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Office Productivity Takes a Hit in the Afternoon, Particularly on Fridays

An innovative study from the Texas A&M School of Public Health offers objective insight into employee behavior and the potential benefits of flexible work arrangements....

A Texas A&M study shows productivity dips in the afternoon and on Fridays among office workers, advocating for flexible work to boost efficiency and well-being.An innovative study from the Texas A&M School of Public Health offers objective insight into employee behavior and the potential benefits of flexible work arrangements.If there’s one thing most office workers can agree on, it’s that they tend to feel less productive toward the end of the day and the end of each work week. Now, a team of researchers at Texas A&M University has found objective evidence of this phenomenon in action.A recent interdisciplinary study at the Texas A&M School of Public Health used a novel method of data collection to show that employees really are less active and more prone to mistakes on afternoons and Fridays, with Friday afternoon representing the lowest point of worker productivity. The study, published in the journal PLOS ONE, was authored by Drs. Taehyun Roh and Nishat Tasnim Hasan from the Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, along with Drs. Chukwuemeka Esomonu, Joseph Hendricks, and Mark Benden from the Department of Environmental and Occupational Health, and graduate student Anisha Aggarwal from the Department of Health Behavior.Novel Data Collection MethodsThe researchers looked at the computer usage metrics of 789 in-office employees at a large energy company in Texas over a two-year period — January 1, 2017, to December 31, 2018.“Most studies of worker productivity use employee self-reports, supervisory evaluations, or wearable technology, but these can be subjective and invasive,” said Benden, professor and head of the Department of Environmental and Occupational Health. “Instead, we used computer usage metrics — things like typing speed, typing errors and mouse activity — to get objective, noninvasive data on computer work patterns.”The team then compared computer usage patterns across different days of the week and times of the day to see what kinds of patterns emerged.“We found that computer use increased during the week, then dropped significantly on Fridays,” said Roh, assistant professor in the Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics. “People typed more words and had more mouse movement, mouse clicks and scrolls every day from Monday through Thursday, then less of this activity on Friday.”In addition, Roh said, computer use decreased every afternoon, and especially on Friday afternoons.“Employees were less active in the afternoons and made more typos in the afternoons—especially on Fridays,” he said. “This aligns with similar findings that the number of tasks workers complete increases steadily from Monday through Wednesday, then decreases on Thursday and Friday.”Implications for Workplace FlexibilityWhat is the takeaway for employers? To start, flexible work arrangements, such as hybrid work or a four-day work week, may lead to happier and more productive employees.As of May 2023, about 60 percent of full-time, paid workers in the United States worked entirely on-site. The remainder either worked remotely or had a hybrid arrangement that involved a combination of remote and on-site work. In addition, many employees have a compressed workweek in which they work longer hours, but on fewer days.“Other studies have found that those who work from home or work fewer days have less stress from commuting, workplace politics and other factors, and thus have more job satisfaction,” Benden said. “These arrangements give workers more time with their families and thus reduce work-family conflicts, and also give them more time for exercise and leisure activities, which have been shown to improve both physical and mental health.”Not only that, but flexible work arrangements could boost the bottom line in other ways, such as reductions in electricity use, carbon footprint, and carbon dioxide emissions.“And now,” Benden said, “the findings from our study can further help business leaders as they identify strategies to optimize work performance and workplace sustainability.”Reference: “Examining workweek variations in computer usage patterns: An application of ergonomic monitoring software” by Taehyun Roh, Chukwuemeka Esomonu, Joseph Hendricks, Anisha Aggarwal, Nishat Tasnim Hasan and Mark Benden, 6 July 2023, PLOS ONE.DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0287976

Senators grill Haaland on Biden's energy strategy​​

Interior Secretary Deb Haaland faced intense scrutiny from senators regarding the Biden administration’s energy policies during her appearance before the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee.Michael Doyle reports for E&E News.In short: Sen. Joe Manchin accused the Biden administration of prioritizing politics over long-term strategy and criticized Haaland for a lack of progress on energy-related decisions.Republicans, including Sen. Lisa Murkowski, denounced recent Interior decisions that limit Alaska’s development, specifically in oil, gas, and mining projects.Haaland defended her policies, stating she provides vision and direction while others detailed specific issues, like the Lava Ridge wind energy project.Key quote: "The radical climate advisers in the White House have put election-year politics ahead of a thoughtful and achievable long-term strategy for the country." — Senator Joe Manchin.Why this matters: As the Biden administration aims to align energy policy with environmental goals, the scrutiny from senators signals a growing divide on energy and climate priorities and ongoing struggles to reduce greenhouse emissions. Read more: Natural gas vs. renewable energy — beware the latest gas industry talking points.

Interior Secretary Deb Haaland faced intense scrutiny from senators regarding the Biden administration’s energy policies during her appearance before the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee.Michael Doyle reports for E&E News.In short: Sen. Joe Manchin accused the Biden administration of prioritizing politics over long-term strategy and criticized Haaland for a lack of progress on energy-related decisions.Republicans, including Sen. Lisa Murkowski, denounced recent Interior decisions that limit Alaska’s development, specifically in oil, gas, and mining projects.Haaland defended her policies, stating she provides vision and direction while others detailed specific issues, like the Lava Ridge wind energy project.Key quote: "The radical climate advisers in the White House have put election-year politics ahead of a thoughtful and achievable long-term strategy for the country." — Senator Joe Manchin.Why this matters: As the Biden administration aims to align energy policy with environmental goals, the scrutiny from senators signals a growing divide on energy and climate priorities and ongoing struggles to reduce greenhouse emissions. Read more: Natural gas vs. renewable energy — beware the latest gas industry talking points.

As dismantling of largest dam begins on Klamath River, activists see 'new beginning'

Workers have begun dismantling the largest dam on the Klamath River. Indigenous activists are celebrating a milestone in restoring a free-flowing river.

