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A burning California landfill has made neighbors miserable for 3 years. Can lawmakers help?

News Feed
Friday, March 14, 2025

In summary A smoldering reaction under the Chiquita Canyon Landfill in Southern California has made its neighbors’ lives miserable for almost three years. A bill that seeks to compensate them faces uncertainty amid state budget challenges and bigger LA County wildfires. For more than two years, Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo’s constituents have been complaining to her about the stench and fumes they’ve been breathing since trash buried at the Chiquita Canyon Landfill in Southern California ignited and never stopped burning. Shiavo, a Democrat representing the Santa Clarita Valley north of Los Angeles, decided to spend the night as a guest of one of the 639-acre landfill’s closest neighbors. She wanted to experience for herself what life is like for the hundreds of people who’ve complained about the noxious fumes since the underground chemical reaction started below the Castaic landfill in May 2022.  It’s not known what caused the chemical reaction, but federal officials say the burn zone has grown underground to at least 35 acres. As the landfill belches a stench like rotten milk, residents allege chemical emissions are making them sick. And it could keep burning for years.When she arrived in Val Verde, it didn’t take long before Schiavo got a pounding headache. Her skin felt itchy. When she woke up the following day, she was disturbed to get her first bloody nose in years, she said. “People are getting sick,” Schiavo said in a video diary taken on her phone during her stay last fall. “People are being barricaded in their homes, and not opening windows and doors and not letting kids come out and play on trampolines because they’re afraid of breathing the air. … We have to get people out of here and keep them safe.” This week, the state Assembly held its first committee hearing for her legislation, Assembly Bill 27, a measure co-authored by six Southern California Democrats that would spare residents from paying taxes on the compensation they have received from the landfill’s owner. The relief fund set up by Texas-based Waste Connections can be used to pay for additional costs such as higher electricity from running air filters and air conditioners and for temporary housing. Faced with lawsuits from residents and Los Angeles County, Waste Connections opened the fund from March 2024 to February to the residents of Val Verde, Live Oak, Hasley Hills, Hillcrest Parkway, Hasley Canyon and Stevenson Ranch. The company didn’t respond to an interview request, but it says on its website that the payments were expected to exceed $25 million. In December the company said in response to a lawsuit that 1,829 households had received funding. “In addition, Chiquita has distributed nearly 3,000 air purifiers to local residents at a cost of over $1 million, and has paid to ensure every school near the landfill has carbon filtration in every classroom and multipurpose space,” the company said. The company maintains that it has taken steps to try to contain the reaction, but just this week state officials told community members in Castaic that the underground heat zone had expanded beyond a plastic cover over the landfill’s surface to try to contain emissions. Chiquita Canyon residents seek state relief Steven Howse, 50, is one of the residents who’s accepted the company’s funds. He told the Assembly Revenue and Taxation Committee that the money helped make life somewhat more bearable for his family, whose home is just 1,600 feet from the 53-year-old landfill that stopped trucking in more trash late last year. Howse’s family, like many of its neighbors, claims the landfill’s emissions have made them sick. He said his wife was recently diagnosed with breast cancer and one of their four children was diagnosed with a rare autoimmune disease. He said he’s constantly battling respiratory illnesses.  He didn’t tell the committee how much he received, but said he used the cash for upgrades for his home to “harden” it to prepare for wildfires. He also had to upgrade the home’s air conditioning system and buy new air filters and windows to try to keep the stench out.  “A lot of times we had to leave the area due to the toxins … because it would be so bad at our house,” he said. “We also used the funds to take our RV trailer out of the area or visit family when we just couldn’t take it any longer.” Richard Humanic, second from left, wears a gas mask while joining fellow residents of Val Verde and Castaic in a protest calling for the closure of Chiquita Canyon Landfill at Hasley Canyon Park in Castaic on Feb. 22, 2024. Photo by Allen J. Schaben, Los Angeles Times via Getty Images Howse has a job in the film industry, but Schiavo said other low-income residents who qualify for state assistance programs have been bumped up to a higher tax bracket after taking the payments. “The concern has been that if you take those funds, then do you no longer qualify for CalFresh or Medi-Cal? Does it count against you because of that?” she told the committee. “Are you paying taxes now on this when that money comes in and it goes right out to pay for the costs that are associated with living with this disaster?” Landfill blaze comes amid wildfire budget challenges It’s no sure bet that the bill will advance to become law. Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed two similar bills that would have exempted victims of three wildfires from paying state income taxes on settlement payments from the companies alleged to have started those fires.  Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story. Pilar Schiavo Democrat, State Assembly, District 40 (Santa Clarita Valley) Now the state’s budget priorities are uncertain as officials and lawmakers continue to hash out how to pay for Los Angeles wildfire relief, hostility from the Trump administration and a home insurance and affordability crisis.The Revenue and Taxation committee didn’t vote for the measure on Monday, instead moving it to the committee’s “suspense file” for further fiscal analysis. In the meantime, residents aren’t likely to get tax relief from the federal government.Late last year, then-President Joe Biden signed into law a bill that exempted wildfire settlement payments from federal income taxes, but the landfill’s relief funds don’t count since the Chiquita Canyon Landfill site has never been declared an official state or federal disaster.  Meanwhile, residents have filed more than 25,000 complaints to local air quality officials since 2023. The South Coast Air Quality Management District and other state regulators have issued dozens of violation notices. In November, the air district ordered the company to create a webpage that includes real-time air monitoring of smelly or potentially harmful pollutants, including hydrogen sulfide, methane, dimethyl sulfide and volatile organic compounds. As an example of how residents might be breathing potentially toxic fumes, air quality officials noted early last year that local air monitoring data showed that more than one-third of all readings exceeded state standards for hydrogen sulfide, which the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency says can cause eye irritation, headaches and fatigue, as well as potentially causing cancer or be lethal in highly concentrated doses. Owner Waste Connections faces citations In June, the U.S. EPA also cited the landfill company for violating various regulations intended to safeguard human health. The company is facing potential  civil penalties of up to $59,114 for each day of violation. “EPA cannot comment on ongoing investigations, including assessment of penalties,” EPA spokesperson Joshua Alexander said in an email. Schiavo said that her night’s stay next to the landfill made it clear to her that residents need to get out of there until the trash stops burning.  She has also authored Assembly Bill 28, which would secure state help for the residents around the landfill to find new or temporary housing until it stops smoldering. The details of that bill are still being hashed out. “People are in this terrible situation where they can’t afford to leave because housing is so expensive. Now (after the LA fires), it’s almost impossible,” she told CalMatters.  “And if you sell, who’s going to want to buy it? Then if you’re leaving, you know, you have this moral dilemma. People are like, ‘I don’t want to sell to someone else and then (what if) they start getting sick or their kids start getting sick?’ It’s this horrible situation. We just have to relocate people out of there right now, until it’s safe for folks to go back.”

