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Analysis-Australian Mine Fight Reignites Aboriginal Heritage Tensions

News Feed
Tuesday, October 1, 2024

MELBOURNE (Reuters) - Wiradjuri elder Nyree Reynolds calls her home west of Sydney the valley of the Bilabula, the Indigenous name for its river. The river features in Wiradjuri stories about the creation of their land, she told state planning regulators, "And no one has the right to destroy this."On her objections, the Australian government in August ordered miner Regis Resources to find a new dam site for a A$1 billion ($685 million) gold project on the grounds its proposed location for storing rock and chemical waste would irreparably harm culture attached to the river.The decision by Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek under a rarely used Aboriginal heritage protection law has stoked an outcry from mining groups who say Regis followed all legal processes and the decision raises sovereign risk for developers.The government's action adds to the uncertainty miners have faced since iron ore giant Rio Tinto legally destroyed ancient Aboriginal rock shelters at Juukan Gorge four years ago and raises the urgency to overhaul heritage protection laws.At least three other resources projects are facing review, like Regis did, under Section 10 of the law that allows Aboriginal people to apply to protect areas important to them when other legal avenues have failed."You can get all the state environmental approvals, all the federal environmental approvals and at the end of the process a Section 10, ... essentially a federal minister can ... make your project unviable," said Warren Pearce, CEO of the Association of Mining and Exploration Companies. "That's the definition of sovereign risk."While Reynolds objected to Regis' mine, a local Aboriginal group representing Wiradjuri people, authorised by the state to speak for cultural heritage, had concluded that impacts from the project could be managed.Regis said in August it is considering its legal options after writing down the value of its project by more than $100 million.The decision on Regis' project was the second by the government in as many months to back Indigenous groups over miners.ERA, majority owned by mining giant Rio Tinto, is suing the government on procedural fairness grounds after it did not renew the miner's exploration lease on uranium rich land.Government officials and some investors say developers need to engage earlier and more deeply with Indigenous groups when planning projects, but new laws governing heritage protection that would assist the process are yet to arrive.The government has not said when it expects to finalise the legislation. Only Western Australia has made some heritage reforms, leaving the industry relying on a patchwork of old state legislation to manage heritage protection at a time when Australia is marketing itself as a supplier of ethical metals.Resources projects with outstanding Section 10 objections include miner Bellevue Gold's plan to dig under a desert lake and Woodside's Scarborough natural gas project that will feed a gas plant in a region rich in ancient rock art that the government has nominated for a UNESCO World Heritage listing. Both projects are in Western Australia.But not all objections are equal when it comes to politics, especially with the centre-left Labor government facing an election in 2025.Woodside is unlikely to face the same setback as Regis, said MST Marquee senior energy analyst Saul Kavonic, as the $12.5 billion Scarborough gas project is "extremely politically important to the Labor government in Western Australia".Plibersek's office said it could not comment on the Scarborough project as the issue is under consideration.Both Woodside and Bellevue said they take their responsibilities to manage Aboriginal cultural heritage seriously.Bellevue said it has permission from the Tjiwarl native title group to dig under the lake as part of a heritage management plan.The government's action comes after it failed in a referendum last year that sought to give Indigenous Australians special recognition in the country's constitution and an advisory voice to lawmakers.Some people think the government is now acting to appease inner city east coast voters who backed the referendum and who may want to vote for the Greens rather than support mining."Here is a government trying to scramble to make itself look good, because it absolutely gutted the opportunity for us to have a voice in Parliament," said Wonnarua man Scott Franks, who has filed three section 10s against developments in the state's coal rich Hunter Valley region and lost them all.When asked if she was catering to Green voters with her decision on Regis, Plibersek told reporters on Aug. 28 that she had consulted widely: "I made the decision based on facts."Australia's minister for Indigenous Australians, Malarndirri McCarthy, said the government was working hard with Aboriginal groups on new heritage protection laws."The Australian Government is deeply concerned about the destruction of First Nations heritage values anywhere in Australia," McCarthy said in a statement to Reuters.A key issue that needs to be addressed is to make clear exactly who developers need to consult to ensure projects do not harm important sites on the traditional lands or countries of Indigenous groups."Our whole objective is to remove this sort of uncertainty that people are dealing with to make it clear who speaks for the Country," Plibersek told Australian Broadcasting Corp on Aug. 28.Regis said it had consulted with 13 different groups and individuals during the permitting process."Regis takes its relationship with the Aboriginal stakeholders at our operations very seriously and conducted extensive engagement with Aboriginal parties from an early stage in the approvals process," it said in a statement to Reuters.To help miners manage consultations on protecting Aboriginal heritage while the rules are revised, the Responsible Investment Association Australasia, which counts 75% of the country's institutional investors as members, worked with First Nations, the government and mining giant BHP on best practices."The current laws remain inadequate, which is why we need investors and corporates themselves to step up," the association's co-CEO, Estelle Parker, said.Among its recommendations, the association urges miners to adhere to free, prior and informed consent that can be withdrawn at any time.The guide is "ambitious and probably unrealistic", law firm Ashurst said in a 2024 report, but it advised miners to get familiar with it."Be aware that change will come to Federal heritage laws. When it does, it will be closer to the expectations expressed in these recent publications than the current legal framework."($1 = 1.4601 Australian dollars)(Reporting by Melanie Burton; Editing by Sonali Paul)Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters.

