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Will Young Voters’ Initial Excitement for Harris Get Them to the Polls?

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Friday, September 27, 2024

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. On Tuesday, the youth-led activist group Climate Defiance—which had loudly called for Joe Biden to withdraw his bid for reelection earlier this year—endorsed Kamala Harris for president. But despite that support and soaring enthusiasm from young people after Harris replaced Biden on the Democratic ticket, with less than 40 days left until the election, excitement has cooled off among many young voters who are prioritizing climate and calling for stronger commitments from the candidate. After the September 10 debate, some young voters and climate groups were unimpressed by both candidates’ support for oil and gas production, voicing dismay over Harris’ shift to the center on climate. “If Harris wants to win, she needs to be far more progressive than she was tonight,” wrote Gen-Z for Change on X after the debate. “She needs to ban fracking, support public transit, secure a permanent ceasefire, and more.”  But the group prioritized defeating the Republican presidential candidate: “Regardless, Trump is dangerous,” the post continued. “Trump is a racist. Trump is a fa[s]cist dictator. We need to stop Trump.” The Sunrise Movement stated that the debate was a “missed opportunity” for Harris to contrast her record on climate with Trump’s.  “Harris spent more time promoting fracking than laying out a bold vision for a clean energy future,” the youth-led organization wrote. Both groups had been strong voices on the left calling for Biden to cease his reelection bid, and had voiced optimism about Harris’ potential to support swift action on the climate crisis, citing her past support of policies like the Green New Deal and her legal prosecution of oil and gas companies. Gen Z for Change and the Sunrise Movement are among the many progressive organizations phone banking, canvassing and otherwise pushing for youth voter turnout in swing states. But according to some activists, the Harris campaign isn’t doing enough to inspire young people to show up to the polls. The voter outreach nonprofit Vote.org reported a 585 percent increase in voter registration and verifications the night of the debate, and a link Taylor Swift posted on Instagram that night to Vote.gov with her long-awaited endorsement of Harris reportedly received more than 400,000 clicks within 24 hours, more than half of the website’s overall visits that day. But some young voters are still calling for more concrete policy from Harris. “Honestly, young people have grown up seeing politicians share platitudes that they never live up to, and part of what we are just merely asking is, what is your plan?” asked John Paul Mejia, a 22-year-old Sunrise organizer based in Washington, DC. “For Harris to meaningfully win over young people, she should show the electorate broadly, but also young people, what she’s fighting for.” For months, Biden seemed to have drawn out everything but passion from young voters frustrated with his mixed record on climate, angered by his lack of empathy for Palestinian deaths, despairing at his debate performance, disdainful of his age, and disenchanted with the US. electoral system in general. In the spring, some polls showed Biden, who won young voters by a more than 20-point margin in 2020, struggling to maintain a lead over Trump with Millennial and Gen Z voters. Even young people who vehemently oppose Trump weren’t enthused by Biden, and were loudly and publicly urging him to step down. When he finally did and Harris announced her candidacy, the political winds seemed to change. Within two days Vote.org saw a 700 percent spike in voter registrations, the largest increase in the entire election cycle, higher than after the September 10 debate and even higher than when Taylor Swift promoted voter registration last year. Of those 38,500 newly registered voters, 83 percent were under 34 years old, Vote.org reported. The day after Harris announced her candidacy for president, Shiv Soin, a 23-year-old climate activist and director of the youth-led environmental justice organization, Treeage, in New York City, said that he was feeling energy he hadn’t seen in years. “I think in the last 24 hours, there has been more excitement in the Democratic Party than there has been since Obama,” Soin said. According to an August poll from NextGen America, a progressive nonprofit focused on increasing youth voter turnout, motivation to cast ballots had grown among young people in battleground states since the spring, with 78 percent saying they are “extremely motivated” to vote in August, compared with 68 percent in March.  