Workers have begun dismantling the largest dam on the Klamath River, using machinery to scoop the first loads of rocks from an earthen barrier that has stood near the California-Oregon border for more than six decades.Several Indigenous leaders and activists watched as a single earthmover tore into the top of Iron Gate Dam, starting a pivotal phase in the largest dam removal project in U.S. history.As they celebrated the long-awaited moment, they shouted, embraced and offered prayers. They said they hope to see the river’s salmon, which have suffered devastating declines, finally start to recover once Iron Gate and two other dams are fully removed later this year.“It’s a new beginning — for not only fish, but for people as well,” said Leaf Hillman, an elder and ceremonial leader of the Karuk Tribe who attended the groundbreaking on Wednesday. Aggressive and impactful reporting on climate change, the environment, health and science. Hillman and other Indigenous activists spent more than two decades campaigning — including repeatedly protesting at utility shareholders meetings — until they finally secured agreements for the hydroelectric dams to be removed.The smallest of the four dams was removed last year, and crews have been blasting into a second concrete dam with dynamite.Iron Gate Dam has towered above the river since it was completed in 1962. It stands 173 feet tall and 740 feet thick.Salmon are central to the cultures and fishing traditions of tribes along the Klamath River. But the dams have long blocked the fish from reaching areas where they once spawned, and have worsened water quality, contributing to toxic algae blooms and disease outbreaks that have killed fish.Hillman, 60, said he and his family have witnessed the continual degradation of the river and the salmon population throughout their lives. Now, he and other tribal members are looking ahead to this fall, when they expect salmon will once again swim in a free-flowing river.“All of us have been impacted by these dams,” he said. “And so now it represents for us a bright future.” Work has started on the dismantling the Iron Gate Dam, the largest dam on the Klamath river. (Swiftwater Films) Since the reservoirs were drained in January, the river has returned to its channel, flowing through denuded lands that have been underwater for generations. Crews have been scattering seeds of native plants to help restore natural habitats along the river and its tributaries.The project is being overseen by the nonprofit Klamath River Renewal Corp., with a $500-million budget, including funds from California and from surcharges paid by customers of PacifiCorp, a power company. The utility agreed to remove the aging dams — which were used for power generation, not water storage — after determining it would be less expensive than trying to bring them up to current environmental standards.“After years of planning and preparation, and advocacy and activism on the part of the tribes, we’ve arrived at this major milestone to begin the removal of Iron Gate Dam,” said Mark Bransom, CEO of Klamath River Renewal Corp.The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission granted permission for the first phase of the dam’s removal to begin, and a second authorization for the remainder of the work is expected soon.Crews hired by the contractor Kiewit Corp. will use machinery to excavate the dam’s estimated 1 million cubic yards of earthen material, including rock, sand and clay.Some of what they remove will be used to fill in the dam’s emergency spillway which is carved into the rock beside the river.Most of the material will be hauled away in dump trucks, which will make thousands of trips to return the rocks and earth to the original 37-acre pit where material was quarried for dam construction.Once the hole is filled, crews will plant vegetation to “create a more natural landscape feature,” Bransom said.The schedule for removing the three dams calls for finishing in August or September, which will allow for Chinook salmon to migrate upstream past the sites.“We’re on a fast track to get these dams out of the river,” Bransom said.When the work is done, he said, “there will be very little, if any, evidence that those dams were ever there.”The dams were built without tribal consent between 1912 and the 1960s.For Native activists who spent years demanding the removal of dams, the dismantling of Iron Gate Dam holds great symbolic significance .Some of those who attended the gathering on a bluff overlooking the dam said they felt excited and also relieved to see the work finally starting.Many tribal members along the Klamath began to demand change after a mass fish kill in 2002, when tens of thousands of salmon died, and filled the river with carcasses.Brook M. Thompson, a Yurok Tribe member, was 7 when she saw the river filled with dead salmon in 2002. In her high school years, she often traveled by bus to rallies and protests in Sacramento, Portland and other places.“Really my whole life has revolved around this dam removal since seeing that fish kill,” said Thompson, now a 28-year-old doctoral student in environmental studies at UC Santa Cruz.Seeing that excavator take that first scoop out of the dam, she said, “it feels like I can take a deep breath now.”As they stood watching, Hillman said the group prayed. They burned a root and sent their prayers ascending with the smoke.At one point in the celebration, someone popped open a bottle of champagne.The activists said years ago they were told they had little chance of prevailing in their fight to undam the Klamath.“We persevered,” Thompson said. “It’s nice to know all those years I spent talking about this haven’t gone to waste.”She said she sees the removal of dams offering hope to others who are pushing for change.“Having this success, and being able to share that, is important for me to help relieve some of the eco-anxiety I see with youth — not only from the tribe, but from all different areas, who are fighting for a better future when it comes to climate change and these environmental issues,” Thompson said.When the workers dumped the first load of excavated rocks, Thompson picked out a jagged reddish-orange stone about half the size of her head, and took it with her.“I’m excited to use it as a teaching tool,” she said.She said she planned to show the rock to students when she speaks to a high school class in San Francisco.After the dam-removal work began, Thompson said, a group of students from the Hoopa Valley Tribe brought wild grass seeds and planted them on the exposed land that had been underwater in the reservoir.She and others say a great deal of work remains to restore the watershed’s ecosystem and ensure healthy habitat for salmon and other fish.“We have a lot more work to do,” Hillman said. “And I think our communities are pretty well equipped with some young people that have cut their teeth on this fight.”Hillman attended the event with his 19-year-old son, Chaas, who was in his mother’s womb when tribal members traveled to Scotland to protest at a shareholders meeting Scottish Power, which owned PacifiCorp at the time.Hillman said that as he watched the machinery clawing at the dam, he thought about the struggles communities have faced while the deteriorating river ecosystem has affected tribal cultures, fishing traditions and the connections among people in the Klamath River Basin. That has included negative health effects from the loss of salmon in people’s diet, he said, as well as effects on mental health and suicides among young tribal members.Hillman said he also thought of all the people, living and dead, who helped make the undamming possible.“There’s just been so much that’s been put into this day coming, so many people contributing to it,” Hillman said.Taking down the dams will give the Klamath’s fish — including salmon, steelhead and lampreys — the opportunity to reconnect with their ancestral habitats. And in the same way, Hillman said, the removal of dams offers people throughout the region a chance to reconnect with the river and each other.“It’s up to us to reestablish those connections,” he said, “and renew those bonds.”

What the Hell Are “Plastic Offsets”?