By Melanie BurtonMELBOURNE (Reuters) - Wiradjuri elder Nyree Reynolds calls her home west of Sydney the valley of the Bilabula, the Indigenous name...

MELBOURNE (Reuters) - Wiradjuri elder Nyree Reynolds calls her home west of Sydney the valley of the Bilabula, the Indigenous name for its river. The river features in Wiradjuri stories about the creation of their land, she told state planning regulators, "And no one has the right to destroy this."

On her objections, the Australian government in August ordered miner Regis Resources to find a new dam site for a A$1 billion ($685 million) gold project on the grounds its proposed location for storing rock and chemical waste would irreparably harm culture attached to the river.

The decision by Environment Minister Tanya Plibersek under a rarely used Aboriginal heritage protection law has stoked an outcry from mining groups who say Regis followed all legal processes and the decision raises sovereign risk for developers.

The government's action adds to the uncertainty miners have faced since iron ore giant Rio Tinto legally destroyed ancient Aboriginal rock shelters at Juukan Gorge four years ago and raises the urgency to overhaul heritage protection laws.

At least three other resources projects are facing review, like Regis did, under Section 10 of the law that allows Aboriginal people to apply to protect areas important to them when other legal avenues have failed.

"You can get all the state environmental approvals, all the federal environmental approvals and at the end of the process a Section 10, ... essentially a federal minister can ... make your project unviable," said Warren Pearce, CEO of the Association of Mining and Exploration Companies. "That's the definition of sovereign risk."

While Reynolds objected to Regis' mine, a local Aboriginal group representing Wiradjuri people, authorised by the state to speak for cultural heritage, had concluded that impacts from the project could be managed.

Regis said in August it is considering its legal options after writing down the value of its project by more than $100 million.

The decision on Regis' project was the second by the government in as many months to back Indigenous groups over miners.

ERA, majority owned by mining giant Rio Tinto, is suing the government on procedural fairness grounds after it did not renew the miner's exploration lease on uranium rich land.

Government officials and some investors say developers need to engage earlier and more deeply with Indigenous groups when planning projects, but new laws governing heritage protection that would assist the process are yet to arrive.

The government has not said when it expects to finalise the legislation. Only Western Australia has made some heritage reforms, leaving the industry relying on a patchwork of old state legislation to manage heritage protection at a time when Australia is marketing itself as a supplier of ethical metals.

Resources projects with outstanding Section 10 objections include miner Bellevue Gold's plan to dig under a desert lake and Woodside's Scarborough natural gas project that will feed a gas plant in a region rich in ancient rock art that the government has nominated for a UNESCO World Heritage listing. Both projects are in Western Australia.

But not all objections are equal when it comes to politics, especially with the centre-left Labor government facing an election in 2025.

Woodside is unlikely to face the same setback as Regis, said MST Marquee senior energy analyst Saul Kavonic, as the $12.5 billion Scarborough gas project is "extremely politically important to the Labor government in Western Australia".

Plibersek's office said it could not comment on the Scarborough project as the issue is under consideration.

Both Woodside and Bellevue said they take their responsibilities to manage Aboriginal cultural heritage seriously.

Bellevue said it has permission from the Tjiwarl native title group to dig under the lake as part of a heritage management plan.

The government's action comes after it failed in a referendum last year that sought to give Indigenous Australians special recognition in the country's constitution and an advisory voice to lawmakers.

Some people think the government is now acting to appease inner city east coast voters who backed the referendum and who may want to vote for the Greens rather than support mining.

"Here is a government trying to scramble to make itself look good, because it absolutely gutted the opportunity for us to have a voice in Parliament," said Wonnarua man Scott Franks, who has filed three section 10s against developments in the state's coal rich Hunter Valley region and lost them all.

When asked if she was catering to Green voters with her decision on Regis, Plibersek told reporters on Aug. 28 that she had consulted widely: "I made the decision based on facts."

Australia's minister for Indigenous Australians, Malarndirri McCarthy, said the government was working hard with Aboriginal groups on new heritage protection laws.

