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Employees Sue American Over “Socio-Political” 401(k) Options

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Thursday, July 18, 2024

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. A class-action lawsuit against American Airlines filed by employees opposed to Environmental, Social, and Governance funds used in their 401(k)s could redefine how employers handle ESG investing and respond to further litigation.  The American Airlines suit, filed in federal court in Texas, is one of the first in the private sector to focus on the use of ESG funds in employees’ retirement accounts. The lawsuit’s lead plaintiff, pilot Bryan Spence, alleges that American mismanaged employees’ retirement savings by investing with fund managers who “pursue leftist political agendas” through ESG strategies, proxy voting and shareholder activism.  The lawsuit, certified as a class action in May, could include as many as 100,000 plan members. American Airlines employees like Spence contribute to their 401(k)s by choosing from a menu of investment options pre-selected by the company. All plan members, whether they decided to invest their individual 401(k) in an ESG plan or not, are included in the class action.  ESG funds that refrain from owning fossil fuel stocks purely due to moral concerns about climate change may run afoul of the law. The class is inclusive because the lawsuit argues that, by engaging with investment firms that “pursue pervasive ESG agendas,” American Airlines failed its duty to employees. It claims that firms like BlackRock are prioritizing “socio-political outcomes rather than exclusively financial returns” and accuses American Airlines of failing to safeguard its employees’ financial interests by doing business with such investors.   The political battle raging over sustainable investing in the US is changing how fund managers use and promote ESG factors in their work, said Chris Fidler, head of the global industry standards team at the CFA Institute, a nonprofit based in Charlottesville, Virginia, that provides investment professionals with finance education. Efforts to define the term as a moral and political tool rather than a financial one has “made asset managers more reluctant to talk about what they’re doing,” Fiddler said.  BlackRock, American Airlines and Spence’s lawyer, Hacker Stephens LLP, did not immediately respond to requests for comments.  The lawsuit falls under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA). How it’s interpreted has come under serious debate in recent years, especially concerning ESG investments.  In 2022, the Biden administration released new rules designed to encourage social and policy goals such as renewable energy by making ESG investing easier. The rules were challenged by 26 Republican state attorneys general, but a district court judge in Texas ultimately upheld Biden’s rule. The Biden regulation itself reversed a Trump-era rule that had aimed to limit ESG investing for retirement plans, given fossil fuel companies’ hostility to ESG. Despite the back-and-forth, ERISA still dictates that an employer should make decisions based exclusively on financial factors, said Max Schanzenbach, Seigle Family professor of law at Northwestern University. Under the new regulations, moral or political ESG considerations cannot be used by employers to select investment funds.  Only in limited circumstances can non-financial ESG factors be used to pick an investment. A “tiebreaker” rule allows fund managers to use “collateral benefits,” such as greenhouse gas emissions, only when two investments provide equal financial returns otherwise.  The difference between Trump’s 2020 rule and Biden’s 2022 rule is a matter of nuance, Schanzenbach said. “The Biden administration tried to make ESG investing easier, but they ultimately wound up with a very centrist rule. And Trump tried to make it harder and also wound up with a very centrist rule.”  “If funds are using ESG factors to evaluate the financial risks and opportunities of the company, they’re going to continue to do that.” While both rules were painted as watershed attacks or defenses of ESG, Schanzenbach noted that they both upheld “sole financial interests” as the standard dictating retirement investing for American companies. This means that employers are expected to use a financial analysis, rather than ethical or political concerns, to choose investments.  Under this framework, the American Airlines pilot and his lawyers must demonstrate that the company violated its fiduciary duty—the legal obligation to act in the best interest of its plan members—when it decided to work with BlackRock and similar investment firms. Whether they succeed could have a chilling effect on companies and investment funds’ decisions to engage with, or disclose their use of ESG, Schanzenbach said.   ESG, as it is used in the US, does not refer to a single type of investment, explained Schanzenbach. The distinction between two types of ESG investments will dictate how American Airlines and other employers navigate ERISA rules and litigation. First, an ESG investing strategy might screen out industries or companies based on ethical or environmental objectives. For example, ESG funds that refrain from owning fossil fuel stocks purely due to moral concerns about climate change are using non-financial factors to make investment decisions—and could violate federal ERISA law, he said.  The other way to use the term ESG refers more specifically to how fund managers or individual investors assess risk and returns. It’s a way to value companies and stocks by looking at how environmental or social shifts could make them more or less valuable down the line. This is what Schanzenbach calls “ESG for a profit.” Susan Gary, professor emerita at the University of Oregon’s School of Law, said the lawsuit against American Airlines alleges that the company is using ESG for the first purpose: as a tool to achieve political and moral ends. The original complaint cited “leftist activist groups” that it claims sought to advance their “ESG agendas” rather than maximizing profits and the interests of workers. The attempts in various states, including Texas, to block the use of ESG for political reasons echo a common misunderstanding about how investment managers do their jobs, she added.  “It’s much more nuanced, much more complicated than (the lawsuit) is describing,” Gary said of American’s use of ESG funds. Investment managers use ESG information to develop their strategy, she continued. “It’s not that there’s one ESG investment strategy.”  When deciding to invest in a company, plan managers assess a wide range of information.  This is where ESG comes in, said Fidler, who led the development of the Global ESG Disclosure Standards for Investment Products at the CFA Institute. When considering where to put money, plan managers might take into account how environmental, social, and governance issues will impact the value of the stock.  “Not everything about a company is captured in its financial statements or in market data,” he continued. “You can use ESG information as part of a holistic fundamental analysis that looks at all the different risks and opportunities that face a business, and evaluate them through the lens of: Is this a good investment?”  A real estate investor might, for example, consider whether a property is in a floodplain before buying it. Environmental information like flood risks would potentially diminish or ruin the value of the investment down the line. “If funds are using ESG factors to evaluate the financial risks and opportunities of the company, they’re going to continue to do that,” Fidler said.  “This is ideology and American cultural wars brought to the financial markets.” But rising backlash against sustainability and climate considerations has caused companies to go quiet about this. The behavior is so prevalent that a term has been coined for it: “greenhushing.” BlackRock, the asset manager repeatedly mentioned in the lawsuit, stopped using the term ESG last year. The firm’s CEO Larry Fink says the company maintains its stance on issues such as climate change, but that the term “ESG” had become too political.  Litigation like the American Airlines case might exacerbate the phenomenon and push fund managers to scale down using “ESG” or “sustainable” in names, marketing and advertising. “But I don’t think that means that managers will ignore these sorts of risks or information if it’s helping their analysis,” Fidler added. Rodrigo Zeidan, a professor of business and finance at NYU Shanghai, agreed. This kind of lawsuit, he added, won’t impact the way fund managers do their jobs. “The environment doesn’t care if the American law decides that American funds cannot call their investments ESG,” he said. “Good fund managers will still try to allocate their portfolio to companies that they believe will survive in the long run.”  Whether fund managers find a new term for ESG or stop calling it anything at all, these lawsuits won’t bring about a revamping of the financial industry, he said.  Nonetheless, litigation risk does have an impact on companies. Zeidan said it has already kept management teams and boards of directors away from ESG initiatives. “Board members will claim that they don’t want to make any decisions that deviate from a very narrow reading of what fiduciary duty means,” he said. “And that this narrow reading is mainly to limit the legal risk.”  The cost of these lawsuits, too, might have a chilling effect on companies’ approach to ESG and sustainability. Employees at companies like Google have recently asked their employers to divest their 401(k)s from fossil fuels, but such a policy could expose companies to similar fiduciary duty lawsuits.  “I think that’s probably part of the litigation strategy, to make it expensive,” Gary said. “Expensive to engage in anything that appears to be ESG investing.” Much of the politicization of ESG boils down to pensions and government spending, Gary noted. The American Airlines case is not the first time that Texas has been at the forefront of litigation attempting to restrict these two areas. Last year, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton co-led the multistate lawsuit against the Biden administration’s ERISA rules. The lawsuit is now on appeal in the northern district of Texas court.  In 2021, Texas passed two laws to ban municipalities from doing business with banks that have ESG policies. The legislation was aimed at protecting Texas’ reliance on oil and gas and firearm industries, but research from economists at Wharton and the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago suggests that Texas cities could end up paying $300 million to $500 million in additional interest as a result. Public pensions in Texas are already barred from investing in funds run by asset management firms such as BlackRock. Supporters of those bills claim that these firms “boycott” Texas energy companies through their ESG policies, despite the banned funds investing a combined $5 billion in oil and gas, according to a Bloomberg News analysis.  While the lawsuit awaits its next hearings and likely lengthy litigation and potential subsequent appeals, fund managers will continue to do their jobs, Zeidan said.   “This, for me, is immaterial and has no systemic long-run effect. This is ideology and American cultural wars brought to the financial markets.”