A smoldering reaction under the Chiquita Canyon Landfill in Southern California has made its neighbors' lives miserable for almost three years. A bill that seeks to compensate them faces uncertainty amid state budget challenges and bigger LA County wildfires.

An aerial view of a yellow construction truck as it drives through piles of trash on a plot of dirt in a landfill.

In summary

A smoldering reaction under the Chiquita Canyon Landfill in Southern California has made its neighbors’ lives miserable for almost three years. A bill that seeks to compensate them faces uncertainty amid state budget challenges and bigger LA County wildfires.

For more than two years, Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo’s constituents have been complaining to her about the stench and fumes they’ve been breathing since trash buried at the Chiquita Canyon Landfill in Southern California ignited and never stopped burning.

Shiavo, a Democrat representing the Santa Clarita Valley north of Los Angeles, decided to spend the night as a guest of one of the 639-acre landfill’s closest neighbors. She wanted to experience for herself what life is like for the hundreds of people who’ve complained about the noxious fumes since the underground chemical reaction started below the Castaic landfill in May 2022. 

It’s not known what caused the chemical reaction, but federal officials say the burn zone has grown underground to at least 35 acres. As the landfill belches a stench like rotten milk, residents allege chemical emissions are making them sick. And it could keep burning for years.

When she arrived in Val Verde, it didn’t take long before Schiavo got a pounding headache. Her skin felt itchy. When she woke up the following day, she was disturbed to get her first bloody nose in years, she said.

“People are getting sick,” Schiavo said in a video diary taken on her phone during her stay last fall. “People are being barricaded in their homes, and not opening windows and doors and not letting kids come out and play on trampolines because they’re afraid of breathing the air. … We have to get people out of here and keep them safe.”

This week, the state Assembly held its first committee hearing for her legislation, Assembly Bill 27, a measure co-authored by six Southern California Democrats that would spare residents from paying taxes on the compensation they have received from the landfill’s owner. The relief fund set up by Texas-based Waste Connections can be used to pay for additional costs such as higher electricity from running air filters and air conditioners and for temporary housing.

Faced with lawsuits from residents and Los Angeles County, Waste Connections opened the fund from March 2024 to February to the residents of Val Verde, Live Oak, Hasley Hills, Hillcrest Parkway, Hasley Canyon and Stevenson Ranch. The company didn’t respond to an interview request, but it says on its website that the payments were expected to exceed $25 million. In December the company said in response to a lawsuit that 1,829 households had received funding.

“In addition, Chiquita has distributed nearly 3,000 air purifiers to local residents at a cost of over $1 million, and has paid to ensure every school near the landfill has carbon filtration in every classroom and multipurpose space,” the company said

The company maintains that it has taken steps to try to contain the reaction, but just this week state officials told community members in Castaic that the underground heat zone had expanded beyond a plastic cover over the landfill’s surface to try to contain emissions.

Chiquita Canyon residents seek state relief

Steven Howse, 50, is one of the residents who’s accepted the company’s funds. He told the Assembly Revenue and Taxation Committee that the money helped make life somewhat more bearable for his family, whose home is just 1,600 feet from the 53-year-old landfill that stopped trucking in more trash late last year.

Howse’s family, like many of its neighbors, claims the landfill’s emissions have made them sick. He said his wife was recently diagnosed with breast cancer and one of their four children was diagnosed with a rare autoimmune disease. He said he’s constantly battling respiratory illnesses. 

He didn’t tell the committee how much he received, but said he used the cash for upgrades for his home to “harden” it to prepare for wildfires. He also had to upgrade the home’s air conditioning system and buy new air filters and windows to try to keep the stench out. 

“A lot of times we had to leave the area due to the toxins … because it would be so bad at our house,” he said. “We also used the funds to take our RV trailer out of the area or visit family when we just couldn’t take it any longer.”

A person wears a beige gas mask while standing next to other people holding signs that read "LA County shut it down, "Poison" and "Shut it down! Save Valverde."
Richard Humanic, second from left, wears a gas mask while joining fellow residents of Val Verde and Castaic in a protest calling for the closure of Chiquita Canyon Landfill at Hasley Canyon Park in Castaic on Feb. 22, 2024. Photo by Allen J. Schaben, Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

Howse has a job in the film industry, but Schiavo said other low-income residents who qualify for state assistance programs have been bumped up to a higher tax bracket after taking the payments.

“The concern has been that if you take those funds, then do you no longer qualify for CalFresh or Medi-Cal? Does it count against you because of that?” she told the committee. “Are you paying taxes now on this when that money comes in and it goes right out to pay for the costs that are associated with living with this disaster?”

Landfill blaze comes amid wildfire budget challenges

It’s no sure bet that the bill will advance to become law. Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed two similar bills that would have exempted victims of three wildfires from paying state income taxes on settlement payments from the companies alleged to have started those fires. 

Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story.