"The Australian Government is deeply concerned about the destruction of First Nations heritage values anywhere in Australia," McCarthy said in a statement to Reuters.

A key issue that needs to be addressed is to make clear exactly who developers need to consult to ensure projects do not harm important sites on the traditional lands or countries of Indigenous groups.

"Our whole objective is to remove this sort of uncertainty that people are dealing with to make it clear who speaks for the Country," Plibersek told Australian Broadcasting Corp on Aug. 28.

Regis said it had consulted with 13 different groups and individuals during the permitting process.

"Regis takes its relationship with the Aboriginal stakeholders at our operations very seriously and conducted extensive engagement with Aboriginal parties from an early stage in the approvals process," it said in a statement to Reuters.

To help miners manage consultations on protecting Aboriginal heritage while the rules are revised, the Responsible Investment Association Australasia, which counts 75% of the country's institutional investors as members, worked with First Nations, the government and mining giant BHP on best practices.

"The current laws remain inadequate, which is why we need investors and corporates themselves to step up," the association's co-CEO, Estelle Parker, said.

Among its recommendations, the association urges miners to adhere to free, prior and informed consent that can be withdrawn at any time.

The guide is "ambitious and probably unrealistic", law firm Ashurst said in a 2024 report, but it advised miners to get familiar with it.

"Be aware that change will come to Federal heritage laws. When it does, it will be closer to the expectations expressed in these recent publications than the current legal framework."

($1 = 1.4601 Australian dollars)

(Reporting by Melanie Burton; Editing by Sonali Paul)

Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters.

Read the full story here.
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Another rich town stares down the CA housing department

Scheduling note: WhatMatters is taking Indigenous Peoples’ Day off and will return to your inboxes Tuesday. When the town council of Los Altos Hills approved construction of new apartment buildings two years ago, it was a big deal for the affluent Santa Clara County community, writes CalMatters’ Ben Christopher. For decades the mansion-studded town permitted […]