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. A class-action lawsuit against American Airlines filed by employees opposed to Environmental, Social, and Governance funds used in their 401(k)s could redefine how employers handle ESG investing and respond to further litigation.  The American Airlines suit, filed in federal court […]

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

A class-action lawsuit against American Airlines filed by employees opposed to Environmental, Social, and Governance funds used in their 401(k)s could redefine how employers handle ESG investing and respond to further litigation. 

The American Airlines suit, filed in federal court in Texas, is one of the first in the private sector to focus on the use of ESG funds in employees’ retirement accounts. The lawsuit’s lead plaintiff, pilot Bryan Spence, alleges that American mismanaged employees’ retirement savings by investing with fund managers who “pursue leftist political agendas” through ESG strategies, proxy voting and shareholder activism

The lawsuit, certified as a class action in May, could include as many as 100,000 plan members. American Airlines employees like Spence contribute to their 401(k)s by choosing from a menu of investment options pre-selected by the company. All plan members, whether they decided to invest their individual 401(k) in an ESG plan or not, are included in the class action. 

ESG funds that refrain from owning fossil fuel stocks purely due to moral concerns about climate change may run afoul of the law.

The class is inclusive because the lawsuit argues that, by engaging with investment firms that “pursue pervasive ESG agendas,” American Airlines failed its duty to employees. It claims that firms like BlackRock are prioritizing “socio-political outcomes rather than exclusively financial returns” and accuses American Airlines of failing to safeguard its employees’ financial interests by doing business with such investors.  

The political battle raging over sustainable investing in the US is changing how fund managers use and promote ESG factors in their work, said Chris Fidler, head of the global industry standards team at the CFA Institute, a nonprofit based in Charlottesville, Virginia, that provides investment professionals with finance education. Efforts to define the term as a moral and political tool rather than a financial one has “made asset managers more reluctant to talk about what they’re doing,” Fiddler said. 

BlackRock, American Airlines and Spence’s lawyer, Hacker Stephens LLP, did not immediately respond to requests for comments. 

The lawsuit falls under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA). How it’s interpreted has come under serious debate in recent years, especially concerning ESG investments. 

In 2022, the Biden administration released new rules designed to encourage social and policy goals such as renewable energy by making ESG investing easier. The rules were challenged by 26 Republican state attorneys general, but a district court judge in Texas ultimately upheld Biden’s rule. The Biden regulation itself reversed a Trump-era rule that had aimed to limit ESG investing for retirement plans, given fossil fuel companies’ hostility to ESG.

Despite the back-and-forth, ERISA still dictates that an employer should make decisions based exclusively on financial factors, said Max Schanzenbach, Seigle Family professor of law at Northwestern University. Under the new regulations, moral or political ESG considerations cannot be used by employers to select investment funds. 

Only in limited circumstances can non-financial ESG factors be used to pick an investment. A “tiebreaker” rule allows fund managers to use “collateral benefits,” such as greenhouse gas emissions, only when two investments provide equal financial returns otherwise. 

The difference between Trump’s 2020 rule and Biden’s 2022 rule is a matter of nuance, Schanzenbach said. “The Biden administration tried to make ESG investing easier, but they ultimately wound up with a very centrist rule. And Trump tried to make it harder and also wound up with a very centrist rule.” 

“If funds are using ESG factors to evaluate the financial risks and opportunities of the company, they’re going to continue to do that.”