Plastic is just about everywhere, piling up in streams, landfills and even our bloodstreams and placentas. The United Nations agrees that something must be done, given both the excess of waste and the considerable plant-heating emissions involved in producing it, almost entirely from coal, oil and gas. Yet fossil fuel and chemicals companies see a great future in plastics. Both they and the companies that use these products are reluctant to find alternatives. So, as with greenhouse gas emissions, plastics polluters are now gravitating toward a scheme that would let them have it both ways: let them keep making and selling plastics while claiming to be part of the solution. That idea is plastic offset credits—which, according to supporters, offer the fantastical promise of “plastic neutral” plastic.Plastic offset credits are modeled on carbon offsets: A company that uses or produces plastic can purchase credits that correspond to reductions in plastic waste elsewhere, just as drillers can buy up credits that correspond to patches of forest that will draw enough carbon down from the atmosphere to “offset” the carbon they produce. Purchasing credits is intended to create flexibility for companies that might need extra time to reduce their own emissions, whether to comply with government regulations—like in California’s cap and trade system—or voluntarily, as with airlines that promise carbon neutral flights. Third-parties, often non-profits, approve and monitor credit-generating projects to ensure they correspond to real-world emissions reductions.That’s how it’s supposed to work, anyway. Carbon credit markets, however, now face intense scrutiny for fueling land grabs in the developing world, displacing indigenous communities, and furthering human rights abuses. Among the most damning research on carbon offsets shows that they simply aren’t very good at offsetting carbon, and simply grant polluters a lifeline to continue on with business as usual. An investigation published last fall by The Guardian and the nonprofit watchdog Corporate Accountability found that 78 percent of the top 50 carbon-offset projects are “likely junk.” The third parties that approve credit-generating projects have also had their failures exposed. An extensive exposé by The Guardian, German newspaper Die Zeit, and SourceMaterial, a non-profit newsroom, revealed last year that at least 90 percent of credits generated in rainforests by the Verified Carbon Standard (VCS)—an industry leader, accounting for roughly two-thirds of credits on the voluntary carbon market—were “phantom credits” that didn’t respond to any real reductions in greenhouse gases. The NGO that administers the VCS is called Verra, and has vehemently refuted these and other allegations. Verra—the world’s biggest issuer of carbon credits—is now one of the loudest voices pushing to expand plastic credits as means of dealing with plastic waste. Compared to decades’ old carbon markets, plastics crediting is a new and relatively small space, having only started up in earnest in 2021 via the 3R Initiative to use a “market-based approach that will scale up recovery & recycling activities and increase accountability for plastic waste reduction efforts.”Verra is a “technical founding member,” providing expertise on accounting methodologies, auditing and registry management; “corporate founding members” include Danone and Nestle. Currently, just seven projects have received approval for inclusion in Verra’s registry, which the group’s website says is the result of “a rigorous development and assessment process.” Dozens of others are awaiting approval. Another exchange—the Singapore-based Plastics Credit Exchange—has already sold millions of dollars worth of credits, including (according to PCX’s website) to the Filipino subsidiaries of Nestle, Colgate-Palmolive Co. and Pepsi-Cola. Several smaller companies have popped up, too. Most projects involve funding either waste processing facilities or offering additional funds to waste collection efforts, like beach clean-ups or waste pickers in the informal economy. What this would actually do to reduce plastic waste, given that most plastic isn’t recyclable by any reasonable definition and seems to generate an abundance of worrisome microplastics when it is recycled, is unclear.There are currently no industry standards for what these credit-generating projects should look like or how credits are issued. Evidence so far hasn’t been promising. A waste processing facility that was at one time registered by Verra and backed by Danone has been suspended from selling credits following allegations it’d been built too close to a Balinese community in Indonesia, Greenpeace investigative outlet Unearthed reported late last month. Verra suspended its accreditation of the project last May amid complaints from shareholders and residents, and is currently reviewing the project. It’s also reviewing another facility in Bali that had been registered with the group’s plastics program in December 2022; Danone has ended its support for both plants, but continues to back several processing facilities in Indonesia to further its pledge of recovering more plastic than it uses in the country by 2025. Despite these troubles, the World Bank has granted its blessing to plastics offsetting, including for Verra-registered projects in Indonesia. Earlier this year, the pair announced a $100 million plastic credits bond to fund Verra-accredited plastic collection and recycling projects there and in Ghana. Verra, meanwhile, has been eager to ingratiate itself into ongoing UN negotiations over a legally binding treaty to end plastic waste, the fourth round of which wrapped up last week in Ottawa, Canada. “Investment in plastic waste collection and recycling infrastructure ensures that plastic waste downstream is recovered and recirculated, repurposed, or appropriately managed,” the group writes on its website. “Through the issuance of Plastic Credits to certified plastic waste collection and recycling projects, Verra’s Plastic Program drives finance toward activities that establish and scale this waste management infrastructure.” Neither Verra nor the World Bank responded to a request for comment on this article in time for publication.Details of what a global plastics treaty might look like are still very much up for debate: Will each country have its own pledge to reduce plastic waste along a certain timeline, as in the Paris Agreement? Will the targets themselves be legally binding, or will countries only be mandated to set them? Which countries are going to pay for what? Advocates, though, are worried about the potential role that plastic offset credits might play, and possibility that rich nations will back them as a substitute for financing poorer countries’ efforts to end plastic pollution. Plastic offsets, critics argue, could also serve as an excuse for corporations and governments to continue on with business as usual. “We have 30 years of experience with the carbon market and 30 years of seeing problems there. Verra, the World Bank and others are getting up on stages and saying there are no problems, everything works great and now we’re going to apply that logic to plastic because it’s been proven in so many other places,” says Neil Tangri, Senior Science and Policy Director at the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA). “There’s an absolutely steadfast refusal to learn the lessons of the carbon markets,” now, despite myriad controversies, a well-established part of emissions reductions efforts.The two problems—plastic and greenhouse gas pollution—aren’t unrelated. A study published last month by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories finds that the production of plastics currently accounts for 5.3 percent of total global greenhouse emissions, more than double the emissions created by aviation. It’s also growing rapidly; production could triple by mid-century. If every other sector were to somehow decarbonize this year, plastics production would still push the world beyond the limit outlined in the Paris Agreement, which was to keep warming “well below” 1.5 degrees Celsius. Plastic production would blow through the emissions required to keep that goal in reach—known as a carbon budget—as early as 2060, and by 2083 at the latest. To “keep 1.5 alive,” as U.S. politicians like to say they are doing, primary plastics production would need to decrease by between 12 and 17 percent per year, starting this year, per an analysis of the Lawrence Livermore study by Tangri, who served as an expert reviewer on that report.Not unlike UN climate talks, the UN’s plastics treaty negotiations have attracted a steadily growing crowd of corporate interest with a vested interest in making sure that doesn’t happen. The UN handed out 196 passes to fossil fuel and chemical industry lobbyists at the Canadian talks last month, up 37 percent from the meeting held in Nairobi last November, according to an analysis by the Center for International and Environmental Law. Industry interests had a larger overall presence in Ottawa than the 180 delegates from countries in the European Union; they outnumbered delegates representing Pacific Small Island Developing States two to one.While the negotiators’ purported goal to “end plastic pollution” might seem to imply some overall reduction in the amount of plastic being produced, plastics producers and the countries in which they reside aren’t keen on that. The United States, joined by Gulf oil producers, Russia and China, have sought to avoid talk of concrete targets for reducing primary polymer production, preferring to focus on waste management. “The United States has systematically tried to derail the process,” says Dharmesh Shah, a senior campaigner at CIEL who attended the talks. “They’re doing things that are extremely problematic on the issue of production and reduction, especially.” Fossil fuel-producing countries’ and corporations’ emphasis on waste management aligns well with the promise of plastics offset programs: essentially, to offer financing to waste management efforts in the Global South. Even rich countries with robust waste management infrastructure, though, have not managed to overcome the fact that very little plastic can actually be recycled. Less than 10 percent of plastic waste has ever been recycled, and so-called “advanced” or chemical recycling have struggled to stay afloat amid massive costs and technical issues. The New York Times reported last month that one such facility in Indiana—which aimed to recycle 100,000 tons of plastic a year by 2021—had only ever recycled 2,000 tons of plastic as of late 2023. Part of what makes plastics recycling so difficult is that the term plastics refers to a wide range of chemical polymers which cannot be processed together; for some of those materials, recycling is virtually impossible. Much of what waste managers in the United States can’t deal with here is shipped abroad, to many of the places where plastic credits are being generated. “The reason that the Global South doesn’t have adequate waste management is because it’s being flooded with plastic. No waste management system in the world does a good job with plastic. We pour billions of dollars into waste management, have door-to-door collection and are still the top source of plastics in the ocean,” Tangri says of the United States. “The notion that you’re ever going to be able to catch up with plastic waste generation that’s growing by 4 percent every year is absurd. Thre’s not enough money in the world to catch up with that.”Among the biggest concerns with plastic offsetting, Tangri adds, is the concept of additionality. Credits, that is, are premised on the idea that their sale is financing projects that wouldn’t happen otherwise. A recent report Tangri co-authored with colleagues in the Break Free From Plastics campaign shows that 83 percent of projects applying for approval by Verra have been in operation for over a year, and will receive retroactive credits for waste collection efforts that are already underway. Forty-two percent of projects in that queue have already been operating for 5 years or more. “If you’re paying people to collect waste that they were already collecting, is there anything that they’re going to start collecting more of that they would otherwise leave behind? It’s very unlikely. If there’s no market for black plastic then they’re not going to pick it up,” says Tangri. “You’re giving a bit of money to someone who otherwise wouldn’t have it, but the problem on the other side is that you’re selling that plastic credit to some company in the Global North which is now claiming plastic neutrality.” Focusing on what happens to plastics after they’re already made, moreover, doesn’t address the fact that roughly 75 percent of the of the greenhouse gas emissions generated by plastics production, researchers at Lawrence Livermore find, are created prior to polymerization, i.e. to actually making finished plastic products. Neither does it deal with the abundance of rare cancers, breathing difficulties and numerous other serious health conditions that people who live fenceline with petrochemical plants have been forced to deal with. “The environmental risks of plastics are manifold and they happen throughout the life cycle,” Shah told me. “This is just an approach that is designed to delay or distract from the real issue which is production and reduction. We cannot solve the plastics crisis without reducing our production of plastics.”