Now the state’s budget priorities are uncertain as officials and lawmakers continue to hash out how to pay for Los Angeles wildfire relief, hostility from the Trump administration and a home insurance and affordability crisis.

The Revenue and Taxation committee didn’t vote for the measure on Monday, instead moving it to the committee’s “suspense file” for further fiscal analysis.

In the meantime, residents aren’t likely to get tax relief from the federal government.

Late last year, then-President Joe Biden signed into law a bill that exempted wildfire settlement payments from federal income taxes, but the landfill’s relief funds don’t count since the Chiquita Canyon Landfill site has never been declared an official state or federal disaster

Meanwhile, residents have filed more than 25,000 complaints to local air quality officials since 2023. The South Coast Air Quality Management District and other state regulators have issued dozens of violation notices. In November, the air district ordered the company to create a webpage that includes real-time air monitoring of smelly or potentially harmful pollutants, including hydrogen sulfide, methane, dimethyl sulfide and volatile organic compounds.

As an example of how residents might be breathing potentially toxic fumes, air quality officials noted early last year that local air monitoring data showed that more than one-third of all readings exceeded state standards for hydrogen sulfide, which the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency says can cause eye irritation, headaches and fatigue, as well as potentially causing cancer or be lethal in highly concentrated doses.

Owner Waste Connections faces citations

In June, the U.S. EPA also cited the landfill company for violating various regulations intended to safeguard human health. The company is facing potential  civil penalties of up to $59,114 for each day of violation.

“EPA cannot comment on ongoing investigations, including assessment of penalties,” EPA spokesperson Joshua Alexander said in an email.

Schiavo said that her night’s stay next to the landfill made it clear to her that residents need to get out of there until the trash stops burning. 

She has also authored Assembly Bill 28, which would secure state help for the residents around the landfill to find new or temporary housing until it stops smoldering. The details of that bill are still being hashed out.

“People are in this terrible situation where they can’t afford to leave because housing is so expensive. Now (after the LA fires), it’s almost impossible,” she told CalMatters. 

“And if you sell, who’s going to want to buy it? Then if you’re leaving, you know, you have this moral dilemma. People are like, ‘I don’t want to sell to someone else and then (what if) they start getting sick or their kids start getting sick?’ It’s this horrible situation. We just have to relocate people out of there right now, until it’s safe for folks to go back.”

Read the full story here.
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New Texas petrochemical facilities are mostly in low income areas, communities of color, study finds

Researchers evaluated the neighborhoods around 89 proposed or expanding petrochemical facilities across the state using a screening tool from the EPA.

Environment Researchers evaluated the neighborhoods around 89 proposed or expanding petrochemical facilities across the state using a screening tool from the EPA. David J. Phillip/APThis aerial photo shows the TPC petrochemical plant near downtown Houston, background, on Tuesday, Aug. 29, 2017. (AP Photo/David J. Phillip)A recent report from Texas Southern University found that new and expanding petrochemical facilities in Texas are overwhelmingly located in low-income neighborhoods and communities of color. Researchers evaluated the neighborhoods around 89 proposed or expanding petrochemical facilities across the state using a screening tool from the Environmental Protection Agency. They looked at air pollution and proximity to other "hazardous facilities" in the areas. Data related to the race, education, income level and languages within the areas was also collected. Sign up for the Hello, Houston! daily newsletter to get local reports like this delivered directly to your inbox. "The communities that are on the fenceline are getting pollution and they also are getting poverty," said Robert Bullard, one of the study's authors. "And also, if you look at the infrastructures within those neighborhoods that have these facilities, they are of poor quality." The report found that 9 in 10 of the facilities are located in counties with "higher demographic vulnerability" – meaning they had more people of color, more low-income residents, or both, compared to the state and national averages. Over half of the new facilities were slated to be built in communities that have a higher proportion of people of color than the national average. Meanwhile, 30% of the facilities were slated to be built in areas with a poverty rate higher than the national average. "Segregation and racial redlining actually segregated pollution, and it segregated people," Bullard said. The analysis also found that the proposed facilities were being built in areas that are already struggling with air pollution. About 1 in 5 of the proposed facilities are located within the top 10% of areas nationwide with the highest amount of particulate matter pollution, and 46% of the new facilities are slated to be built within the top 10% of communities across the country with the highest amount of air toxins. The facilities were concentrated in 9% of Texas counties, with nearly half of them located in Harris County or Jefferson County.