While both rules were painted as watershed attacks or defenses of ESG, Schanzenbach noted that they both upheld “sole financial interests” as the standard dictating retirement investing for American companies. This means that employers are expected to use a financial analysis, rather than ethical or political concerns, to choose investments. 

Under this framework, the American Airlines pilot and his lawyers must demonstrate that the company violated its fiduciary duty—the legal obligation to act in the best interest of its plan members—when it decided to work with BlackRock and similar investment firms. Whether they succeed could have a chilling effect on companies and investment funds’ decisions to engage with, or disclose their use of ESG, Schanzenbach said.  

ESG, as it is used in the US, does not refer to a single type of investment, explained Schanzenbach. The distinction between two types of ESG investments will dictate how American Airlines and other employers navigate ERISA rules and litigation.

First, an ESG investing strategy might screen out industries or companies based on ethical or environmental objectives. For example, ESG funds that refrain from owning fossil fuel stocks purely due to moral concerns about climate change are using non-financial factors to make investment decisions—and could violate federal ERISA law, he said. 

The other way to use the term ESG refers more specifically to how fund managers or individual investors assess risk and returns. It’s a way to value companies and stocks by looking at how environmental or social shifts could make them more or less valuable down the line. This is what Schanzenbach calls “ESG for a profit.”

Susan Gary, professor emerita at the University of Oregon’s School of Law, said the lawsuit against American Airlines alleges that the company is using ESG for the first purpose: as a tool to achieve political and moral ends. The original complaint cited “leftist activist groups” that it claims sought to advance their “ESG agendas” rather than maximizing profits and the interests of workers. The attempts in various states, including Texas, to block the use of ESG for political reasons echo a common misunderstanding about how investment managers do their jobs, she added. 

“It’s much more nuanced, much more complicated than (the lawsuit) is describing,” Gary said of American’s use of ESG funds. Investment managers use ESG information to develop their strategy, she continued. “It’s not that there’s one ESG investment strategy.” 

When deciding to invest in a company, plan managers assess a wide range of information. 

This is where ESG comes in, said Fidler, who led the development of the Global ESG Disclosure Standards for Investment Products at the CFA Institute. When considering where to put money, plan managers might take into account how environmental, social, and governance issues will impact the value of the stock. 

“Not everything about a company is captured in its financial statements or in market data,” he continued. “You can use ESG information as part of a holistic fundamental analysis that looks at all the different risks and opportunities that face a business, and evaluate them through the lens of: Is this a good investment?” 

A real estate investor might, for example, consider whether a property is in a floodplain before buying it. Environmental information like flood risks would potentially diminish or ruin the value of the investment down the line. “If funds are using ESG factors to evaluate the financial risks and opportunities of the company, they’re going to continue to do that,” Fidler said. 

“This is ideology and American cultural wars brought to the financial markets.”

But rising backlash against sustainability and climate considerations has caused companies to go quiet about this. The behavior is so prevalent that a term has been coined for it: “greenhushing.” BlackRock, the asset manager repeatedly mentioned in the lawsuit, stopped using the term ESG last year. The firm’s CEO Larry Fink says the company maintains its stance on issues such as climate change, but that the term “ESG” had become too political. 

Litigation like the American Airlines case might exacerbate the phenomenon and push fund managers to scale down using “ESG” or “sustainable” in names, marketing and advertising. “But I don’t think that means that managers will ignore these sorts of risks or information if it’s helping their analysis,” Fidler added.

Rodrigo Zeidan, a professor of business and finance at NYU Shanghai, agreed. This kind of lawsuit, he added, won’t impact the way fund managers do their jobs. “The environment doesn’t care if the American law decides that American funds cannot call their investments ESG,” he said. “Good fund managers will still try to allocate their portfolio to companies that they believe will survive in the long run.” 

Whether fund managers find a new term for ESG or stop calling it anything at all, these lawsuits won’t bring about a revamping of the financial industry, he said. 

Nonetheless, litigation risk does have an impact on companies. Zeidan said it has already kept management teams and boards of directors away from ESG initiatives. “Board members will claim that they don’t want to make any decisions that deviate from a very narrow reading of what fiduciary duty means,” he said. “And that this narrow reading is mainly to limit the legal risk.” 

The cost of these lawsuits, too, might have a chilling effect on companies’ approach to ESG and sustainability. Employees at companies like Google have recently asked their employers to divest their 401(k)s from fossil fuels, but such a policy could expose companies to similar fiduciary duty lawsuits. 

“I think that’s probably part of the litigation strategy, to make it expensive,” Gary said. “Expensive to engage in anything that appears to be ESG investing.”

Much of the politicization of ESG boils down to pensions and government spending, Gary noted. The American Airlines case is not the first time that Texas has been at the forefront of litigation attempting to restrict these two areas. Last year, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton co-led the multistate lawsuit against the Biden administration’s ERISA rules. The lawsuit is now on appeal in the northern district of Texas court. 

In 2021, Texas passed two laws to ban municipalities from doing business with banks that have ESG policies. The legislation was aimed at protecting Texas’ reliance on oil and gas and firearm industries, but research from economists at Wharton and the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago suggests that Texas cities could end up paying $300 million to $500 million in additional interest as a result.

Public pensions in Texas are already barred from investing in funds run by asset management firms such as BlackRock. Supporters of those bills claim that these firms “boycott” Texas energy companies through their ESG policies, despite the banned funds investing a combined $5 billion in oil and gas, according to a Bloomberg News analysis

While the lawsuit awaits its next hearings and likely lengthy litigation and potential subsequent appeals, fund managers will continue to do their jobs, Zeidan said.  

“This, for me, is immaterial and has no systemic long-run effect. This is ideology and American cultural wars brought to the financial markets.”

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Senate Climate Hawks Aren't Ready To Stop Talking About It

“We need to talk about it in ways that connect directly to voters’ lives right now,” Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.), a top environmentalist, said of global warming.