An aerial photo near Los Altos Hills in 2014. Photo by Jewel Samad, AFP via Getty Images Scheduling note: WhatMatters is taking Indigenous Peoples’ Day off and will return to your inboxes Tuesday. When the town council of Los Altos Hills approved construction of new apartment buildings two years ago, it was a big deal for the affluent Santa Clara County community, writes CalMatters’ Ben Christopher. For decades the mansion-studded town permitted the construction of only one type of building, single-family homes, and no more than one per acre. But now Los Altos Hills — where the average home price is $5.5 million — is having second thoughts, and the events that are unfolding underscore how local governments continue to push back against state requirements to develop more affordable housing. Due to state mandates, town officials begrudgingly approved the development of Los Altos Hills’ first-ever affordable housing units since its incorporation in 1956. They chose an area along Interstate 280, known as Twin Oaks Court, and California housing regulators signed off on this plan in the spring of 2023.  But earlier this summer, the town council voted to cut the number of planned new homes by nearly two-thirds. Officials and residents say the proposed changes still meet state requirements, and that the original plan would obstruct emergency access areas, worsen traffic and disrupt local wildlife. State regulators are expected to respond to the town’s proposals by today, but pro-housing advocates have denounced the potential changes. The California Housing Defense Fund, in a September letter to the California Department of Housing and Community Development: “It is grossly inappropriate for the Town to carve back its most important low-income site. … Local agencies should not be allowed to amend their housing elements the moment that they are confronted with a real housing development project.” The dispute is being closely watched by other well-to-do cities that are proposing — or have proposed, to varying degrees of success — altering their own state-approved development plans, including Carmel and South Pasadena. Read more here. For the record: A story included in the Oct. 3 issue of WhatMatters contained a number of erroneous characterizations and conclusions based on an incorrect interpretation of campaign finance data. Read the full correction. 🗓️ CalMatters Events in your community Sacramento: Should Californians support mid-decade redistricting? Join us for a debate on Oct. 14 presented by CalMatters, Capitol Weekly and the UC Student and Policy Center. Register. San Jose: Join CalMatters and Alianza News on Oct. 17 for a screening of Operation: Return to Sender, a short documentary uncovering what happened during a Border Patrol raid in Bakersfield. After the film, CalMatters’ Sergio Olmos and others will discuss what the team uncovered. Register. Other Stories You Should Know Service members brace for missed checks U.S. Marine Corps recruits during a final drill evaluation at Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego on Sept. 19, 2025. Photo by Corporal Sarah M. Grawcock, U.S. Marine Corps More than a week into the federal government shutdown, thousands of residents in San Diego County — which has the highest military population in the state — are bracing for missed paychecks, writes CalMatters’ Deborah Brennan.  In a region that already has one of the highest cost of living rates, some service members could miss out on their next paycheck on Oct. 15, while others who are paid monthly could see their wages frozen on Nov. 1.  Having enough money for food is a top priority for some families: Local food banks plan to add pop-up food banks near the county’s five military installations to help combat food insecurity. Maggie Meza, executive director for the San Diego chapter of Blue Star Families: “Rent still needs to be paid, food needs to be put on the table, cars need to be paid for, and our military families are now in the stress of uncertainty.” Read more here. More on Southern California: San Diego County is plagued by hydrogen sulfide emissions from pollution from the Tijuana River. The Salton Sea also emits this gas, which smells like rotten eggs and is linked to health risks. Deborah and CalMatters’ video strategy director Robert Meeks have a video segment on this issue affecting California’s largest lake as part of our partnership with PBS SoCal. Watch it here. SoCalMatters airs at 5:58 p.m. weekdays on PBS SoCal. Cooling down those mobile homes 🧊 Las Casitas mobile home park in American Canyon on Oct. 30, 2019. Photo by Anne Wernikoff for CalMatters From CalMatters’ environmental justice reporter Alejandra Reyes-Velarde: Californians who live in mobile homes will soon have the right to install cooling devices, after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed Assembly Bill 806 into law on Tuesday.  