Both campaigns are courting young voters. Trump has enlisted Gen Z social media influencers like video game streamer Adin Ross and TikTokker Bryce Hall to try to reach conservative youth online, while the Harris campaign’s rapid-response social media accounts have latched onto viral trends like coconut tree memes—alluding to a Harris comment widely shared online—and pop music references. But the age group leans Democratic. “What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger.” In the swing states NextGen polled, Harris has drawn support from 68 percent of young “double haters”—voters who disapproved of both Biden and Trump—compared with Trump’s 6 percent. Previously, Biden took 29 percent of double haters in those states and Trump took 9 percent. Harris’ pick of Tim Walz also garnered praise from young climate leaders, who pointed out his support of clean energy transition legislation in Minnesota, while others criticized his approval of the Line 3 pipeline that carries Canadian tar sands oil through the state. Days after Harris’ campaign announcement, Sunrise Movement communications director Stevie O’Hanlon called her candidacy a “game-changer” that would put “millions of young voters in play,” and could lead to “historic” youth voter turnout.  But a week after the first debate, the initial excitement from young climate voters seems to be fading, she said.  “In the weeks after Biden dropped out…there was a real upsurge of enthusiasm and energy among young people, and I think a lot of hope among people who felt disappointed by President Biden that she would strike a different course,” O’Hanlon said. “I think there are ways that she has struck another course, and there are also ways where she has stood by some of Biden’s unpopular policies with young people. I think she is a little bit at a turning point now, as we are about 50 days out from the election, about how much deep enthusiasm is she going to be able to draw?” Sunrise has said publicly it intends to reach more than 1.5 million young voters through phone, face-to-face and digital outreach in support of the Harris campaign. As of September 19, Sunrise reported that it has reached more than 350,000 young voters in swing states and plans to ramp up its outreach in the coming weeks. Gen Z for Change, the League of Conservation Voters, NextGen America and Hip Hop Caucus are also doing outreach to young climate voters. O’Hanlon said that most undecided voters the group has contacted are deciding between Harris or abstention from the election, and said she thinks that Harris’ support of fracking during the debate—combined with what she sees as the lack of a comprehensive climate platform, and a failure to take a stronger stance on Gaza—will lose her points with some undecided young voters. “I think it really hurts her credibility with young voters who feel like they’ve been burned before by politicians and aren’t super willing to give grace to politicians right now,” O’Hanlon said. Michael Greenberg, founder of Climate Defiance, met with Harris’ chief climate advisor, Ike Irby, on September 3, and said that he urged the campaign to support an end to fossil-fuel subsidies and exports, as well as a phase down of domestic fossil fuel use, including shutting down projects like the Line 3 pipeline.  “We make our demands based not on what is convenient or easy but what is absolutely necessary,” Greenberg said. “We recognize that there’s obviously a tremendous difference between Trump and Kamala on climate, but we need Kamala to go bolder.” On September 9, the organization posted a critique on X alongside a screenshot of the paragraph-long climate plan on Harris’ campaign website.  “What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger,” the post stated. At a fundraiser on September 24, however, Climate Defiance endorsed Harris for president. Greenberg said that the decision to do so came after discussions with staff and the organization’s board, and a survey of members, in which he estimated about three-quarters of the votes went toward endorsing Harris and the rest went to third-party candidates. Harris “seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows.” “Obviously she’s not perfect at all but we’d rather protest her and try to move her than be protesting Trump who is worse and who we are not as well positioned to move,” Greenberg said, the day before the event. “It’s a crucial time and it’s important that we play our part in saving our country from tyranny.” In early September, Sunrise Movement, Gen Z for Change, the Green New Deal Network and the Climate and Community Project released “Unity 2025,” a platform advocating for clean energy investments, climate-smart farming, public investments in affordable housing and more. The effort to counter Project 2025, a policy wish list for a second Trump administration spearheaded by the conservative Heritage Foundation, is billed as a way to urge Harris to listen to young voters who want to see real policy commitments from her campaign. Sunrise’s executive director, Aru Shiney-Ajay, has had multiple meetings with the Harris campaign, including with Irby and new climate engagement director Camila Thorndike. Shiney-Ajay said that her meetings have focused on showing the campaign that there’s an active base of climate-interested young voters who could be mobilized by stronger commitments from the campaign. “[Harris] seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows or at least our efforts on the ground show,” she said. “In my opinion, it’s a little bit of a miscalculation.” In recent years, young voters from both major parties have consistently ranked climate as a top issue, and in this year’s election, it’s more of a priority for them than ever: An Environmental Voter Project poll released last month found that 40 percent of young voters in key battleground states wouldn’t vote for a candidate that doesn’t prioritize “addressing climate change,” calling it a “deal breaker.” An additional 40 percent said they would “prefer” a candidate who prioritized climate change.  