WASHINGTON — Top environmental advocates in the Senate aren’t ready to stop talking about the threat of climate change, even as they acknowledge the environmental movement needs to pivot its messaging to better connect to pocketbook concerns amid skyrocketing electricity bills and the Trump administration’s crackdown on renewable energy projects across the country.The pivot comes as centrists in the party push to downplay an issue that has been at the center of Democratic messaging for years, arguing it’s unnecessarily polarizing and has hurt the party’s brand in key states.“You have to live in the moment that you’re in,” Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.) said in an interview with HuffPost. “Climate is still a giant problem for most states – I’ve had friends whose fire insurance has been canceled because the insurance companies can’t afford it anymore. So it’s not going away, but we need to talk about it in ways that connect directly to voters’ lives right now.”“If you shut down clean energy projects, you’re raising people’s electric rates,” Heinrich added. “I’m not stepping back [from talking about climate] at all, but I am connecting the dots in a way that I think people really respond to.”“I don’t think there’s any doubt that climate is a driving priority,” Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), another leading climate hawk in the Senate, told HuffPost. “I just think how we talk about it and whether or not we emphasize it in our ads is sort of a different question.”After years of advocating for urgent action to confront the threat of climate change, some Democrats are leaning into economic issues instead and avoiding mentioning climate change on the campaign trail. Tom Steyer, the billionaire environmentalist who once focused almost exclusively on climate change, for example, launched his campaign for governor in California with an ad focused on affordability issues and taking on big corporations. California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D), another top climate advocate, has taken a softer approach to Big Oil after years of cracking down on the industry.“There’s not a poll or a pundit that suggests that Democrats should be talking about this,” Newsom told Politico about climate change recently. “I’m not naive to that either, but I think it’s the way we talk about it that’s the bigger issue, and I think all of us, including myself, need to improve on that, and that’s what I aim to do.”Other potential 2028 Democratic presidential candidates have also focused on rising energy costs when they talk about climate. Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), for example, unveiled his own plan last month aimed at boosting clean energy and lowering emissions that was all about affordability. Americans deserve an “energy system that is safe, clean, and affordable for working families – we do not have to choose just one of the above,” his plan stated. Moderate Democrats, however, argue the party has become too closely associated with a cause that simply isn’t at the top of Americans’ priority lists and can be actively harmful for candidates in states where the oil and gas industries employ large numbers of people. The Searchlight Institute, a new centrist think tank founded by a former aide for Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) and the late Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nev.), has urged Democrats to stop mentioning “climate change” entirely in favor of “affordability,” the word Trump seems to think is a “hoax” made up by the left. “In our research, Republicans and Democrats both agree that affordability should be a national priority, and they’re mostly aligned on the importance of lowering energy costs,” the group wrote in a September memo. “That said, mentioning ‘climate change’ opens up a 50-point gap in support between Republicans and Democrats not present on other issues—much larger than the gap in support for developing new energy sources (10 points) or reducing pollution (36 points).”Even if the issue doesn’t move votes, worries about climate change remain widespread: A record-high 48% of U.S. adults said in a Gallup survey earlier this year that global warming will, at some point, pose a serious threat to themselves or their way of life. And not every Democrat agrees with those urging the party to stop talking about climate change. Rhode Island Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, who has delivered hundreds of speeches on the Senate floor calling on Americans to “wake up” to the threat of fossil fuels and climate change, told HuffPost that moving away from advocating for the environment is “stupid” and “ill-informed.” He recently introduced a resolution to get senators on the record about where they stand on climate change.Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent who caucuses with Democrats, said that “you can’t back away from a reality which is going to impact everybody in the United States and people throughout the world.” He added that Democrats must have “the courage to take on the fossil fuel industry and do what many other countries are doing, moving to energy efficiency and sustainable energies like solar.”Democrats this year have hammered Trump’s administration for shutting down the construction of new renewable energy sources, including, most recently, five large-scale offshore wind projects under construction along the East Coast. Trump’s Interior Department cited “emerging national security risks” to explain why it had paused work on the offshore wind farms, without elaborating. “Trump’s obsession with killing offshore wind projects is unhinged, irrational, and unjustified,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) said in a statement on Monday. “At a time of soaring energy costs, this latest decision from DOI is a backwards step that will drive energy bills even higher. It will kill good union jobs, spike energy costs, and put our grid at risk; and it makes absolutely no business sense.”Trump has complained about wind power since offshore turbines were built off the coast of his Scottish golf course in 2011, and has continued the assault in office, calling turbines “disgusting looking,” “noisy,” deadly to birds, and even “bad for people’s health.”Trump’s administration and GOP allies on Capitol Hill have also rolled back or terminated many of the green energy provisions included in President Joe Biden’s signature climate and health law, the Inflation Reduction Act. When it passed in 2022, it was hailed as the most significant federal investment in U.S. history aimed at fighting climate change. But Trump’s Big Beautiful Bill Act wound down much of its tax credits, ended electric vehicle incentives and relaxed emissions rules in a major shift from the previous administration.“As Trump dismantles the wind and solar and battery storage and all electric vehicle job creation revolution in our country, he simultaneously is accelerating the increase in electricity prices for all Americans, which is going to come back to politically haunt the Trump administration,” Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) told HuffPost. “So rather than shying away, we should be leaning into the climate issue, because it’s central as well to the affordability issue that people are confronting at their kitchen table.”

2025 was a big year for climate in the US courts - these were the wins and losses

Americans are increasingly turning to courts to hold big oil accountable. Here are major trends that emerged last yearAs the Trump administration boosts fossil fuels, Americans are increasingly turning to courts to hold big oil accountable for alleged climate deception. That wave of litigation swelled in 2025, with groundbreaking cases filed and wins notched.But the year also brought setbacks, as Trump attacked the cases and big oil worked to have them thrown out. The industry also worked to secure a shield from current and future climate lawsuits. Continue reading...