Lead water pipes are a primary contributor to lead exposure in children, study says

A recent study published in Environmental Science and Technology found a strong association between the presence of lead service lines (LSLs) and children’s elevated blood lead levels in Cincinnati, OH and Grand Rapids, MI. In short:While many factors can contribute to lead exposure, the prevalence of lead pipes was a stronger predictor of elevated lead levels than standard risk predictors used by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD).For both cities, the prevalence of lead pipes was linked to the percentage of housing built before the 1950s, highlighting that lead pipes are more commonly found in older homes.Key quote:“These findings suggest that replacing LSLs is an effective public health strategy to eliminate this important source of [lead] exposure.”Why this matters:Lead is an incredibly toxic chemical that’s been linked to cardiovascular disease, cognitive impairment, damage to the reproductive and nervous systems, and more. While significant progress has been made in reducing the average blood lead levels in the U.S. over time, hotspots of elevated exposure still remain. Communities that suffer from higher lead levels are often faced with multiple potential sources of exposure, which is commonly paired with significant economic and social inequality in comparison to areas with lower exposures. Because the results of this study point to lead service lines as key contributors to lead exposures, the authors emphasize that federal programs that fund the replacement of these pipes are an effective and meaningful strategy for protecting public health.Related EHN coverage:Federal housing programs linked to lower levels of lead exposureUS lead pipe replacements stoke concerns about plastic and environmental injusticeMore resources:LISTEN: Agents of Change in Environmental Justice podcastSabah Usmani on making cities healthy and justNsilo Berry on making buildings healthierDiana Hernández on housing and healthTornero-Velez, Rogelio et al. for Environmental Science and Technology vol. 59, 43. Oct. 21, 2025

A recent study published in Environmental Science and Technology found a strong association between the presence of lead service lines (LSLs) and children’s elevated blood lead levels in Cincinnati, OH and Grand Rapids, MI. In short:While many factors can contribute to lead exposure, the prevalence of lead pipes was a stronger predictor of elevated lead levels than standard risk predictors used by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD).For both cities, the prevalence of lead pipes was linked to the percentage of housing built before the 1950s, highlighting that lead pipes are more commonly found in older homes.Key quote:“These findings suggest that replacing LSLs is an effective public health strategy to eliminate this important source of [lead] exposure.”Why this matters:Lead is an incredibly toxic chemical that’s been linked to cardiovascular disease, cognitive impairment, damage to the reproductive and nervous systems, and more. While significant progress has been made in reducing the average blood lead levels in the U.S. over time, hotspots of elevated exposure still remain. Communities that suffer from higher lead levels are often faced with multiple potential sources of exposure, which is commonly paired with significant economic and social inequality in comparison to areas with lower exposures. Because the results of this study point to lead service lines as key contributors to lead exposures, the authors emphasize that federal programs that fund the replacement of these pipes are an effective and meaningful strategy for protecting public health.Related EHN coverage:Federal housing programs linked to lower levels of lead exposureUS lead pipe replacements stoke concerns about plastic and environmental injusticeMore resources:LISTEN: Agents of Change in Environmental Justice podcastSabah Usmani on making cities healthy and justNsilo Berry on making buildings healthierDiana Hernández on housing and healthTornero-Velez, Rogelio et al. for Environmental Science and Technology vol. 59, 43. Oct. 21, 2025

