54 kerfuffle to argue that similar legislation shouldn’t be pursued in other jurisdictions. Last weekend, more than 100 companies and groups signed a letter obtained by Politico opposing a proposed New York bill on the grounds that it would “go beyond the California statute in key areas, … indicating that the impacts of New York’s proposal would be even more severe.”

Allen said the governor’s office wants to move “expeditiously” to complete CalRecycle’s revisions by this summer. That includes initiating another 45-day public comment period, incorporating any changes, and submitting final documents to the state’s Office of Administrative Law to make sure they are clear and legal. 

Nick Lapis, director of advocacy for the nonprofit Californians Against Waste, said his organization will be ready to participate however possible, whether by engaging in a public workshop or by submitting written comments on a draft of the new rules. He also hinted that the ballot initiative that environmentalists withdrew when SB 54 was passed may still be on the table.

“We remain committed to reevaluating all possible avenues,” Cohen said, “including reviving the initiative to let voters decide on this.”

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Gavin Newsom delayed his own ‘nation-leading’ plastic policy. Why? on Mar 20, 2025.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

EPA urged to classify abortion drugs as pollutants

It follows 40 other anti-abortion groups and lawmakers previously calling for the EPA to assess the water pollution levels of the drug.

(NewsNation) — Anti-abortion group Students for Life of America is urging the Environmental Protection Agency to add abortion drug mifepristone to its list of water contaminants. It follows 40 other anti-abortion groups and lawmakers previously calling for the EPA to assess the water pollution levels of the abortion drug. “The EPA has the regulatory authority and humane responsibility to determine the extent of abortion water pollution, caused by the reckless and negligent policies pushed by past administrations through the [Food and Drug Administration],” Kristan Hawkins, president of SFLA, said in a release. “Take the word ‘abortion’ out of it and ask, should chemically tainted blood and placenta tissue, along with human remains, be flushed by the tons into America’s waterways? And since the federal government set that up, shouldn’t we know what’s in our water?” she added. In 2025, lawmakers from seven states introduced bills, none of which passed, to either order environmental studies on the effects of mifepristone in water or to enact environmental regulations for the drug. EPA’s Office of Water leaders met with Politico in November, with its press secretary Brigit Hirsch telling the outlet it “takes the issue of pharmaceuticals in our water systems seriously and employs a rigorous, science-based approach to protect human health and the environment.” “As always, EPA encourages all stakeholders invested in clean and safe drinking water to review the proposals and submit comments,” Hirsch added. Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Trump’s EPA' in 2025: A Fossil Fuel-Friendly Approach to Deregulation

The Trump administration has reshaped the Environmental Protection Agency, reversing pollution limits and promoting fossil fuels