1. Big oil suits progressed but faced challengesIn recent years, 70-plus US states, cities, and other subnational governments have sued big oil for alleged climate deception. This year, courts repeatedly rejected fossil fuel interests’ attempts to thwart those cases. The supreme court denied a plea to kill a Honolulu lawsuit, and turned down an unusual bid by red states to block the cases. Throughout the year, state courts also shot down attempts to dismiss cases or remand them to federal courts which are seen as more favorable to oil interests.But challenges against big oil also encountered stumbling blocks. In May, Puerto Rico voluntarily dismissed its 2024 lawsuit under pressure. Charleston, South Carolina also declined to appeal its case after it was dismissed.In the coming weeks, the supreme court is expected to decide if it will review a climate lawsuit filed by Boulder, Colorado, against two major oil companies. Their decision could embolden or hinder climate accountability litigation.“So far, the oil companies have had a losing record trying to get these cases thrown out,” said Richard Wiles, president of the Center for Climate Integrity, which backs the litigation against the industry. “The question is, does Boulder change that?”After Colorado’s supreme court refused to dismiss the lawsuit, the energy companies filed a petition with the supreme court asking them to kill the case on the grounds that it is pre-empted by federal laws. If the high court declines to weigh in on the petition – or takes it up and rules in favor of the plaintiffs – that could be boon for climate accountability cases. But if the justices agrees with the oil companies, it could void the Boulder case – and more than a dozen others which make similar claims.That would be a “major challenge”, said Wiles, “but it wouldn’t be game over for the wave of litigation”.“It would not mean the end of big oil being held accountable in the court,” he said.The American Petroleum Institute, the nation’s largest oil lobby group, did not respond to a request to comment.2. New and novel litigationClimate accountability litigation broke new ground in 2025, with Americans taking up novel legal strategies to sue big oil. In May, a Washington woman brought the first-ever wrongful-death lawsuit against big oil alleging the industry’s climate negligence contributed to her mother’s death during a deadly heat wave. And in November, Washington residents brought a class action lawsuit claiming fossil fuel sector deception drove a climate-fueled spike in homeowners’ insurance costs.“These novel cases reflect the lived realities of climate harm and push the legal system to grapple with the full scope of responsibility,” said Merner.Hawaii this year also became the 10th state to sue big oil over alleged climate deception, filing its case just hours after the Department of Justice took the unusual step of suing Hawaii and Michigan over their plans to file litigation. It was a “clear-eyed and powerful pushback” to Trump’s intimidation, Merner said.3. Accountability shieldBig oil ramped up its efforts to evade accountability for its past actions this year, said Wiles. They were aided by allies like Trump, who in April signed an executive order instructing the Justice Department to halt climate accountability litigation and similar policies.In July, members of Congress also tried to cut off Washington DC’s access to funding to enforce its consumer protection laws “against oil and gas companies for environmental claims” by inserting language into a proposed House appropriations bill. A committee passed that version of the text, but the full House never voted on it.2025 also brought mounting evidence that big oil is pushing for a federal liability shield, which could resemble a 2005 law that has largely insulated the firearms industry from lawsuits. In June, 16 Republican state attorneys general asked the Justice Department to help create a “liability shield” for fossil fuel companies against climate lawsuits, the New York Times reported. Lobbying disclosures further show the nation’s largest oil trade group, as well as energy giant ConocoPhillips, lobbying Congress about draft legislation on the topic, according to Inside Climate News.Such a waiver could potentially exempt the industry from virtually all climate litigation. The battle is expected to heat up next year.“We expect they could sneak language to grant them immunity, into some must-pass bill,” said Wiles. “That’s how we think they’ll play it, so we’ve been talking to every person on the Democratic side so that they keep a lookout for this language.”4. What to watch in 2026: plastics and extreme weather casesDespite the challenges ahead, 2026 will almost definitely bring more climate accountability lawsuits against not only big oil but also other kinds of emitting companies. This year, New York’s attorney general notched a major win by securing a $1.1m settlement from the world’s biggest meat company, JBS, over alleged greenwashing. The victory could inspire more cases, said Merner, who noted that many such lawsuits have been filed abroad.Wiles expects more cases to accuse oil companies of deception about plastic pollution, like the one California filed last year. He also expects more lawsuits which focus on harms caused by specific extreme weather events, made possible by advances in attribution science – which links particular disasters to global warming. Researchers and law firms are also developing new theories to target the industry, with groundbreaking cases likely to be filed in 2026.“Companies have engaged in decades of awful behavior that creates liability on so many fronts,” he said. “We haven’t even really scratched the surface of the numerous ways they could be held legally accountable for their behavior.”

From rent to utility bills: the politicians and advocates making climate policy part of the affordability agenda

As the Trump administration derides climate policy as a ‘scam’, emissions-cutting measures are gaining popularityA group of progressive politicians and advocates are reframing emissions-cutting measures as a form of economic populism as the Trump administration derides climate policy as a “scam” and fails to deliver on promises to tame energy costs and inflation.Climate politics were once cast as a test of moral resolve, calling on Americans to accept higher costs to avert environmental catastrophe, but that ignores how rising temperatures themselves drive up costs for working people, said Stevie O’Hanlon, co-founder of the youth-led Sunrise Movement. Continue reading...