Advocates for residents say lease provisions and park rules have sometimes banned air conditioning units. Tenant advocates at Legal Aid of Sonoma County, a sponsor of the legislation, said they were surprised such restrictions were legal. The bill was carried by Assemblymember Damon Connolly, a San Rafael Democrat. Caitlin Vejby, a housing policy analyst with the organization, said the law will save lives. Many mobile home residents in Californians are low-income, elderly or have health conditions that make them vulnerable to extreme heat, and three-quarters of mobile home parks are located in inland areas, some of the hottest regions of the state, she added.  Starting Jan. 1, tenants whose landlords don’t follow the rules can sue for damages and attorney fees. Landlords could also pay a $2,000 civil penalty.  And lastly: Test scores going up Students at a classroom at St. Hope’s Public School 7 Elementary in Sacramento on May 11, 2022. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters Investments in mental health, access to transitional kindergarten and expanded after-school programs are some of the reasons behind the most significant improvements in state test scores in years, experts say. But some disparities among K-12 students still persist. Read more from CalMatters’ Carolyn Jones. California Voices CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: A dispute over an increase in hotel taxes in San Diego is the latest skirmish in the saga over voting requirements for local tax increase proposals. A conviction record can hinder one’s ability to find jobs, housing and education, but a state law making many old conviction records eligible for expungement can help some of the 8 million Californians living with a record, writes Joanna Hernandez, director of strategic partnerships at the San Francisco Pre-Trial Diversion Project. Other things worth your time: Some stories may require a subscription to read. Edison’s Eaton Fire compensation plan isn’t enough, residents say // CalMatters SF appeals court appears reluctant to block Trump’s National Guard Deployment to Portland // KQED Katie Porter’s viral videos plunge campaign into ‘disaster’ // Politico CA makes Diwali an official statewide holiday // AP News West Coast faults could trigger catastrophic back-to-back earthquakes, study finds // The Guardian  House Republicans launch investigation into distribution of LA fire charity funds // Los Angeles Times LA County considers declaring state of emergency to fight back against ICE raids // Los Angeles Times SoCal Edison sued for 2019 Saddleridge Fire damage by federal government // Los Angeles Daily News

Indigenous Peoples Day 2025. What’s open, what’s closed in Oregon

Most Federal offices are closed and there is no mail delivery Monday, Oct. 13, 2025

Oregonians celebrate Indigenous Peoples Day on Monday, Oct. 13. The holiday was officially recognized in Oregon in 2021. It’s a Federal holiday (Columbus Day), but not a day off for state or city government offices. See the list below for information on service adjustments and closed governmental agencies. WHAT’S CLOSEDFederal offices and courts will be close (for Columbus Day, a federal holiday). Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde tribal offices will be closed.The Native American Youth and Family Center (NAYA) in Portland will be closed. All Oregon Department of Environmental Quality vehicle emission test centers in the Portland area are closed on Mondays.Many banks are closed. Check with your institution. The stock market is open, but the bond market is closed.U.S. Postal Service offices will be closed and there is no regular mail delivery.WHAT’S OPENPortland parking meters will be enforced.State offices in Oregon and Washington will be open.Multnomah, Clackamas and Washington county government offices will be open.City of Portland offices will be open.Multnomah, Clackamas and Washington County courts will be open.TriMet, Portland aerial tram, Portland Streetcar, and C-Tran will operate on regular schedules.LIBRARIESMultnomah County library locations are open. Clackamas County are open. Check with Washington County Cooperative Library Services for information on specific branches: wccls.org/dates-closedMost school districts will be open; check with your district or school.Portland garbage collection will take place as scheduled on Monday, Oct. 13. If you purchase a product or register for an account through a link on our site, we may receive compensation. By using this site, you consent to our User Agreement and agree that your clicks, interactions, and personal information may be collected, recorded, and/or stored by us and social media and other third-party partners in accordance with our Privacy Policy.