How a Texas shrimper stalled Exxon’s $10bn plastics plant | Shilpi Chhotray

Diane Wilson recognized Exxon’s playbook – and showed how local people can take on even the most entrenched industriesWhen ExxonMobil announced it would “slow the pace of development” on a $10bn plastics plant along the Texas Gulf coast, the company blamed market conditions. But it wasn’t just the market applying pressure; it was a 77-year-old shrimper named Diane Wilson who refused to stay silent. Her fight exposes big oil’s latest survival plan: ramping up oil and gas production to create plastic.I first met Wilson back in 2019 while tracking her historic lawsuit against Formosa Plastics, the Taiwanese petrochemical giant accused of dumping toxic plastic waste throughout coastal Texas. Billions of tiny plastic pellets were contaminating waterways, shorelines, and even the soil itself.Shilpi Chhotray is the co-founder and president of Counterstream Media and Host of A People’s Climate for the Nation Continue reading...

When ExxonMobil announced it would “slow the pace of development” on a $10bn plastics plant along the Texas Gulf coast, the company blamed market conditions. But it wasn’t just the market applying pressure; it was a 77-year-old shrimper named Diane Wilson who refused to stay silent. Her fight exposes big oil’s latest survival plan: ramping up oil and gas production to create plastic.I first met Wilson back in 2019 while tracking her historic lawsuit against Formosa Plastics, the Taiwanese petrochemical giant accused of dumping toxic plastic waste throughout coastal Texas. Billions of tiny plastic pellets were contaminating waterways, shorelines, and even the soil itself.When I spoke with her again a few months ago for A People’s Climate, a podcast from the Nation and Counterstream Media, she was still doing what she’s always done: holding power to account in the place she loves most. I’ve spent years covering the plastic industry’s impact on frontline communities, and Exxon’s delay isn’t a business decision to dismiss. It’s a strategic signal that the fossil-to-plastic pivot is facing growing, community-led resistance.When Exxon arrived in Calhoun county late last year, Wilson recognized the playbook: a rubber-stamp process rushed through a school-board meeting – a requirement under Texas law for the tax abatement Exxon sought. She sued that same board in May, arguing it had violated Texas open-meeting laws in what she has called “a deliberate attempt to avoid public opposition”. A district judge agreed, striking down the board’s approval of the tax abatement in late September. Less than two weeks later, Exxon announced it would pause plans for the new facility, indicating “market conditions”. The timing was hard to ignore. In a region dominated by fossil-fuel interests, that kind of outcome is unheard of.While Exxon hasn’t reached a final investment decision, this delayed matters. It shows how even the most entrenched industries can be made to pause when local people demand transparency.As gasoline demand declines, Exxon, Shell, and Dow are betting billions on petrochemicals, the feedstocks that become plastics. Industry projections show these products could drive nearly half of future oil-demand growth by 2050. Plastics are marketed as modern and indispensable, yet they come from one of the planet’s most carbon-intensive and polluting supply chains. According to Exxon’s December 2024 tax abatement application, the company’s proposed plastics plant in Calhoun county would produce 3 million tons of polyethylene pellets per year. These are the raw materials for plastic products that are used in everything from grocery bags to vinyl flooring.Exxon already runs one of the world’s largest chemical hubs, in Baytown, Texas. According to Inside Climate News, the facility would be its next link in a fossil-fuel chain stretching from gas wells in west Texas to manufacturing zones in Asia. While industry executives tout diversification, on