A group of progressive politicians and advocates are reframing emissions-cutting measures as a form of economic populism as the Trump administration derides climate policy as a “scam” and fails to deliver on promises to tame energy costs and inflation.Climate politics were once cast as a test of moral resolve, calling on Americans to accept higher costs to avert environmental catastrophe, but that ignores how rising temperatures themselves drive up costs for working people, said Stevie O’Hanlon, co-founder of the youth-led Sunrise Movement.“People increasingly understand how climate and costs of living are tied together,” she said.Utility bills and healthcare costs are climbing as extreme weather intensifies. Public transit systems essential to climate goals are reeling from federal funding cuts. Rents are rising as landlords pass along costs of inefficient buildings, higher insurance and disaster repairs, turning climate risk into a monthly surcharge. Meanwhile, wealth inequality is surging under an administration that took record donations from big oil.“We need to connect climate change to the everyday economic reality we are all facing in this country,” said O’Hanlon.Progressive politicians have embraced that notion. Zohran Mamdani, New York City’s democratic socialist mayor-elect, has advanced affordability-first climate policies such as free buses to reduce car use, and a plan to make schools more climate-resilient. Seattle’s socialist mayor-elect, Katie Wilson, says she will boost social housing while pursuing green retrofits.NYC Mayor-MamdaniFILE - Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., left, New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, center, and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., appear on stage during a rally, Sunday, Oct. 26, 2025, in New York. (AP Photo/Heather Khalifa, File) Photograph: Heather Khalifa/APMaine’s US Senate hopeful Graham Platner is pairing calls to rein in polluters and protect waterways with a critique of oligarchic politics. In Nebraska, independent US Senate candidate Dan Osborn backs right-to-repair laws that let farmers and consumers fix equipment – an approach he doesn’t frame as climate policy, but one that climate advocates say could reduce emissions from manufacturing. And in New Jersey and Virginia, Democrats “who are by no means radical leftists” ran successful campaigns focused on lowering utility costs, O’Hanlon said.Movements nationwide are also working to cut emissions while building economic power. Chicago’s teachers’ union secured a contract requiring solar panels to be added to schools and creating clean-energy career pathways for students. Educators’ unions in Los Angeles and Minneapolis are also seeking to improve conditions for staff and students while decarbonizing.“We see them as real protagonists in the fight for what we [at the Climate and Community Institute] are calling ‘green economic populism,’” said Rithika Ramamurthy, communications director at the leftwing climate thinktank Climate and Community Institute.From Maine to Texas, organized labor is also pushing for a unionized workforce to decarbonize energy and buildings. And tenants’ unions are working to green their residences while protecting renters from climate disasters and rising bills, Ramamurthy said. From Connecticut to California, they are fighting for eviction protections, which can prevent post-disaster displacement and empower tenants to demand green upgrades. Some are also directly advocating for climate-friendly retrofits.Movements are also working to expand public ownership energy, which proponents say can strengthen democratic control and lower rates by eliminating shareholder profits. In New York, a coalition won a 2023 policy directing the state-owned utility to build renewable energy with a unionized workforce, and advocates are pursuing a consumer-owned utility in Maine and a public takeover of the local utility in Baltimore.To hold polluters accountable for their climate contributions, activists and lawmakers across the country are championing policies that would force them to help pay to curb emissions and boost resilience. Vermont and New York passed such “climate superfund” laws this year, while New York and Maine are expected to vote on such measures soon. And legislators in other states are looking to introduce or reintroduce bills in 2026, even as the Trump administration attempts to kill the laws.“When insurance becomes unaffordable and states are constantly rebuilding after disasters, people don’t need some technical explanation to know that something is seriously wrong,” said Cassidy DiPaola, spokesperson for the Make Polluters Pay campaign. “Climate superfunds connect those costs to accountability by saying that the companies that caused the damage shouldn’t be shielded from paying for it.” Polls show the bills appear popular, she said.Speaking to people’s financial concerns can help build support for climate policy, said DiPaola. Polls show voters support accountability measures against polluters and that most believe the climate crisis is driving up costs of living.“The fastest way to depolarize climate is to simply talk about who’s paying and who’s profiting,” she said. “People disagree about a lot of things, but they do understand being ripped off.”Linking green initiatives with economic concerns isn’t new. It was central to the Green New Deal, popularized by the Sunrise Movement and politicians like the representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in 2018. That push informed Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which included the biggest climate investments in US history. But critics argue the IRA fell short of building economic power among ordinary people.Though it boosted green manufacturing and created some 400,000 new jobs, those benefits were not tangible to most Americans, said Ramamurthy. Proposed investments in housing and public transit – which may have been more visible – were scaled back in the final package. Its incentives also largely went to private companies and wealthier households. A 2024 poll found only 24% of registered voters thought the IRA helped them.“The IRA focused on creating incentives for capital, relying almost entirely on carrots with very few sticks,” said Ramamurthy.While it advanced renewables, the IRA also contained handouts for polluters, O’Hanlon said. And Biden did not pair its passage with messaging acknowledging economic hardship, she said.“The administration was great on connecting jobs and green energy,” she said. “But they said the economy was doing well, which felt out of touch.”Trump capitalized on Americans’ economic anxieties, said O’Hanlon, but has not offered them relief.“We need a vision that can actually combat the narrative Trump has been putting out,” she said. “We need a vision for addressing the climate crisis alongside making life better for for working people.”

Why You Feel So Compelled To Make Resolutions Every Single Year, Even If You Fail

It's not your fault: your brain is hardwired to set goals and then quit.