Indigenous Nations Plan Tariff-Free Trade Corridor Across US-Canada border

This story was originally published by Canada’s National Observer and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Just west of Fort Qu’Appelle in Saskatchewan, the Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation is working across the US border to revive centuries-old trade routes as part of a new Indigenous-governed trade corridor.  Trucks from the First Nation could soon be […]

This story was originally published by Canada’s National Observer and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Just west of Fort Qu’Appelle in Saskatchewan, the Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation is working across the US border to revive centuries-old trade routes as part of a new Indigenous-governed trade corridor.  Trucks from the First Nation could soon be transporting food, furniture and even critical minerals south of the border along ancestral pathways once used to move buffalo hides and pemmican across the plains—without paying taxes or tariffs. For generations, Indigenous peoples freely exchanged goods, knowledge and culture across the land that is now divided by the Canada–US border. Those networks were disrupted by colonial laws that divided families and communities but they are now being reimagined as a modern supply chain grounded in Indigenous law and sovereignty.  “We’re operationalizing our old corridors—taking ancient trade routes our elders told us about and articulating them in a modern context,” said Solomon Cyr, spokesperson for Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation.  The First Nation plans to formalize its partnership with the Fort Peck Sioux Tribes, in Montana, next week by signing a memorandum of understanding to advance the trade corridor and its infrastructure development. The corridor intends to use traditional routes traversing Dakota territories in Saskatchewan, Alberta, Manitoba and into the United States, reviving the historic Oceti Sakowin trade network, a historic alliance of seven Dakota, Lakota and Nakota Indigenous groups united by kinship, language and spiritual beliefs. The shared trade routes historically facilitated economic and military ties across their territories. “We have a lot of history, and even to this day, ties linking us to our relatives,” said Rodger Redman, chief of the nation. “There was a promise to our people that we would continue to trade and be allowed to trade in our traditional territories.” Redman said this corridor is not symbolic, but rather an economic engine for the countries. Standing Buffalo is located in a region rich with critical minerals vital to global industries including renewable energy and technology. By owning the corridor, Indigenous nations can control the movement of these resources and expand economic opportunities for their communities. The plan includes a $2-billion infrastructure proposal submitted to Canada’s Privy Council aimed at developing core projects such as a cross-border trade portal, renewable energy corridors and smart transportation networks. “We’re not only talking about natural gas or oil pipelines,” Cyr said. “We’re talking about furniture, anything connected to the GDP that moves on trucks, trains or pipelines that can be tax exempt, so long as the products move from point A to point B.”  It is currently the only Indigenous nation actively pursuing a trade corridor of this kind, which could transform commerce between the United States and Canada. “It’s a very distinctive and powerful world-class application of an old Indigenous order of operations,” Cyr said.  Redman said the initiative is part of a centuries-old relationship with the British Crown and Indigenous allies, noting that the nation never ceded its land or jurisdiction.  “There was a promise to our people that we would continue to trade and be allowed to trade in our traditional territories. Today, we are operationalizing those promises made by the Crown that we would continue to trade in our personal territory,” he said.  The promise Redman is referring to is the Jay Treaty, a 1794 agreement between the United States and Great Britain that recognizes the right of Indigenous peoples to freely cross the US-Canada border for trade and travel.  Nadir André, a partner at JFK Law with extensive experience in Aboriginal Law, said the Jay Treaty is the only legal source that could facilitate such movement. But while the United States acknowledges and enforces the treaty’s provisions, Canada has never acknowledged the treaty.  In fact, a Supreme Court decision from the early 2000s, known as the Mitchell case, found that the Jay Treaty is not enforceable in Canada.  The court also ruled that there is no clear Aboriginal right under Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution allowing Indigenous peoples to bring goods across the border for trade purposes. If a First Nation fuel company wanted to bring fuel from Canada to sell in the United States, under US law this is allowed without paying duty taxes or tariffs. However, the reverse—bringing goods from the US into Canada—is not legally recognized.  “We were called refugees and treated in a discriminatory fashion… Now, with constitutional protections, we’re asserting sovereignty.” “If it’s not bilateral, then it defeats the purpose, because then it would only confer an advantage to Canadian First Nations doing trade in the ‘States and it would not be a counterpart for the American tribes to be able to trade in Canada,” he said.  John Desjarlais, executive director of the Indigenous Resource Network, believes this initiative could serve as another test of the Jay Treaty, which could set a precedent for other First Nations creating trade corridors and opportunities in resources such as timber, oil, and mining, as well as long-term manufacturing. However, many questions remain.  “We’re pushing jurisdictional boundaries and sovereignty within Canada. What does that mean in the broader turmoil of cross‑border trade between Canada and the US? What does protected, tax‑ and tariff‑free trade look like?” André said there’s also concern that without clear verification processes, non-Indigenous companies could misuse the system by falsely claiming Indigenous status.  He said considerations for the corridor extend beyond customs lines, involving strict environmental, health and safety regulations, as well. Many products, such as lumber and drinking water, require adherence to such standards. “Would you allow drinkable water as a trade? Could you bring water by bulk from Canada to the States through this initiative? Or would it be limited to certain items that are already allowed for trading?”  Governance is another significant challenge. Canada’s trade regulations come under the jurisdiction of multiple layers of government—provinces, territories and federal departments—while the US adds its own complexity with 51 states, each having separate rules. Coordinating among all these authorities will be a daunting task. André recalled that similar efforts have been made before, such as during the renegotiations of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 2016, but none succeeded.  For the nation, this initiative is a breakthrough.  Until 2024, the Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation was not officially recognized as an Indigenous nation in Canada. That year, the Canadian government apologized for this mistake and formally recognized Standing Buffalo and eight other Dakota and Lakota First Nations as Aboriginal peoples, granting them constitutional protections under Section 35. “We were called refugees and treated in a discriminatory fashion without rights or recognition. Now, with constitutional protections, we’re asserting sovereignty over our lands and trade,” Cyr said.  Redman has been actively advancing the trade corridor through international diplomacy, including high-level meetings in Mexico City with officials from CUSMA (Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement), which replaced the former NAFTA agreement. He said that while the nation continues to wait for Canada to formally recognize its sovereignty and legal framework, officials from Mexico and the US have shown greater openness to work together. The nation has also established its own consultation frameworks and environmental oversight processes to ensure that its voices and rights remain central in developments on their lands. The funding for their initiative is expected to come from multiple sources including the First Nations Finance Authority, the federal Indigenous Loan Guarantee Program, nation’s capital, and other investment partnerships. “We’re not begging for crumbs anymore. We’re demanding what’s rightly ours and share our responsibility to Mother Earth,” Redman said. “We’re asserting our sovereignty. We’re here to give them notice that we have our trade corridor and we’re implementing that.”