Plastic is just about everywhere, piling up in streams, landfills and even our bloodstreams and placentas. The United Nations agrees that something must be done, given both the excess of waste and the considerable plant-heating emissions involved in producing it, almost entirely from coal, oil and gas. Yet fossil fuel and chemicals companies see a great future in plastics. Both they and the companies that use these products are reluctant to find alternatives. So, as with greenhouse gas emissions, plastics polluters are now gravitating toward a scheme that would let them have it both ways: let them keep making and selling plastics while claiming to be part of the solution. That idea is plastic offset credits—which, according to supporters, offer the fantastical promise of “plastic neutral” plastic.Plastic offset credits are modeled on carbon offsets: A company that uses or produces plastic can purchase credits that correspond to reductions in plastic waste elsewhere, just as drillers can buy up credits that correspond to patches of forest that will draw enough carbon down from the atmosphere to “offset” the carbon they produce. Purchasing credits is intended to create flexibility for companies that might need extra time to reduce their own emissions, whether to comply with government regulations—like in California’s cap and trade system—or voluntarily, as with airlines that promise carbon neutral flights. Third-parties, often non-profits, approve and monitor credit-generating projects to ensure they correspond to real-world emissions reductions.That’s how it’s supposed to work, anyway. Carbon credit markets, however, now face intense scrutiny for fueling land grabs in the developing world, displacing indigenous communities, and furthering human rights abuses. Among the most damning research on carbon offsets shows that they simply aren’t very good at offsetting carbon, and simply grant polluters a lifeline to continue on with business as usual. An investigation published last fall by The Guardian and the nonprofit watchdog Corporate Accountability found that 78 percent of the top 50 carbon-offset projects are “likely junk.” The third parties that approve credit-generating projects have also had their failures exposed. An extensive exposé by The Guardian, German newspaper Die Zeit, and SourceMaterial, a non-profit newsroom, revealed last year that at least 90 percent of credits generated in rainforests by the Verified Carbon Standard (VCS)—an industry leader, accounting for roughly two-thirds of credits on the voluntary carbon market—were “phantom credits” that didn’t respond to any real reductions in greenhouse gases. The NGO that administers the VCS is called Verra, and has vehemently refuted these and other allegations. Verra—the world’s biggest issuer of carbon credits—is now one of the loudest voices pushing to expand plastic credits as means of dealing with plastic waste. Compared to decades’ old carbon markets, plastics crediting is a new and relatively small space, having only started up in earnest in 2021 via the 3R Initiative to use a “market-based approach that will scale up recovery & recycling activities and increase accountability for plastic waste reduction efforts.”Verra is a “technical founding member,” providing expertise on accounting methodologies, auditing and registry management; “corporate founding members” include Danone and Nestle. Currently, just seven projects have received approval for inclusion in Verra’s registry, which the group’s website says is the result of “a rigorous development and assessment process.” Dozens of others are awaiting approval. Another exchange—the Singapore-based Plastics Credit Exchange—has already sold millions of dollars worth of credits, including (according to PCX’s website) to the Filipino subsidiaries of Nestle, Colgate-Palmolive Co. and Pepsi-Cola. Several smaller companies have popped up, too. Most projects involve funding either waste processing facilities or offering additional funds to waste collection efforts, like beach clean-ups or waste pickers in the informal economy. What this would actually do to reduce plastic waste, given that most plastic isn’t recyclable by any reasonable definition and seems to generate an abundance of worrisome microplastics when it is recycled, is unclear.There are currently no industry standards for what these credit-generating projects should look like or how credits are issued. Evidence so far hasn’t been promising. A waste processing facility that was at one time registered by Verra and backed by Danone has been suspended from selling credits following allegations it’d been built too close to a Balinese community in Indonesia, Greenpeace investigative outlet Unearthed reported late last month. Verra suspended its accreditation of the project last May amid complaints from shareholders and residents, and is currently reviewing the project. It’s also reviewing another facility in Bali that had been registered with the group’s plastics program in December 2022; Danone has ended its support for both plants, but continues to back several processing facilities in Indonesia to further its pledge of recovering more plastic than it uses in the country by 2025. Despite these troubles, the World Bank has granted its blessing to plastics offsetting, including for Verra-registered projects in Indonesia. Earlier this year, the pair announced a $100 million plastic credits bond to fund Verra-accredited plastic collection and recycling projects there and in Ghana. Verra, meanwhile, has been eager to ingratiate itself into ongoing UN negotiations over a legally binding treaty to end plastic waste, the fourth round of which wrapped up last week in Ottawa, Canada. “Investment in plastic waste collection and recycling infrastructure ensures that plastic waste downstream is recovered and recirculated, repurposed, or appropriately managed,” the group writes on its website. “Through the issuance of Plastic Credits to certified plastic waste collection and recycling projects, Verra’s Plastic Program drives finance toward activities that establish and scale this waste management infrastructure.” Neither Verra nor the World Bank responded to a request for comment on this article in time for publication.Details of what a global plastics treaty might look like are still very much up for debate: Will each country have its own pledge to reduce plastic waste along a certain timeline, as in the Paris Agreement? Will the targets themselves be legally binding, or will countries only be mandated to set them? Which countries are going to pay for what? Advocates, though, are worried about the potential role that plastic offset credits might play, and possibility that rich nations will back them as a substitute for financing poorer countries’ efforts to end plastic pollution. Plastic offsets, critics argue, could also serve as an excuse for corporations and governments to continue on with business as usual. “We have 30 years of experience with the carbon market and 30 years of seeing problems there. Verra, the World Bank and others are getting up on stages and saying there are no problems, everything works great and now we’re going to apply that logic to plastic because it’s been proven in so many other places,” says Neil Tangri, Senior Science and Policy Director at the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA). “There’s an absolutely steadfast refusal to learn the lessons of the carbon markets,” now, despite myriad controversies, a well-established part of emissions reductions efforts.The two problems—plastic and greenhouse gas pollution—aren’t unrelated. A study published last month by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories finds that the production of plastics currently accounts for 5.3 percent of total global greenhouse emissions, more than double the emissions created by aviation. It’s also growing rapidly; production could triple by mid-century. If every other sector were to somehow decarbonize this year, plastics production would still push the world beyond the limit outlined in the Paris Agreement, which was to keep warming “well below” 1.5 degrees Celsius. Plastic production would blow through the emissions required to keep that goal in reach—known as a carbon budget—as early as 2060, and by 2083 at the latest. To “keep 1.5 alive,” as U.S. politicians like to say they are doing, primary plastics production would need to decrease by between 12 and 17 percent per year, starting this year, per an analysis of the Lawrence Livermore study by Tangri, who served as an expert reviewer on that report.Not unlike UN climate talks, the UN’s plastics treaty negotiations have attracted a steadily growing crowd of corporate interest with a vested interest in making sure that doesn’t happen. The UN handed out 196 passes to fossil fuel and chemical industry lobbyists at the Canadian talks last month, up 37 percent from the meeting held in Nairobi last November, according to an analysis by the Center for International and Environmental Law. Industry interests had a larger overall presence in Ottawa than the 180 delegates from countries in the European Union; they outnumbered delegates representing Pacific Small Island Developing States two to one.While the negotiators’ purported goal to “end plastic pollution” might seem to imply some overall reduction in the amount of plastic being produced, plastics producers and the countries in which they reside aren’t keen on that. The United States, joined by Gulf oil producers, Russia and China, have sought to avoid talk of concrete targets for reducing primary polymer production, preferring to focus on waste management. “The United States has systematically tried to derail the process,” says Dharmesh Shah, a senior campaigner at CIEL who attended the talks. “They’re doing things that are extremely problematic on the issue of production and reduction, especially.” Fossil fuel-producing countries’ and corporations’ emphasis on waste management aligns well with the promise of plastics offset programs: essentially, to offer financing to waste management efforts in the Global South. Even rich countries with robust waste management infrastructure, though, have not managed to overcome the fact that very little plastic can actually be recycled. Less than 10 percent of plastic waste has ever been recycled, and so-called “advanced” or chemical recycling have struggled to stay afloat amid massive costs and technical issues. The New York Times reported last month that one such facility in Indiana—which aimed to recycle 100,000 tons of plastic a year by 2021—had only ever recycled 2,000 tons of plastic as of late 2023. Part of what makes plastics recycling so difficult is that the term plastics refers to a wide range of chemical polymers which cannot be processed together; for some of those materials, recycling is virtually impossible. Much of what waste managers in the United States can’t deal with here is shipped abroad, to many of the places where plastic credits are being generated. “The reason that the Global South doesn’t have adequate waste management is because it’s being flooded with plastic. No waste management system in the world does a good job with plastic. We pour billions of dollars into waste management, have door-to-door collection and are still the top source of plastics in the ocean,” Tangri says of the United States. “The notion that you’re ever going to be able to catch up with plastic waste generation that’s growing by 4 percent every year is absurd. Thre’s not enough money in the world to catch up with that.”Among the biggest concerns with plastic offsetting, Tangri adds, is the concept of additionality. Credits, that is, are premised on the idea that their sale is financing projects that wouldn’t happen otherwise. A recent report Tangri co-authored with colleagues in the Break Free From Plastics campaign shows that 83 percent of projects applying for approval by Verra have been in operation for over a year, and will receive retroactive credits for waste collection efforts that are already underway. Forty-two percent of projects in that queue have already been operating for 5 years or more. “If you’re paying people to collect waste that they were already collecting, is there anything that they’re going to start collecting more of that they would otherwise leave behind? It’s very unlikely. If there’s no market for black plastic then they’re not going to pick it up,” says Tangri. “You’re giving a bit of money to someone who otherwise wouldn’t have it, but the problem on the other side is that you’re selling that plastic credit to some company in the Global North which is now claiming plastic neutrality.” Focusing on what happens to plastics after they’re already made, moreover, doesn’t address the fact that roughly 75 percent of the of the greenhouse gas emissions generated by plastics production, researchers at Lawrence Livermore find, are created prior to polymerization, i.e. to actually making finished plastic products. Neither does it deal with the abundance of rare cancers, breathing difficulties and numerous other serious health conditions that people who live fenceline with petrochemical plants have been forced to deal with. “The environmental risks of plastics are manifold and they happen throughout the life cycle,” Shah told me. “This is just an approach that is designed to delay or distract from the real issue which is production and reduction. We cannot solve the plastics crisis without reducing our production of plastics.”