A new year. A new school year. A new week. Mental health experts say our brains are naturally drawn to fresh starts, wired to find motivation in new beginnings. These moments act like a psychological reset button, nudging us toward self-reflection, habit-building and behavior change. Yet despite making resolutions year after year, many of us struggle to stick with them. Why do we keep coming back for more?Here’s why we crave resolutions and how to harness them in a way that actually boosts productivity and keeps momentum going, helping you feel more accomplished all year long.Why Our Brain Is Drawn To Making ResolutionsThough the start of a new year has long been tied to making resolutions, there’s more behind the tradition than just cultural habit. “For many, fresh starts feel hopeful,” said Jennifer Birdsall, a board-certified, licensed clinical psychologist and chief clinical officer at ComPsych. “Psychologically, they allow people to release the baggage of past experiences, including failures, and set forth on goals with renewed energy and optimism.”This ties into what psychologists call the fresh start effect. When a clear milestone, like a new year, a birthday or the start of a new semester, gives us the sense of turning the page, it helps us mentally separate our past self from our future self, motivating us to break old habits and approach change with a bit of extra momentum.Resolutions can also give your brain a boost. There are actually psychological benefits to making goals, even if you don’t follow through on them. Simply setting resolutions can help you feel a greater sense of control. “This is especially important right now given how much uncertainty people experience in today’s volatile social, political and economic climate,” Birdsall said. Alivia Hall, a licensed clinical social worker and clinical director at LiteMinded Therapy, noted that just picturing a future version of ourselves, one who feels healthier, more grounded and more intentional, activates the brain’s reward system, triggering a dopamine boost.“The anticipation alone can create a sense of energy and momentum before we’ve taken a single step,” she explained.Why Resolutions Often Don’t StickMany of us start the year with the best intentions, only to find our goals slipping away a few months in.One reason, according to Hall, is that we often approach goal-setting with an all-or-nothing mindset, viewing success as binary: either you succeed or fail. So when someone skips a single workout or misses a day of journaling, the brain quickly convinces them they’ve completely blown it. “That harsh, all-or-nothing lens can make people give up on their goals entirely, instead of seeing it as just a small setback they can recover from,” she explained.Another common pitfall is relying on willpower. “Early on, motivation runs high because the brain is lit up by novelty and reward anticipation. But once that dopamine surge fades, sheer discipline often isn’t enough to sustain change,” Hall said. Without structure, environmental cues or a deeper connection to our values, goals can start to feel less like inspired choices and more like chores. “Psychologically, this creates friction between intention and behavior — which is why so many resolutions quietly start to fizzle by February or March,” she added.AscentXmedia via Getty ImagesIt's not your fault: your brain is hardwired to set goals and then quit.How To Really Accomplish A Resolution, Once And For AllWhat we need to be mindful of is falling into a cycle of constantly setting new resolutions, enjoying that dopamine boost, and then quickly abandoning those goals. Here are some tips for sticking to a goal long-term when you start to fall off:Do a self-audit before creating your resolution.“I’m a big proponent of doing a self-audit prior to making resolutions or setting goals, as it encourages a more structured and intentional approach to personal growth by reflecting on one’s strengths and weaknesses, as well as one’s accomplishments and growth opportunities,” Birdsall said. Taking time to look back at what you’re most proud of, what may have held you back and how closely you’ve been living your values can help clarify where you want to focus your energy next and which goals will feel most meaningful to pursue.Anchor your resolutions to your values.“Attune to the aspect of the goal that taps into your motivation,” said Lorain Moorehead, a licensed clinical social worker and therapy and consultation practice owner. So if the end result of finishing a marathon doesn’t excite you, maybe what does is the value of improving your physical health. “The motivation that is there when the goal is initially set can wear off, especially as you become tired or the goal becomes challenging or draining,” she said. But when you stay connected to the deeper why behind your goal, it becomes much easier to keep going, even when the momentum dips.Set micro goals to build self-trust.“Break goals into the smallest possible steps, so small they almost feel too easy,” said Ellen Ottman, founder and licensed therapist at Stillpoint Therapy Collective.For example, instead of running 10 miles per week, start with putting on your running shoes and walking outside three times a week, as completing even tiny goals triggers dopamine, which boosts both motivation and confidence. Form connections with like-minded people.Form connections with other goal-setters who can offer support, encouragement or feedback along the way.“Achieving something can be lonely,” Moorehead said. “People can diminish the goal if they don’t understand the process, so it can be helpful to receive support from others who are committed to a goal.” As a way to foster community, join a group of people practicing the same skill or who have already tackled similar goals.If you falter, reset your resolution and keep going.Some 92% of people fail to achieve their goals, so if you’ve fallen off track partway through the year, you’re not alone. The good news is that it’s never too late to reset without feeling like you’ve failed.“Progress rarely happens in straight lines, so the most powerful thing you can do when you lose momentum is to reset with kindness,” Ottman said. “Shame tends to freeze us, while curiosity and self-compassion help us move forward.”Instead of trying to catch up or scrapping your goal altogether, try reworking it. If your original goal was to read more, make it smaller and more specific, like reading one page a day. “Small, consistent wins rebuild trust and confidence in your ability to follow through,” Ottman said, “creating the true foundation for lasting change.”

Greenwashing, illegality and false claims: 13 climate litigation wins in 2025

Legal action has brought important decisions, from the scrapping of fossil fuel plants to revised climate plansThis year marks the 10th anniversary of the Paris agreement. It is also a decade since another key moment in climate justice, when a state was ordered for the first time to cut its carbon emissions faster to protect its citizens from climate change. The Urgenda case, which was upheld by the Netherlands’ supreme court in 2019, was one of the first rumblings of a wave of climate litigation around the world that campaigners say has resulted in a new legal architecture for climate protection.Over the past 12 months, there have been many more important rulings and tangible changes on climate driven by legal action. Continue reading...