California extends cap-and-trade, as Indigenous nations grapple with the trade-offs

The Yurok Tribe has earned tens of millions from offsets, but critics say carbon markets perpetuate colonialism and allow companies to pay to pollute.

In 2013, California launched its cap-and-trade program, a carbon credit market that allows companies and governments to engage with offset projects that incentivize investments in planting trees, preserving forests, or even supporting solar farms. The idea is to reduce or offset greenhouse gas emissions by purchasing credits for nature-based projects.  Initially, the Yurok Tribe expressed interest in joining the program. The market would provide additional revenue and would enable the Yurok to play an additional role in addressing climate change. But Frankie Myers, an environmental consultant for the tribe and former vice chairman, had doubts. “This idea of you can pay-to-pollute was something that I was very, very concerned about,” he said. “I was very concerned with how that lined up with our cultural values as a tribe.” The Yurok Tribe’s carbon offset project in Northern California includes 7,600 acres of a tribally-managed forest: mature evergreen, fir, and redwood trees, ideal for carbon sequestration. When the tribe joined the state’s program in 2014, private consultants and brokers oversaw the project due to the nation’s limited funds, removing the tribe’s ability to manage the forest in a way that aligned with Yurok values. Four years later, revenue began to climb and the nation took over management. It was then that Myers began to see the benefits of a tribal-led carbon offset project. Since the Yurok Tribe joined the cap-and-trade program, at least 13 Indigenous nations in the U.S. have launched their own offset projects on California’s marketplace. Originally, the program was slated to end this year. However, last week, California Governor Gavin Newsom extended the state’s cap-and-trade program until 2045. The “action comes as the Trump administration continues its efforts to gut decades-old, bipartisan American clean air protections and derail critical climate progress,” Newsom’s office said. The tribal economy for the Yurok Nation before their project relied on discretionary funds from the federal government and gaming revenue, but Myers said that the tribe has now received tens of millions of dollars in carbon credit sales, boosting their economy and funding environmental projects like and Klamath recovery work in the wake of dam removal. Read Next How the Klamath Dams Came Down Anita Hofschneider & Jake Bittle But critics of carbon markets remain staunchly opposed to the programs, alleging that the scheme perpetuates colonialism, incentivizes the theft of Indigenous resources, and allows companies to essentially pay to keep polluting without having to change their activities. Even today, Myers agrees. “I do think the concerns they bring up with carbon offsets are absolutely valid 100 percent,” he said. “I think we do fully grasp the concerns that organizations have with carbon offsets and having seen the market from the inside, they have valid concerns.” According to a 2023 report on carbon markets by Landesa, a nonprofit focused on land rights around the world, offset projects can have negative impacts on Indigenous communities including displacement and land dispossession. In Brazil, tribes near the Amazon have experienced “green land grabs” driven by carbon offset projects. In Kenya, a soil-storing project with investments from Meta and Netflix has reportedly uprooted the traditional pastoralist culture of Indigenous Kenyans, including Maasai, Samburu, Borana, and Rendille, near the site. Reports like this have led Landesa to provide recommendations on proposed legislation in Kenya such as the Natural Resources Bill, which clarifies the rights local communities have over land resources. However, Juan Robalino, one of the report’s authors, said that carbon markets, if done right, are beneficial for communities committed to environmental stewardship. “The influence of Indigenous people and local communities in this space of carbon markets has been action from governments, per se, to set up regulatory frameworks regarding carbon rights as well as carbon trading,” he said.  Alongside the efforts to ensure credits possess environmental integrity, that is if projects actually promote carbon offsets, Robalino notes that social integrity, or how these projects impact communities, is a recent demand by market participants and “related to respecting the rights, of the community [and] thinking more about moving from principles to actually actionable actions, setting up processes, systems, mechanisms that actually take these principles and put them on the ground.” Both Robalino and Myers think regulation is the best way to minimize harm towards Indigenous groups on both the sellers and buyers end. Myers wants higher carbon pricing as a way to enact better controls on what type of project is sold on the market and for companies to reflect a deeper commitment to mitigating climate change than satisfying its net zero pledges. According to Robalino, there is no mechanism to regulate carbon markets at the international level. The upcoming COP30 may address this, but advocates such as the Indigenous Environmental Network, have called for a moratorium on carbon markets repeatedly, representing an ongoing and growing resistance to how these programs impact Indigenous communities.  However, in Canada’s British Columbia, First Nations including the Council of the Haida Nation manage forest carbon projects from an Indigenous-led conservation framework while in Australia, the government’s Carbon Farming Initiative supplies credits to Aboriginal farmers who utilize traditional knowledge of land management towards projects.  For tribes interested in launching their project? Myers has three points of advice. “You have to have ownership of it. You have to have control of it, and become a hyper-focused organization on who you’re partnering with and who you’re selling to,” he said. “Don’t move away from your traditional values at whatever cost.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline California extends cap-and-trade, as Indigenous nations grapple with the trade-offs on Sep 29, 2025.

Rare Earth Metals Must Not Come at the Cost of Indigenous Rights

As mining interests expand in northern Sweden, Indigenous Sámi communities face existential threats. But a sustainable and just alternative exists — urban mining. The post Rare Earth Metals Must Not Come at the Cost of Indigenous Rights appeared first on The Revelator.