The EPA moves to ban acephate pesticide over health risks

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency is proposing a ban on acephate, a pesticide linked to potential harm to children's developing brains. Sharon Lerner reports for ProPublica.In short:The EPA proposed banning acephate after a recent ProPublica report highlighted the agency's controversial risk assessment.Evidence indicates that acephate poses risks to workers, the public, and children through contaminated drinking water.The proposal to ban acephate applies to all food crops but would allow usage on non-fruit and non-nut bearing trees.Key quote: “The pushback on this is going to be really intense. I hope they stick to their guns.”— Nathan Donley, scientist at the Center for Biological DiversityWhy this matters: Banning acephate reflects a shift toward stricter regulation of potentially harmful chemicals that have been used in agriculture for decades. Read more: New analysis warns of pesticide residues on some fruits and veggies.

The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency is proposing a ban on acephate, a pesticide linked to potential harm to children's developing brains. Sharon Lerner reports for ProPublica.In short:The EPA proposed banning acephate after a recent ProPublica report highlighted the agency's controversial risk assessment.Evidence indicates that acephate poses risks to workers, the public, and children through contaminated drinking water.The proposal to ban acephate applies to all food crops but would allow usage on non-fruit and non-nut bearing trees.Key quote: “The pushback on this is going to be really intense. I hope they stick to their guns.”— Nathan Donley, scientist at the Center for Biological DiversityWhy this matters: Banning acephate reflects a shift toward stricter regulation of potentially harmful chemicals that have been used in agriculture for decades. Read more: New analysis warns of pesticide residues on some fruits and veggies.

Why climate change action requires "degrowth" to make our planet sustainable

Salon spoke with Japanese philosophy professor Kohei Saito about his new book, "Slow Down: The Degrowth Manifesto"