the ground, it looks and smells like doubling down on pollution.Calhoun county’s history reads like a case study in corporate impunity. For decades, the oil and gas industry has promised jobs but delivered health risks, poisoned groundwater, and dead fisheries. Wilson grew up in Seadrift, the last authentic fishing village on the Texas Gulf coast. “The heart and soul of the community was the bay, the fish house, the boats,” she told me on A People’s Climate. “I’ve been on a boat since I was eight years old … It’s my life and my identity.”Her battle with Formosa began decades ago, after she discovered her tiny county ranked first in the nation for toxic dumping. An introvert by nature, she was thrust into activism overnight when local officials tried to silence her for asking questions. She’s since been arrested more than 50 times, led hunger strikes, and even scaled the White House fence – what she calls “soul power in action”. Wilson’s work helped prove what regulators had long denied: plastic pellets were flooding coastal ecosystems by the billions.Her historic $50m Clean Water Act settlement against Formosa Plastics was only possible after documenting years of illegal discharges into Lavaca Bay. It was the largest citizen-led environmental settlement in US history, and she didn’t take a cent. The money has gone towards local restoration: a fisheries co-op, oyster farms, and the community-science network known as Nurdle Patrol. (Formosa did not admit liability.)That case made her a target of local politics, but it also gave her something invaluable: the ability to turn frustration into organizing power. Her latest lawsuit against the school board wasn’t simply about procedure, but questions who gets to decide the future. Is it the people who live there or the corporations that profit from polluting it?Across the Gulf south, communities are demanding accountability. In St James Parish, Sharon Lavigne has also spent years fighting Formosa’s $9.4bn complex in what’s known as Louisiana’s Cancer Alley. In Port Arthur and Corpus Christi, organizers are fighting new gas export terminals. These aren’t isolated nimby fights; they’re part of a regional reckoning with a century of extraction. As record heat and hurricanes grow deadlier, Exxon still defends oil and petrochemical projects as “accelerating a just transition”, a phrase that borders on self-parody.Wilson’s small-town lawsuit shouldn’t matter in Exxon’s $500bn universe – but it does. It reminds us that grassroots power still works, even in refinery country. “Eventually I lost my husband, the house, the boat,” she told me due to her activism. “But you can lose it all and gain your soul.” When a community like Seadrift demands transparency, it widens the space for others to question why their towns should subsidize pollution in the name of development.With Cop30 in Belém under way, world leaders are once again pledging to phase out fossil fuels, while the same corporations responsible for the crisis expand drilling, petrochemical production, and greenwashing efforts behind the scenes. Recent reporting by Nina Lakhani revealed that more than 5,000 fossil-fuel lobbyists have gained access to UN climate talks over the past four years – underscoring how those driving oil and gas expansion are also shaping global climate policy.For Exxon, Calhoun county may be a temporary delay. But it must be permanent, and not simply relocated elsewhere. The world cannot afford another generation of plastic built on the same extractive logic that created the climate crisis in the first place. Exxon’s pause is a chance for regulators, investors, and communities to recognize that the oil-to-plastic pivot has catastrophic consequences. As Wilson told me: “We have drawn a line in the sand against plastic polluters, and that line now runs through Calhoun county.” Her story is a reminder that even the largest corporations can be stopped when ordinary people refuse to back down.