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump administration has transformed the Environmental Protection Agency in its first year, cutting federal limits on air and water pollution and promoting fossil fuels, a metamorphosis that clashes with the agency’s historic mission to protect human health and the environment.The administration says its actions will “unleash” the American economy, but environmentalists say the agency’s abrupt change in focus threatens to unravel years of progress on climate-friendly initiatives that could be hard or impossible to reverse.“It just constantly wants to pat the fossil fuel business on the back and turn back the clock to a pre-Richard Nixon era” when the agency didn’t exist, said historian Douglas Brinkley.Zeldin has argued the EPA can protect the environment and grow the economy at the same time. He announced “five pillars” to guide EPA’s work; four were economic goals, including energy dominance — Trump’s shorthand for more fossil fuels — and boosting the auto industry.Zeldin, a former New York congressman who had a record as a moderate Republican on some environmental issues, said his views on climate change have evolved. Many federal and state climate goals are unattainable in the near future — and come at huge cost, he said.“We should not be causing … extreme economic pain for an individual or a family” because of policies aimed at “saving the planet,” he told reporters at EPA headquarters in early December.But scientists and experts say the EPA's new direction comes at a cost to public health, and would lead to far more pollutants in the environment, including mercury, lead and especially tiny airborne particles that can lodge in lungs. They also note higher emissions of greenhouse gases will worsen atmospheric warming that is driving more frequent, costly and deadly extreme weather.Christine Todd Whitman, a Republican who led the EPA for several years under President George W. Bush, said watching Zeldin attack laws protecting air and water has been “just depressing.” “It’s tragic for our country. I worry about my grandchildren, of which I have seven. I worry about what their future is going to be if they don’t have clean air, if they don’t have clean water to drink,” she said.The EPA was launched under Nixon in 1970 with pollution disrupting American life, some cities suffocating in smog and some rivers turned into wastelands by industrial chemicals. Congress passed laws then that remain foundational for protecting water, air and endangered species.The agency's aggressiveness has always seesawed depending on who occupies the White House. Former President Joe Biden's administration boosted renewable energy and electric vehicles, tightened motor-vehicle emissions and proposed greenhouse gas limits on coal-fired power plants and oil and gas wells. Industry groups called rules overly burdensome and said the power plant rule would force many aging plants to shut down. In response, many businesses shifted resources to meet the more stringent rules that are now being undone.“While the Biden EPA repeatedly attempted to usurp the U.S. Constitution and the rule of law to impose its ‘Green New Scam,’ the Trump EPA is laser-focused on achieving results for the American people while operating within the limits of the laws passed by Congress,” EPA spokeswoman Brigit Hirsch said. Zeldin's list of targets is long Much of EPA’s new direction aligns with Project 2025, the conservative Heritage Foundation road map that argued the agency should gut staffing, cut regulations and end what it called a war on coal on other fossil fuels.“A lot of the regulations that were put on during the Biden administration were more harmful and restrictive than in any other period. So that’s why deregulating them looks like EPA is making major changes,” said Diana Furchtgott-Roth, director of Heritage's Center for Energy, Climate, and Environment.But Chris Frey, an EPA official under Biden, said the regulations Zeldin has targeted “offered benefits of avoided premature deaths, of avoided chronic illness … bad things that would not happen because of these rules.”Matthew Tejada, a former EPA official under both Trump and Biden who now works at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said of the revamped EPA: “I think it would be hard for them to make it any clearer to polluters in this country that they can go on about their business and not worry about EPA getting in their way.”Zeldin also has shrunk EPA staffing by about 20% to levels last seen in the mid-1980s. Justin Chen, president of the EPA’s largest union, called staff cuts “devastating.” He cited the dismantling of research and development offices at labs across the country and the firing of employees who signed a letter of dissent opposing EPA cuts. Relaxed enforcement and cutting staff Many of Zeldin's changes aren't in effect yet. It takes time to propose new rules, get public input and finalize rollbacks. It's much faster to cut grants and ease up on enforcement, and Trump's EPA is doing both. The number of new civil environmental actions is roughly one-fifth what it was in the first eight months of the Biden administration, according to the nonprofit Environmental Integrity Project. “You can effectively do a lot of deregulation if you just don’t do enforcement,” said Leif Fredrickson, visiting assistant professor of history at the University of Montana.Hirsch said the number of legal filings isn't the best way to judge enforcement because they require work outside of the EPA and can bog staff down with burdensome legal agreements. She said the EPA is “focused on efficiently resolving violations and achieving compliance as quickly as possible” and not making demands beyond what the law requires.EPA's cuts have been especially hard on climate change programs and environmental justice, the effort to address chronic pollution that typically is worse in minority and poor communities. Both were Biden priorities. Zeldin dismissed staff and canceled billions in grants for projects that fell under the “diversity, equity and inclusion” umbrella, a Trump administration target.He also spiked a $20 billion “green bank” set up under Biden’s landmark climate law to fund qualifying clean energy projects. Zeldin argued the fund was a scheme to funnel money to Democrat-aligned organizations with little oversight — allegations a federal judge rejected. Pat Parenteau, an environmental law expert and former director of the Environmental Law School at Vermont Law & Graduate School, said the EPA's shift under Trump left him with little optimism for what he called “the two most awful crises in the 21st century” — biodiversity loss and climate disruption.“I don’t see any hope for either one,” he said. “I really don’t. And I’ll be long gone, but I think the world is in just for absolute catastrophe.”The Associated Press receives support from the Walton Family Foundation for coverage of water and environmental policy. The AP is solely responsible for all content. For all of AP’s environmental coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environmentCopyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

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