Climate change truly is a major existential threat, one we're clearly not addressing fast enough. But as individuals, there's little we can do to stop it on a grand scale — it will require global cooperation to overcome. Nonetheless, the accompanying feelings of helplessness when faced with such a daunting crisis can make many feel paralyzed with despair. So what can be done? "Slow Down: The Degrowth Manifesto," a new book from University of Tokyo philosophy professor Kohei Saito, offers more than a diagnosis of the systemic problems that brought us to this moment; it lays out, in clear and well-researched language, how those problems can be thoroughly addressed. In 2020, when "Slow Down" was originally published in Japan, it went by the far more fitting title "Capital in the Anthropocene" — with "Anthropocene" being the proposed geological era that began when human activity started radically altering natural conditions on the planet. "My idea is really not state socialism, but associated model production." Saito's argument, as translated by Brian Bergstrom, is that climate change exists because humans as a species prioritize economic growth instead of economic sustainability. Capitalism itself, Saito asserts, is unsustainable. Even though well-meaning liberal politicians like to push for Green New Deals in the hope of continuing non-stop economic growth without the consequent ecological harm, Saito argues capitalist societies need to perpetually consume resources to remain prosperous. As a result, capitalism itself inevitably brings about planet-wide problems like climate change, habitat destruction, plastic pollution and other environmental issues. The only solution is for humanity as a whole to slow down our obsession with work, productivity and materialism. Notably, Saito stresses that the bulk of the burden to consume less falls on the wealthiest among us. Saito doesn't take credit for these observations. Philosopher Karl Marx developed a philosophy in the 1860s that Saito describes as "eco-Marxist" (particularly in Saito's previous work, "Karl Marx's Eco-Socialism"). While the German philosopher's early works like "The Communist Manifesto" urged the working class to insist on receiving its fair share of the benefits of industrialism, Marx's later writings praised Indigenous peoples in the Americas, India and Algeria for living in communes that stressed sustainable environmental practices. As such, "Slow Down" is that rare hybrid among ideological manifestos: It opens new insights into an existing ideology while uplifting something distinct of its own. Salon spoke with Saito about "Slow Down" and the relationship climate change has to economics. This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length. For those who are totally unfamiliar with the works of Karl Marx, can you please explain how one must distinguish between his early works and the later works that you describe as "eco-Marxism"?  Marxism is known for socialism, and socialism is often described as the exploitation of the working class. Capitalism has a tendency to increase technologies and promote innovations because of market competition. But Marx thought that once the workers take over power and kick out the capitalists, they can utilize the development of productive forces for the sake of themselves — more wealth, more well-being. But there is one problem: Sustainability. Because as Marx started to study natural sciences later in the 1850s and 1860s, he came to realize the development of technologies in capitalism actually don't create a condition for emancipation of the working class. Because not only do those technologies control the workers more efficiently, they destabilize the old system of jobs and make more precarious, low skilled jobs. At the same time those technologies exploit from nature more efficiently and create various problems such as exhaustion of the soil, massive deforestation, and the exhaustion of the fuels, and so on. Marx came to realize that this kind of technology undermines material conditions for sustainable development of human beings. And the central concept for Mark at that time in the sixties is metabolism. He thinks that this metabolic interaction between humans and nature is quite essential for any kind of society, but the problem of capitalism is it really transforms and organizes this entire metabolism between humans and nature for the sake of profit-making. Technologies are also used for this purpose. So technologies are not for the purpose of creating better life, free time and sustainable production, but rather it exploits workers and nature at the same time for the sake of more growth, more profit, and so on. My point is basically Marx was quite optimistic when he was young in terms of the development of technologies, but later he came to realize actually technologies have more damaging impact on both humans and nature. So he became more critical of that possibility of solving those problems of poverty and ecological problems using technology. That's how the issue of degrowth and eco-socialist ideas came to be central for his ideas. Want more health and science stories in your inbox? Subscribe to Salon's weekly newsletter Lab Notes. "We used to believe that it's impossible for the state or for the society to intervene in the market and say, 'You know, we shouldn't be making profit because human lives are more important or nature is more important.' But in the middle of the pandemic, we did this." There's another distortion in Marxist thought, what you described as "the monster known as Stalinism." What ideological corrections do you offer to the Marxist model to avoid a repetition of history?  So I advocate for a kind of eco-socialism, that kind of socialism that is more sustainable, that is not based on exploitation of nature. Because in the 20th century, Stalinism and other kinds of socialist experiments was a disaster. It was un-democratic. It was a dictatorship of the Communist Party, but at the same time it was also destruction of the environment. I think their ideas were rather based on the development of progress through technology, and productive force is the condition for the working class emancipation. And the most efficient way of developing these technologies and productive forces is the monopoly of the means of production by the bureaucrats and the party. It just created a kind of the central planning, which is very top-down and authoritarian and anti-democracy. At the same time, they didn't care about the environment, so it basically destroyed nature. In Marx's later works, he quite intensively studied natural sciences. He also studied at the same time other societies, non-Western societies, that were more sustainable. He came to realize that these societies were not driven toward endless growth. They were communally managing land. They were also democratically redistributing wealth. So he came to realize that more of a kind of bottom-up management of the commonwealth is good for people and creates a more equal society. It's also good for the environment. It was more sustainable because that's why those [Indigenous] societies lasted for many, many years. In America, they lasted many, many years before those people coming to conquer the land. Marx came to recognize that not necessarily Western societies are more progressive in creating a better society for the workers, but rather Western society also need to learn from non-Western societies. This is another very radical transformation for Marx in his late years. But then he came to realize not a top-down Soviet style dictatorship is necessary for the sake of establishing socialism, but rather more democratic, horizontal management of commonwealth lands, water, forests and other resources. That is quite essential for creating a better society. And he actually uses the term association — not socialism or communism. He often describes the future society with "association." And so my idea is really not state socialism, but associated model production. This is why I still use the term "communism," because the society based on capital is capitalism and a society based on the commonwealth, the democratic management of commonwealth is actually to be called "communism." Could you elaborate on how the degrowth philosophy that you say has been implemented in locations like Quito, Ecuador or Barcelona, Spain, as well as during the COVID-19 pandemic. My book, originally in Japanese, was published like three years ago, so it was published in the middle of pandemic. Japan is also a captive society and it's a very conservative society. I didn't expect that this call for going back to Marx and reviving the tradition of communism combined with new idea of degrowth would attract so much attention and interest from people. But it was, I think, because of the pandemic, that we came to recognize how destructive our economic activities were. It was obviously deforestation and that kind of thing. Ugly business was a main cause of the pandemic. Now at the same time, the climate crisis was deepening. So it was a moment we saw how our daily life was quite clearly destructive, but at the same time, we had to stop the economy for the sake of protecting our lives. Shutting down departments, shopping malls and restaurants and so on. We used to believe that it's impossible for the state or for the society to intervene in the market and say, "You know, we shouldn't be making profit because human lives are more important or nature is more important." But in the middle of the pandemic, we did this. We came to realize that these things are actually possible. And once we started working from home, once we stopped taking trains and going to hang out with people, buying new clothes all the time and so on, we came to realize, 'Why did we consume so much? Why did we work so hard?' The pandemic created some kind of space for reflection upon our previous life, the massive consumption, massive production, and massive waste. This is really the moment when the degrowth idea appeared more attractive, because people could spend more time with family, friends — not necessarily friends because of the pandemic, but maybe with friends — they could read more books and newspapers, and they enjoyed different ways of life that are not necessarily consumptionist.  "The solution to some kind of environmental damage was simply externalized to somewhere else. It was shifted basically to the global south." At the same time, a new crisis is coming — the climate crisis — and it will accelerate inflation. It will create a bigger economic inequality. And various natural disasters will also create a food shortage, which might lead to various kinds of conflicts. Geopolitical tension will increase, and so on. My claim in my book is basically this crisis cannot be simply overcome by investing in new green technologies. It is like early Marx: We overcome the crisis of capitalism by technologies, the state should intervene, the Green New Deal must be new investments, blah, blah, blah. But I don't think that works. My idea is basically we need to learn from the experience of the pandemic — that capitalist society is driven for the sake of creating more profit, not necessarily able to provide what is necessary. Because what is necessary, like medicine and education and hospital masks and so on — are not necessarily profitable. Capitalism doesn't produce what is necessary unless it is profitable. This gap creates disparities for us to tackle. My idea is basically degrowth is focusing on what is necessary rather than what is profitable. We should share more with the commonwealth like public transportation, the education system, the medical care system. These necessary things, essential goods, must be shared more equally instead of some rich people monopolizing all the wealth of the planet.  Can you explain the "Netherlands Fallacy" — namely, the idea that the Netherlands proves that socialism can be ecologically sustainable and prosperous. Can you elaborate on why that is indeed a fallacy?  I don't know why it's really the Netherlands. It can be the U.S. Fallacy or whatever, but it's traditionally called the Netherlands Fallacy. The Netherlands had some environmental pollution and basically they overcame this issue with new technologies. Everything seems fine, but the problem is this fallacy. The solution to some kind of environmental damage was simply externalized to somewhere else. It was shifted basically to the global south. One contemporary example is electronic vehicles, EVs, which are today very important; Tesla making massive profits, and so on. For the sake of a decarbonized society, I totally agree that we need more electronic vehicles and we need to produce them more, and that gasoline should be abandoned as fast as possible. I totally agree. But the problem is, are electric vehicles totally sustainable?  "This is open to misunderstanding that degrowth denies technology to try to go back to nature or something like that. This is absurd." The answer is obviously no. It is not just that usage of electric vehicles still consumes electricity, which might be produced by using fossil fuels, but the problem is — instead of fossil fuels — we also need a lot of rare metals: Lithium, copper, cobalt. And those rare metals are often located in the global south: Latin America, China, Russia, Africa and so on. And in these places now, the extraction of metals are creating very poor working conditions for even children. Child labor is obviously a problem in Congo, where a lot is massively extracted, but also the problem of environmental pollution, massive deforestation and the lithium use uses a lot of water. Chile is now suffering by wildfires, but they are also suffering from drought. And then mining lithium consumes a lot of water when people actually need water for their lives, and also for producing food, and so on.  People like us and affluent people in the global north can continue a very comfortable life by buying new electric vehicles like Tesla instead of Toyota. And they think that, "Okay, we did something good for the environment. I feel my responsibility for the next generations and so on." They are actually falling into this fallacy of believing their sustainability. No, they're not. Their behavior is not sustainable because the real problem is only hidden: massive extraction of the lithium in the global south. It's still causing quite a damaging impact upon people and the environment. So the metabolism between humans and nature, it's still distorted and disrupted in a quite serious manner. And my idea of degrowth is not a negation of technology. We need electric vehicles. I repeat again because this is open to misunderstanding that degrowth denies technology to try to go back to nature or something like that. This is absurd, but at the same time, I clearly want to say that there are too many cars. We need to shift to a society where we share electric vehicles with neighbors. So sharing cars. And we also need to invest in more green technologies like public transportation and also bicycles. And the bicycles of today are kind of dangerous because all the roads are created for the sake of cars. So the city urban planning is centering around all industries, and that needs to be challenged, that needs to change. And these are idea that degrowth will create a more eco-friendly, pedestrian friendly kind of society. The new kind of fair mobility is a central idea of degrowth. But this is just one example we need. My basic point is that often technologies simply hide the true environmental impacts, and we needed technological development, but at the same time, we need to reduce our excessive consumption. Otherwise we will fall into the Netherlands Fallacy.  I'm reading a book by billionaire philanthropist, Tom Steyer, who argues for more traditional approaches to addressing climate change: Funding green technologies, pushing voter registration drives, supporting a Green New Deal platform. Do you think there is anything fundamentally flawed about approaches for dealing with climate change when they come from billionaires or from others in the elite classes?  Yes. I don't actually deny some kind of Green New Deal, but not a Green New Deal for people like the American people. Because my idea of sustainability is more comprehensive. It includes the people in the global south. So greening or decarbonization in the U.S. can be achieved at the cost of people in the global south, and that doesn't make sense, right? And the same thing can be said within the U.S. The green transformation for the sake of billionaires could be achieved at the cost of many people in the global south. Minority indigenous people could be sacrificed for the sake of sustaining today's capitalism. What do I mean by this? Growth is always good for billionaires. They say, "Okay, we'll invest more in something good — green technologies — and it will grow the economy. And then all the poor people working class people will also benefit from growth." Growth actually hides the necessity of redistribution. When we talk about redistribution and compensation or reparation, billionaires needs to give up some of what they have gained. Not just wealth, but also private jets, massive houses and cruise ships and those luxury items, too. But when we invest in green technologies, flying jets can be sustainable, blah, blah, blah. And they also don't have to redistribute their own wealth because the entire pie of the economy will be bigger, so that the working class can also gain higher salaries and so on. My idea of degrowth is much more challenging because the degrowth doesn't seek after continuous growth of the economic pie.  When the pie doesn't grow, we need to share more. So it really clearly demands the massively distribution of the wealth from the rich people to the poor people. But also we should give up what is actually unnecessary. I claim that, but the most obvious example is private jets. Private jets are unnecessary because people can still fly with business class or whatsoever. So my point is, rich people should give up their wealth, rich people should give up private jets and so on, other unnecessary things. And when people now talk about the Green New Deal, they hide the necessity of such a radical transformation of our lifestyle for the sake of everyone. Read more about climate change

Quantifying the “Carbon Gap” – Unmasking the Shortfalls in Global Climate Efforts

Insufficient carbon dioxide removal efforts jeopardize meeting the Paris Agreement’s climate goals, highlighting the urgent need for enhanced technologies and strategies. New research suggests that...