Factbox-Highlights of US Framework Trade Deals With Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador and Guatemala

By Andrea Shalal and Natalia SiniawskiWASHINGTON (Reuters) -The United States on Thursday announced framework agreements with Argentina, Ecuador,...

By Andrea Shalal and Natalia SiniawskiWASHINGTON (Reuters) -The United States on Thursday announced framework agreements with Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador and Guatemala that will see Washington drop tariffs on imports of some foods and other goods, while those countries will open their markets to more U.S. agricultural and industrial goods.Details will be released in coming weeks after the framework deals are finalized.Following are highlights of the four deals, according to fact sheets and joint statements released by the White House and the countries involved on Thursday:Argentina will provide preferential market access for U.S. goods, including certain medicines, chemicals, machinery, information technology products, medical devices, motor vehicles, and a wide range of agricultural products.Under the deal, Argentina will allow access for U.S. poultry and poultry products, within one year, and simplify red tape for U.S. exporters of beef, beef products, pork, and pork products. Argentina also has agreed not to restrict market access for certain U.S. meats and cheeses.Argentina agreed to step up enforcement against counterfeit and pirated goods; use U.S. or international standards for imports of goods made in the United States, including automobiles; and refrain from imposing customs duties on electronic transmissions or digital services taxes.Argentina agreed to treat U.S. firms fairly in its critical minerals sector, and to adopt a ban on importation of goods produced by forced or compulsory labor.In exchange, the U.S. will remove tariffs on "certain unavailable natural resources and non-patented articles for use in pharmaceutical applications."The countries also committed to improved, reciprocal, bilateral market access conditions for trade in beef.Total two-way trade in goods and services between the United States and Ecuador amounted to approximately $90.4 billion in 2024.Ecuador agreed to remove or lower a range of tariffs on products including tree nuts, fresh fruit, pulses, wheat, wine, and distilled spirits, as well as machinery, health products, chemicals, motor vehicles, and to establish tariff-rate quotas on a number of other agricultural goods.It also agreed to reduce non-tariff barriers for U.S. agricultural goods, including through changes to its licensing systems for food and agricultural products.Ecuador will also accept vehicles and automotive parts built to U.S. motor vehicle safety and emissions standards, as well as U.S. medical devices marketed in the United States, and U.S. pharmaceutical products marketed in the United States.It also agreed to prevent barriers to services and digital trade with the U.S.; refrain from imposing digital service taxes; strengthen enforcement of its labor laws and ban importation of goods produced by forced or compulsory labor.The two countries agreed to strengthen their economic and national security cooperation by taking complementary actions to address non-market policies and cooperating on investment security and export controls, a reference that could refer to China and its non-market policies.In exchange, the U.S. will remove its tariffs on certain qualifying exports from Ecuador that cannot be grown, mined or naturally produced in the United States in sufficient quantities, including coffee and bananas.El Salvador will provide preferential market access for U.S. goods, including pharmaceutical products, medical devices, remanufactured goods and motor vehicles.The country will streamline regulatory approvals, accept U.S. auto standards, simplify certificate of free sale requirements, allow electronic certificates, remove apostille requirements and expedite product registration.El Salvador has committed to prevent barriers to U.S. agricultural products, recognize U.S. regulatory oversight, continue accepting agreed U.S. certificates and not restrict access of meats and cheeses including parmesan, gruyere, mozzarella, feta, asiago, salami, and prosciutto.The country will advance international intellectual property treaties and ensure transparency and fairness on geographical indications.El Salvador will prevent barriers to services and digital trade and support a permanent moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions.It has reinforced its commitment to labor rights, environmental protection, and sustainable resource management, including tackling illegal logging, mining, wildlife trafficking and industrial distortions.In return, the United States will remove reciprocal tariffs on certain Salvadoran exports and extend preferences to qualifying CAFTA‑DR textiles. The countries will also strengthen economic and national security cooperation, enhancing supply chain resilience, innovation, and collaboration on duty evasion, procurement, investment security and export controls.Two-way trade in goods and services between the United States and Guatemala totaled almost $18.7 billion in 2024.Under the deal, Guatemala will streamline regulatory approvals, accept U.S. auto standards, simplify certificate of free sale requirements, allow electronic certificates, remove apostille requirements and expedite product registration.The country has committed to prevent barriers to U.S. agricultural products, recognize U.S. regulatory oversight, maintain science- and risk-based frameworks and continue accepting agreed U.S. certificates. Access will not be restricted on common meats and cheeses.Guatemala will strengthen intellectual property protection, implement international treaties, resolve longstanding U.S. Special 301 issues, and ensure transparency on geographical indications.It will facilitate digital trade, refrain from discriminatory digital services taxes, support free cross-border data flows and back a permanent WTO moratorium on customs duties on electronic transmissions.The country has reinforced commitments to labor rights, environmental protection, and sustainable resource management, including prohibiting goods from forced labor, combating illegal logging, mining, and wildlife trafficking, enforcing forest and fisheries measures and addressing industrial and state-owned enterprise distortions.In response, the United States will remove reciprocal tariffs on certain Guatemalan exports, including products that cannot be grown or produced in sufficient quantities in the United States and qualifying textiles and apparel.(Reporting by Andrea Shalal and Natalia Siniawski; Editing by Lincoln Feast.)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

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