This year marks the 10th anniversary of the Paris agreement. It is also a decade since another key moment in climate justice, when a state was ordered for the first time to cut its carbon emissions faster to protect its citizens from climate change. The Urgenda case, which was upheld by the Netherlands’ supreme court in 2019, was one of the first rumblings of a wave of climate litigation around the world that campaigners say has resulted in a new legal architecture for climate protection.Over the past 12 months, there have been many more important rulings and tangible changes on climate driven by legal action.Rosebank and Jackdaw approval ruled illegalThe year started with a bang when UK government approval of the Rosebank and Jackdaw oil and gas fields in the North Sea was ruled illegal by the Scottish court of session, because it did not account for greenhouse gas emissions caused by burning the extracted fossil fuels.The judgment relied heavily on a 2024 supreme court ruling in a climate case brought by campaigner Sarah Finch. That ruling also led the high court to throw out planning permission for a new coalmine in Whitehaven, Cumbria, after which the company withdrew its plans.The government published new guidance in June on how these assessments should be undertaken, although the ruling does not automatically prevent regulators from approving fossil fuel projects once they have fully analysed their impacts.Equinor published a revised environmental assessment of Rosebank in October and a decision on approval is imminent. The government has hinted that it may give consent again, and Greenpeace has vowed further legal action if that happens.Plans to build Brazil’s largest coal plant scrappedCivil society organisations have been campaigning for years against a coalmine and power plant in the southern state of Rio Grande do Sul planned by the coal company Copelmi. If it had gone ahead, it would have been the largest coal plant in Brazil.The groups argued that the Nova Seival plant and Guaíba mine breached Brazil’s climate obligations, and that the licensing process had not been undertaken properly. In 2022, a court suspended the licences and set out requirements for how the process should be revised. But in February this year, Copelmi formally withdrew its plans, saying the project had become unfeasible.German court opens door for climate damages claimsOn the face of it, it sounds like a failure that a German court rejected a climate case brought by a Peruvian farmer and mountain guide against German energy company RWE.Saúl Luciano Lliuya had sought 0.47% of the overall cost of building flood defences to protect his home from a melting glacier, a proportion equivalent to RWE’s contribution to global emissions.But the decade-old case had always been a stretch, and in reality it set a potentially important precedent on polluters’ liability for their carbon emissions.So it was not a surprise when later in the year a group of Pakistani farmers whose livelihoods were devastated by floods three years ago fired the starting shot in a new legal claim against two of Germany’s most polluting companies.EnergyAustralia settles greenwashing lawsuit with parentsIn May, EnergyAustralia settled a greenwashing lawsuit brought by a group of Australian parents.Climate action group Parents for Climate claimed EnergyAustralia breached Australian Consumer Law when promoting electricity and gas products because the carbon offsets used to secure certification were not backed by meaningful reductions in emissions.As part of the settlement, the utility company acknowledged that carbon offsets do not prevent or undo damage caused by greenhouse gas emissions and apologised to 400,000 customers who were part of the scheme.It was the first case in the country to be brought against a company for marketing itself as carbon neutral.International courts issue landmark climate opinionsTwo international courts issued landmark advisory opinions on climate change in July.First was the inter-American court of human rights, which found that there is a human right to a healthy climate and states have a duty to protect it. This was closely followed by the international court of justice, which said countries must prevent harm to the climate system and that failing to do so could result in their having to pay compensation and make other forms of restitution.The two documents are already being referenced in climate lawsuits around the world. And attempts were made to use them as leverage during climate talks in Brazil last month, although this proved more difficult than anticipated.New South Wales coalmine expansion annulledApproval for the largest coalmine expansion in New South Wales was annulled in July because the state’s independent planning commission did not take into account the project’s full greenhouse gas emissions.Denman Aberdeen Muswellbrook Scone Healthy Environment Group, working with the Environmental Defenders Office, filed the case in 2023, arguing MACH Energy’s Mount Pleasant Optimisation coal mining project near Muswellbrook would worsen climate change and threaten a unique species of legless lizard.The court of appeal said the commission failed to account for “scope 3” emissions when the coal is exported and burned overseas.Apple scales back carbon neutrality claimsIn August, a Frankfurt court ruled that Apple was not allowed to call its Apple Watch “carbon neutral”.It agreed with German NGO Deutsche Umwelthilfe that the company could not demonstrate long-term carbon neutrality because the claim was based on funding eucalyptus groves in Paraguay, leases for which expire soon.Apple is trying to get a similar greenwashing case against it in the US dismissed.A few months later, tech news websites noticed that Apple had stopped marketing its newly launched watches as carbon neutral in other countries too.Hawaii to cut transport emissions after lawsuitLast year, Hawaii agreed to settle a lawsuit by 13 young people, represented by Our Children’s Trust, who said it was breaching their rights with infrastructure that contributes to climate change.The settlement acknowledged the constitutional rights of Hawaii youth to a life-sustaining climate, and the state promised to develop a roadmap to achieve zero emissions for its ground, sea and inner island air transportation systems by 2045.In October, it delivered. The energy security and waste reduction plan includes new electric vehicle chargers, investments in public and active transport, and efforts to sequester carbon through native reforestation. It will be updated annually.Campaigners called the plan a “critical milestone”.Campaigners put end to coal power plant in KenyaEnvironmental campaigners won a key climate case challenging approval of a coal power plant in Lamu, on Kenya’s southern coast, in October.Litigation against Amu Power (a joint venture between Centum and Gulf Energy) and the Kenyan National Environment Management Authority began a decade ago and construction was ordered to stop in 2019.The environment and land court finally upheld a revocation of the plant’s licence because of flaws in the environmental assessment, particularly a lack of proper public participation. Climate change impacts had also not been properly assessed.TotalEnergies ordered to stop greenwashing in FranceLater in the month, TotalEnergies was found to have made false claims about its climate goals in a French court for false claims about its climate goals.Les Amis de la Terre France, Greenpeace France and Notre Affaire à Tous, with the support of ClientEarth, claimed TotalEnergies’s “reinvention” marketing campaign broke European consumer law by suggesting it could reach net zero carbon emissions by 2050 while continuing to produce fossil fuels.The Paris judicial court ruled that some claims on the company’s French website were likely to mislead consumers because there was not enough information about what they meant.Meat companies settle greenwashing claimsIn early November, New York agreed a $1.1m settlement with Brazilian meat company JBS’s US arm to end a lawsuit claiming the company misled customers about its efforts to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions.The money will be used to support climate-smart agriculture programmes that help New York farmers adopt best practices to reduce emissions, increase resiliency and enhance productivity. JBS USA also agreed to reform its environmental marketing practices and report annually to the New York office of the attorney general for three years.Soon after, Tyson Foods also agreed to stop saying it will reach net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 and marketing beef as climate friendly to settle a greenwashing lawsuit brought by agriculture industry watchdog Environmental Working Group.UK government publishes tougher climate planThe UK government published a revised carbon budget and growth delivery plan in October after its previous plan was ruled unlawful by the high court.The new document reaffirms the UK’s commitment to decarbonise its electricity supply by 2030 and reduce greenhouse gas emissions drastically by 2037, with specific measures for energy, transport, agriculture, homes and industry.It follows a successful lawsuit by the Good Law Project, Friends of the Earth and ClientEarth. After the striking down of the original net zero strategy in court in 2022, the trio argued that the “threadbare” revised version was still not good enough.However, campaigners are planning another round of legal action challenging national climate strategy, this time at the European court of human rights.Three Norwegian oilfields ruled illegalLicences for three oilfields in the North Sea were declared illegal in November by a Norwegian court because they were approved without the full impacts of climate change being considered.The Borgarting court of appeal upheld a claim by Greenpeace Nordic and Natur og Ungdom challenging permission for the Equinor-operated Breidablikk and Aker BP’s Yggdrasil and Tyrving fields.The decision closely followed the European court of human rights’s dismissal of a lawsuit by the same claimants against Norway, which nonetheless set important standards for how states should undertake environmental impact assessments of fossil fuel projects.However, the Borgarting court stopped short of ordering the fields to stop producing oil, giving the Norwegian government six months to sort out the licences.

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