Research indicates that existing plans for carbon dioxide removal are inadequate for meeting the Paris Agreement’s 1.5 ºC warming limit. Enhanced awareness and action are required to close the significant gap between projected increases and the needs identified in IPCC focus scenarios.Insufficient carbon dioxide removal efforts jeopardize meeting the Paris Agreement’s climate goals, highlighting the urgent need for enhanced technologies and strategies.New research suggests that countries’ current plans to remove CO2 from the atmosphere will not be enough to comply with the 1.5 ºC warming limit set out under the Paris Agreement.Since 2010, the United Nations environmental organization UNEP has taken an annual measurement of the emissions gap — the difference between countries’ climate protection pledges and what is necessary to limit global heating to 1.5 ºC, or at least below 2 ºC. The UNEP Emissions Gap Reports are clear: climate policy needs more ambition. This new study now explicitly applies this analytical concept to carbon dioxide removal (CDR) — the removal of the most important greenhouse gas, CO2, from the atmosphere.The study, published today (May 3) in the journal Nature Climate Change, was led by the Berlin-based Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change (MCC) and involved an international team of scientists.“In the Emissions Gap Reports, carbon removals are only accounted for indirectly,” said lead author Dr. William Lamb, of the MCC Applied Sustainability Science working group.“After all, the usual benchmark for climate protection pledges is net emissions, ie emissions minus removals. We are now making transparent the specific ambition gap in scaling up removals.“This planetary waste management will soon place completely new requirements on policymakers and may even become a central pillar of climate protection in the second half of the century.”Co-author Dr. Naomi Vaughan, of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research at UEA, added: “Carbon dioxide removal methods have a small but vital role to play in achieving net zero and limiting the impacts of climate change.“Our analysis shows that countries need more awareness, ambition, and action on scaling up CDR methods together with deep emissions reductions to achieve the aspirations of the Paris Agreement.”According to the study, if national targets are fully implemented, annual human-induced carbon removals could increase by a maximum of 0.5 gigatonnes of CO2 (500 million tonnes) by 2030, and by a maximum of 1.9 gigatonnes by 2050.This contrasts with the 5.1 gigatonne increase required in a ‘focus scenario’, which the research team depicts as typical from the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment report.There, global heating, calculated over the entire course of this century, is limited to 1.5 ºC, and a particularly rapid expansion of renewable energies and reduction of fossil emissions is depicted as the core climate protection strategy.But, the focus scenario still relies on scaling up carbon removals. The gap for the year 2050 is therefore at least 3.2 gigatonnes of CO2 (5.1 minus a maximum of 1.9).An alternative focus scenario, also derived from the IPCC, assumes a significant reduction in global energy demand, due to politically initiated behaviour changes as the core element of climate protection strategy.Here, carbon removals would increase by a more modest amount: 2.5 gigatonnes in 2050. Fully implemented national targets would be close to sufficient when compared to this scenario, with a gap in 2050 of 0.4 gigatonnes.The research team points out the problem of sustainability limits in scaling up carbon removals; for example, the associated land area demand will come to jeopardise biodiversity and food security. Nevertheless, there is still plenty of room for designing fair and sustainable land management policies.In addition, novel carbon removal options, such as air filter systems, or ‘enhanced rock weathering’, have hardly been promoted by politicians to date.They currently only remove 0.002 gigatonnes of CO2 per year from the atmosphere, compared to 3 gigatonnes through conventional options such as afforestation, and they are unlikely to significantly increase by 2030. According to the scenarios, they must become more prevalent than conventional options by 2010.Since only 40 countries have so far quantified their removal plans in their long-term low emissions development strategies, the study also draws on other national documents and best-guess assumptions.“The calculation should certainly be refined,” said Dr. Lamb. “But our proposal using the focus scenarios further opens the discourse on how much carbon removal is necessary to meet the Paris Agreement.“This much is clear: without a rapid reduction in emissions towards zero, across all sectors, the 1.5 ºC limit will not be met under any circumstances.”Reference: “The carbon dioxide removal gap” by Lamb, W, Gasser, T, Roman-Cuesta, R, Grassi, G, Gidden, M, Powis, C, Geden, O, Nemet, G, Pramata, Y, Riahi, K, Smith, S, Steinhauser, J, Vaughan, N, Smith, H, Minx, J, 3 May 2024, Nature Climate Change. DOI: 10.1038/s41558-024-01984-6

A year in, New York’s pioneering public power law makes uneven progress

One year ago, New York state passed one of the country’s most ambitious clean energy and climate justice laws. The Build Public Renewables Act authorized the New York Power Authority, a state-owned public power utility, to build and own clean energy projects for the first time. If the state falls short of its…

One year ago, New York state passed one of the country’s most ambitious clean energy and climate justice laws. The Build Public Renewables Act authorized the New York Power Authority, a state-owned public power utility, to build and own clean energy projects for the first time. If the state falls short of its ambitious climate goals, the law mandates that NYPA step up to build renewables that will keep the state on track.  Heralded as a major win for environmental justice and climate advocacy groups, the law also introduced a program for low- and moderate-income residents to receive credits for clean energy produced by the public utility and allocated $25 million each year to renewable energy job training, among other measures. But in the year since, progress on implementing the law has been spotty. Though NYPA says it has made carrying out the law a priority by laying the groundwork for future renewable power projects, activists and some policymakers say the utility has not been transparent in its planning thus far, making it hard to tell whether NYPA is on track to transform the state’s energy sector at the pace required by its 2019 climate law. “The real problem is there is not sufficient transparency into what they are planning, so it’s hard for us to say how effective it is,” Michael Paulson, co-chair of the coalition Public Power NY, told Canary Media.  Paulson’s group, along with the New York chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, labor unions, and climate justice organizations across the state, campaigned for four years to pass the Build Public Renewables Act. An amended form of the law eventually made it into the state’s annual budget early last May. Activists hoped that strengthening the role of publicly owned power would enable a swifter expansion of cleaner, cheaper electricity — and create a structure that’s more accountable to consumers than the dominant investor-owned utility model. Over the past 12 months, the authority has taken some initial steps toward working with private renewable energy developers. In January 2024, NYPA issued a request for information from developers and contractors to learn about opportunities for wind, solar, and battery energy storage projects. In March, the authority followed up with a request for qualifications to evaluate and prequalify renewable developers to work with on future projects, to which it received more than 85 responses. 

Illinois passed a law to clean up coal ash 5 years ago. What’s taking so long?

In one Chicago suburb, people have been waiting for relief for years.