As the global race for rare earth metals accelerates, industries and policymakers in the European Union and Sweden have increasingly set their sights on the mineral-rich lands of northern Sweden. But amid calls for new mines to fuel a wide range of technologies, a vital truth is being sidelined: There’s a more sustainable and just alternative — urban mining (or circular mining). Recycling metals from existing products and waste can help meet strategic needs without sacrificing the environment or Indigenous rights. Modern economies are built on a linear model of consumption: Extract, consume, discard. This model underpins traditional mining as well. State-owned mining company LKAB is now planning a new mine in the Per Geijer area of Kiruna, Sweden, a region known to contain significant rare earth element deposits. These materials are crucial for electric vehicles, wind turbines, solar panels, drones, military applications, consumer electronics, and artificial intelligence hardware. The scramble for these materials is partly about climate policy, but also about geopolitics and economic dominance. But there is a high risk that this industrial expansion will once again harm the Indigenous Sámi population and the ecosystems some of the Sámi depend on. After years of reporting on Sweden’s environmental controversies, one thing is clear to me: Sámi culture is repeatedly steamrolled, and the ecosystems that sustain us are treated as expendable. People speaking on behalf of the Gabna Sámi village warn that a mine in the Per Geijer area would destroy the last viable migration corridor for reindeer in the region. Reindeer herding is not only an economic activity but a vital part of some Sámi’s culture and identity. Currently, the herds are already squeezed between regulated rivers, expanding urban areas, and existing mining operations. The loss of this last narrow corridor could mark the end of reindeer herding in the area. Some Sámi wonder: Will it even be possible to continue this way of life? This is not an isolated conflict. In Gállok, outside Jokkmokk, another mining project threatens lands adjacent to the Laponia World Heritage Site. A 2024 review  by UNESCO concluded that mining could cause “significant damage” to this protected area, not least because it could threaten the ongoing practice of Sámi reindeer herding in the region. UNESCO’s criticism was clear: Sweden has failed to adequately consider the site’s cultural and Indigenous value in its decision-making. Should the growing demand for rare earths be satisfied through industrial expansion that devalues Indigenous rights? Or is there a path that is both sustainable and just? This is why urban mining matters. Every year the world produces over 62 million metric tons of electronic waste, according to the Global E-Waste Monitor. This includes old smartphones, laptops, solar panels, and batteries. Many of these products contain rare and valuable metals. Instead of discarding them or shipping the waste to low-income countries, these growing resources can be harnessed. According to the European Commission’s Joint Research Centre, recycling cobalt from lithium-ion batteries alone could cover up to 42% of the EU’s cobalt demand by 2050. Extraction from used batteries is far more efficient and environmentally friendly than mining virgin ore. For example, producing 1 kilogram of cobalt from the ground consumes 250 kg of water and generates at least 100 kg of waste. Recycling that same cobalt from batteries requires only 100 kg of water, with far less environmental impact. Urban mining also helps the EU reduce its heavy reliance on imports. Today China controls about 70% of the global battery value chain and is expected to maintain over 75% of the global material recovery capacity by 2030. Meanwhile the EU’s own recycling infrastructure is underdeveloped, handling only around 5% of the global recovery capacity. A significant portion of the EU’s battery waste is still being exported — ironically, often to the very countries that dominate raw material production — because recycling is considered more cost-effective in the same facilities where those primary materials were originally processed. Despite local opposition, the Per Geijer project was classified in April 2025 as a strategic project under the EU’s Critical Raw Materials Act. Exploration continues. At the same time, the EU has set ambitious recycling targets. By 2031 80% of lithium and 98% of cobalt in batteries must be recovered. Member states are expected to build up domestic capacity and implement laws that drive collection, sorting, and product design for recyclability. Sweden has the potential to play a role in this shift. A report from the Geological Survey of Sweden and the Swedish EPA found that Swedish mining waste contains up to 500,000 metric tons of rare earth elements, along with significant quantities of cobalt, bismuth, and other strategic metals. But despite this, recycling efforts are hampered by weak policy incentives, legal uncertainty, and underinvestment. Although Sweden’s Parliament has signaled support for urban mining and the government has launched a circular economy roadmap, new mining continues to take precedence in practice. This is not inevitable. Reconciling Indigenous rights with the demand for strategic resources is possible — but it requires a fundamental shift in how northern Sweden is viewed. This is not an empty wasteland where resources can be mined; it’s a living, cultural landscape with its own inherent value and rights. Society’s demand for rare earth metals must not come at the expense of Sámi land. Consumption habits can be adapted, and product designs and recycling systems can be altered. In Sweden public opinion supports recycling — 8 in 10 Swedes believe it’s important to recycle electronics. Yet 6 in 10 have never recycled an old phone. Worse, much of Sweden’s e-waste is exported to countries with poor labor and environmental standards. Urban mining is no silver bullet. Some primary extraction will likely remain necessary in the foreseeable future. But it’s a critical piece of the sustainability puzzle. By integrating urban mining into our resource strategies, it is possible to reduce pressure on ecosystems, improve supply chain resilience, boost recycling industries and innovation, and cut dependence on overseas mines — many of which are devastating for women, children, Indigenous communities, and local environments. Most importantly, urban mining offers a path forward where we no longer pit nature and cultural heritage against the technical needs of the green transition and society at large. There’s plenty of room for improvements, and those improvements should be based on EU law (like the Critical Raw Materials Act and the Batteries Regulation), Sweden’s own circular economy roadmap, international Indigenous rights frameworks, and analyses by the European Commission’s Joint Research Centre and Swedish Geological Survey. In other words, they should be logical extensions of existing research, legal commitments, and policy gaps. Sweden’s government and regulatory authorities should: Implement a moratorium on new mining in Sámi territory until urban mining is fully investigated and developed. Develop a national strategy for metal recycling, including mapping of secondary resources, enforceable design requirements, and improved collection infrastructure. Ban the export of recyclable battery waste outside the EU to retain critical materials within the region. Meet EU recycling targets and invest in Sweden’s own recovery capacity. Sweden must show that it takes both Indigenous rights and environmental responsibility seriously. Urban mining works, and the time for it is now. Republish this article for free! Read our reprint policy. Subscribe to our weekly newsletter. Scan the QR code, or sign up here. Previously in The Revelator: On the Horizon: Nature’s Top Emerging Threats and Opportunities The post Rare Earth Metals Must Not Come at the Cost of Indigenous Rights appeared first on The Revelator.

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