This coverage is made possible through a partnership between WBEZ and Grist, a nonprofit environmental media organization. Sign up for WBEZ newsletters to get local news you can trust. Celeste Flores can tell you the good news about living in Waukegan, Illinois: The air is safer to breathe now. “Thankfully, we are no longer breathing coal being burned,” said Flores, a co-chair of Clean Power Lake County, or CPLC, an environmental justice organization serving the mostly Latino suburb about 40 miles north of Chicago. The explanation behind that is simple: The Waukegan Generating Station near the shore of Lake Michigan closed in 2022 after decades of pumping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and coal ash into the ground.  Flores can also tell you the bad news: The toxic coal ash is still there, dangerously close to the groundwater.  But the explanation behind why the pollution remains in the ground is more complicated than shutting a plant down. Coal ash is a cocktail of hazardous pollutants leftover from coal combustion. Across the country, plant operators dumped that heavy metal-laden sludge into holes in the ground, sometimes called ponds or impoundments. Sometimes these ponds are lined, and sometimes they aren’t. None of the ponds in Waukegan that are lined meet current state and federal standards.  In 2019, the state confirmed what advocates like Flores had long suspected: that coal ash had leached into nearby groundwater. Worse yet, the coal ash was stored right near Lake Michigan. That same year, Flores helped push Illinois lawmakers to pass landmark coal ash regulation, which compelled managers of coal ash owners to submit plans to either clean up their operations or shut down.  About three years ago the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency (IEPA) finalized exactly how operators had to submit these proposals. But plans are on hold for securing the three coal ash storage pits in Waukegan. The IEPA hasn’t finalized permits for those sites, so they continue to threaten groundwater. “When it comes to the implementation of these rules, it’s 2024 and we don’t have permits yet,” said Flores. “And I don’t think anyone was expecting that.”  Celeste Flores, left, said the air is easier to breathe now in Waukegan, Illinois. Both she and Dulce Ortiz, right, worked to get a coal-burning plant in their suburb shut down. Now they’re trying to remove the coal ash that threatens their drinking water and Lake Michigan. Juanpablo Ramirez-Franco / Grist Illinois set itself apart from the majority of the country when it finalized its coal ash rules back in 2021. Most states, save for a handful like North Carolina and Michigan, relied on 2015 federal guidelines designed to monitor and clean up only some coal ash residuals.  For years, the federal rule excluded inactive coal ash ponds and landfills from oversight. An analysis by Earthjustice found that the 2015 rules grandfathered in over 300 of these sites across 48 states. Illinois’ more protective mandate, however, brought them into the state’s regulatory orbit. Even so, advocates say the forthcoming permits are dragging. “The Illinois EPA has been reviewing these proposed permits for almost two years,” said Andrew Rehn, the director of climate policy at Prairie Rivers Network in Champaign. “And that’s, like, a long time for these permits to sit and just be under review.”  The Illinois EPA is currently reviewing 44 separate coal ash surface impoundment permit applications for 25 current or former power plant sites across the state. Earlier this month, two and a half years since the first permit applications were submitted, the agency issued its first two draft permits.   The agency said in a statement to Grist and WBEZ that, “due to the complexity of the information required in the applications, in most cases [the] Illinois EPA has requested additional information or clarification from the applicants.” The statement went on to say that it can take weeks to months to “gather additional information or to analyze groundwater modeling data.” Coal power plants have sought to make exceptions for their permits and have effectively stalled the permit process until the Illinois Pollution Control Board is able to resolve the requests. According to the IEPA, this is the major holdup with the Waukegan permits.  Meanwhile, new federal regulations issued last week give the nation’s fleet of coal power plants and new natural gas plants an ultimatum: adapt or shut down. The power plants have eight years to come up with a plan to capture 90 percent of their greenhouse gas emissions or commit to closing by 2039.  Advocates with the Waukegan group see this long awaited move as a step closer to phasing out coal for good. Although the coal business is in decline, it still has an outsized role in driving climate change and polluting surrounding communities. More than half of the country’s carbon dioxide emissions from electric power generation are attributable to burning coal, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.  Read Next EPA finally takes on abandoned coal ash ponds — but it might be too late Gautama Mehta Almost every coal power plant operator in the country is now staring down the same finish line in 2039. Included in the new rule are stricter safeguards for the coal ash pollution those plants will leave behind in the meantime. “With the 2015 rules, there was a circle of ponds and landfills that were subject to regulation,” said Megan Wachspress, a staff attorney with the Sierra Club. “That circle of ponds and landfills and other dump sites just got bigger.” Inactive coal ash ponds and landfills are now part of the family of coal ash dumps that the federal government demands operators monitor and clean up when they threaten water resources.  If it was just a coal plant in Waukegan, Flores said, her organization’s fight might be more manageable. “But there’s so many other things.”   There are five Superfund sites scattered in and around the north shore suburb. These are abandoned lots so contaminated with hazardous materials that the federal government has taken over cleanup. Pointing in several directions, Flores said there are Superfund sites immediately north, south, and west of the old coal plant. And that means generations of Waukegan residents have had to struggle with medical problems and even premature death because of their toxic environment.  There’s no question for Flores about what comes next: The coal ash must be removed from the ground. But to do that, state and federal agencies need to pick up the pace.  “It’s about making sure that we know that we’re leaving behind a community that’s healthier than what we received,” Flores said. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Illinois passed a law to clean up coal ash 5 years ago. What’s taking so long? on May 3, 2024.

Northumbrian Water told to publish raw sewage discharge data it tried to hide

Appeal tribunal orders firm to share details on hundreds of thousands of tonnes of outflows into North Sea A water company that tried to keep secret details of hundreds of thousands of tonnes of raw sewage discharges into the sea has been ordered by an appeal tribunal to release the data in the public interest.Northumbrian Water has repeatedly refused to release details about the scale of raw sewage discharges into the North Sea from an outflow at its pumping station in Whitburn, after a campaigner asked under freedom of information and environmental information regulations. Continue reading...

A water company that tried to keep secret details of hundreds of thousands of tonnes of raw sewage discharges into the sea has been ordered by an appeal tribunal to release the data in the public interest.Northumbrian Water has repeatedly refused to release details about the scale of raw sewage discharges into the North Sea from an outflow at its pumping station in Whitburn, after a campaigner asked under freedom of information and environmental information regulations.Campaigners say the pollution has been going on for years, but the Environment Agency, Northumbrian Water and the government all dispute their findings.In 2012 the European court of justice ruled the sewage discharges at Whitburn put the UK in breach of its legal obligations to treat wastewater and gave the government five years to remedy the situation.Steve Lavelle, the vice-chair of the neighbourhood forum in Whitburn, south Tyneside, has been investigating the scale of raw sewage discharges in an attempt to show the pollution is continuing many years after the ECJ ruling.Lavelle said: “We need this information to show this pollution is still going on. We want the data to feed into our neighbourhood plan so that we can provide the details about the capacity of sewage treatment in the area when any future development is proposed.“At the moment they do not have the infrastructure in place to deal with the volume of sewage.”The Environment Agency permit for the plant states raw sewage discharges must only take place during intense rainfall or snowmelt.But data unearthed by Lavelle over many years has exposed what he says is sewage dumping outside periods of intense rainfall.In 2019 when the north-east of England received slightly above average rainfall of 750mm of rain, more than 760,000 tonnes of untreated sewage was discharged from Whitburn Steel pumping station directly into the North Sea, Environment Agency data obtained by Lavelle shows.In 2020, when rainfall was 610mm, within the annual average range, the long sea outfall discharged more than 460,000 tonnes of untreated sewage into the Northumbria Coast special protection area.A year later when rainfall was 660mm, the water company discharged a record high of 821,088 tonnes into the sea.Campaigners say the pollution has been going on for years but Northumbrian Water has disputed the findings. Photograph: Timon Schneider/AlamyLavelle said these discharges contributed to the pollution in the North Sea at Marsden, where there is a beach designated as bathing water, and the pollution to the beaches and rock pools at Whitburn.To retrieve 2022 data, he asked the water company via environmental information regulations and FoI to provide a detailed description of all of the sewage discharge records, the times of discharges and the volumes of sewage discharges.The regulator Ofwat and the Environment Agency are investigating more than 2,000 treatment works across the water network for suspected illegal sewage dumping.The investigations, which are likely to report this year, could impose significant fines or lead to the prosecution of some companies.Citing the investigations as a reason, Northumbrian Water refused to release the 2022 data to Lavelle, saying to do so “would adversely affect the course of justice, the ability of a person to receive a fair trial or the ability of a public authority to conduct an inquiry of a criminal or disciplinary nature”.When Lavelle asked for an internal review, Northumbrian Water argued that to release the sewage data could cause adverse public opinion to influence the regulators as they carried out their investigation.The Information Commissioner’s Office, asked to examine Lavelle’s request, supported the water company and said it was in the public interest for the company to keep the information secret.But after an appeal to the first tier tribunal, the panel found in favour of Lavelle and told the water company it was not satisfied that releasing the information would affect the course of justice.The tribunal found it was in the public interest to release the information, and the water company had not adequately considered the need for transparency in its refusal to provide the information.“It has been like pulling teeth,” said Lavelle. “They are more intent on closing down my requests for information than being transparent and providing the information which is in the public interest.”Northumbrian Water said in a statement: “We are committed to protecting and enhancing coasts, rivers and watercourses in all areas of our operation and have proactively published a number of industry-leading pledges to generate further improvements.“We have a strong track record when it comes to the environment and have retained the excellent or good rating from the Environment Agency in each of the last three years. We note the tribunal court’s decision regarding the Whitburn pumping station and are considering our next steps.”The ruling came as seven water companies published near-real-time maps of their sewage discharges from combined sewer overflows, which was required under the Enviornment Act. Those companies are Dwr Cymru (Welsh Water), Yorkshire Water, Severn Trent, Northumbrian Water, Anglian Water, Wessex Water and United Utilities.

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