Youth groups on the left have loudly pressured Harris to take swift action against the fossil fuel industry. A coalition of youth-led organizations including groups focused on climate, immigration and gun control issued a set of policy demands for Harris, emphasizing ending fossil fuel subsidies, investing in green housing and stopping approval of new oil and gas projects. Meanwhile, Trump, a frequent espouser of climate denial, has promised to gut the Environmental Protection Agency, ramp up domestic oil and gas drilling and repeal the Inflation Reduction Act, the Biden administration’s landmark climate law and the biggest investment in slowing global warming in US history. That may be putting some conservative youth votes in play. Danielle Butcher Franz, CEO of the American Conservation Coalition, a group bringing conservative youth together to advocate for environmental protections, said that the Republican party’s failure to platform policy addressing climate change is losing them support from young conservatives.  Currently, nearly a quarter of Congress espouses some form of climate denial, but Franz said that young Republicans aren’t on board with such messages. And, while climate might not be enough to motivate staunch conservatives to vote Democrat, it might push them to abstain from the election, she said.  The Environmental Voters Project said 38 percent of young battleground voters report knowing little, if anything, about Joe Biden’s signature climate bill. “There’s a huge electoral liability for politicians who are still stuck in those types of rhetoric circles,” Franz, 27, said. “It is something that you see both sides of the aisle of young conservatives and young progressives pushing back against, because it’s just not the reality that we live in.” Daniel Rissanen, 22, grew up in a conservative family in Georgia and always considered himself a Republican. He voted for Trump in his first election in 2020, but after the January 6 insurrection he felt alienated from the party he’d grown up in. Now Rissanen identifies as an Independent, and if he had to vote today he’d choose Harris, although he has also considered voting for a third-party candidate. Either way, he is actively discouraging his friends from voting for Trump. “The election no longer feels as tense, as violent, as pressurized, as it did when we thought it was Biden-Trump, which is a relief, I think, for the country in general,” Rissanen said. Climate change is a priority for Rissanen, a recent college graduate and computer numerical control machinist at a fabrication shop in Atlanta. One of his top issues is conservation, with a particular focus on public lands. Seeing Trump gut protections for public lands and sell or lease them off to the highest bidder made him even less enthusiastic about his candidacy.  “Our public lands in this country are really important for people to…get away and get out in nature,” Rissanen said. “It’s also really important to conserve those ecosystems to help slow climate change.” Like many voters across age groups, Rissanen hadn’t heard of the Inflation Reduction Act, but when he learned what it was he was enthusiastic and said it was the type of information that had potential to influence his vote toward Harris. Polling from NextGen in battleground states found that two-thirds of young voters had heard of the IRA, but according to the Environmental Voters Project, 38 percent of young battleground voters reported not knowing much, if anything, about the bill. Only 35 percent knew it included climate provisions.  Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez, executive director of NextGen, said that the organization is prioritizing educating young people about the IRA and its provisions, emphasizing opportunities for green jobs. “When young people learn about what the Inflation Reduction Act is, they overwhelmingly support it and are excited about it,” she said. But climate action is not a priority for all young voters, and some young conservatives are still staunch supporters of Trump. According to NextGen’s latest poll, 40 percent of voters 18-35 in battleground states are planning to vote for Trump, compared with 57 percent for Harris. Jordyn Landau, a 27-year-old resident of Ames, Iowa, voted for Trump in 2016 and 2020 and plans to vote for him again this year. She was originally drawn to him because he seemed like an outsider to politics, and at this point, she doesn’t think there’s much Trump could do to lose her vote.  A certified scuba diver, Landau said that she cares about clean air, clean water and marine wildlife, and believes in climate change.  “We all want our environment to thrive,” Landau said. “We don’t want the end of the world because of different natural disasters and stuff like that… I feel like we all have the same end goal, we just have different ways of thinking of how we should go about that.” Landau said she would support government incentives for small businesses to “go green,” but added that she fears a swift transition could hurt communities like hers. “I just don’t want to be forced to do something that will cost me a lot of money, or hurt my community,” Landau said. “But also…I’m a big advocate for clean oceans and protecting our ecosystems that way.”  The Inflation Reduction act does provide tax credits for small businesses to go green by installing solar power infrastructure or purchasing clean transportation vehicles, for example, and estimates it will make a $24.6 billion investment in clean power generation and storage in Iowa before 2030. But ultimately, Landau emphasized that her top issues are immigration and the economy, specifically tightening restrictions on the U.S.-Mexico border and combating inflation. Climate and the environment aren’t likely to influence her vote, she said. “Climate is not something I think about day-to-day,” Landau said.  In a March poll of voters from 18 to 29 years old nationwide conducted by the Harvard Institute of Politics, 18 percent said they would support one of three third party candidates: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Cornel West, or Jill Stein. A March poll from NextGen America found that in key battleground states—Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Virginia—20 percent of voters between 18 and 35 were third-party supporters. In NextGen’s latest poll, conducted in August before RFK Jr. dropped out and endorsed Trump, the number of youth voters supporting a third-party presidential candidate had halved, to 10 percent.  In June, 22-year old Texan Noor Shaikh posted a video on Tik Tok explaining her choice to vote for a third-party candidate, arguing against blind party loyalty. But after Biden dropped out, she made a new video responding to her original.  “At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party.” “I will be voting third-party,” said Shaikh in June, before getting cut off by her July self. “I will now be voting for Kamala Harris,” she said, with a sigh.  Shaikh, who got a degree in psychology from Texas A&M University this year and organizes with a pro-Palestine group on campus, said that as a Muslim American, she couldn’t stomach voting for Biden given his strong support of Israel, but as a progressive, she wouldn’t vote for Trump. She was considering a third-party candidate like left-leaning Cenk Uygur, host of “The Young Turks” podcast, who dropped out of the race in March. “I honestly don’t know if I would have changed my mind, closer to November,” Shaikh said. Now she sees voting as a method of “harm-reduction” on things like transgender rights and the Supreme Court and hopes that Harris can be more readily influenced on issues important to her than Trump or Biden. Climate change isn’t a top factor in determining her vote, Shaikh said, but she thinks often about pollution, safe drinking water and environmental deregulation in Texas. “It’s [about] who’s going to take us the farthest,” Shaikh said. “I think we’re retrogressing as a country, and it’s creating a lot of instability for a lot of my loved ones…this election does have a lot on the line.” Alison Potts, a 32-year old administrative worker in New Jersey had also considered abstaining from the election because of the war on Gaza, but has also decided to vote as a method of reducing harm. Potts said she sees both climate change and abortion as “issues of life or death.”  “At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party,” Potts said. “The detriment we do now when it comes to climate change is going to be lasting for the next generation.” Some young voters aren’t ready to forgive Harris for the sins of the Biden administration. Jana El-Gengaihy, a 17-year-old high school senior in Scottsdale, Arizona, will turn 18 just in time to vote this year, but she’s not sure she will go to the polls. El-Gengaihy, who volunteers with a local hub of the Sunrise Movement, said her top issues are Palestine and the climate crisis. She does not support Trump, and she’s slightly more hopeful about Harris than she was about Biden, but she’s still not convinced that Harris will take young voters’ grievances seriously.  “It just doesn’t sit right with me that voting for either of them means that I’m continuing this genocide,” she said. Low turnout by younger voters has often been met with derision from both major parties, particularly Democrats, who typically get more youth votes. Soin said this is a disrespectful way to look at a constituency with valid reasons to feel apathetic about Congress and the presidency.  “They’re not making the case effectively for young voters to turn out and vote,” Soin, who is planning to vote for Harris, said. “Not voting is a decision that people are making. It is a decision that a lot of people are making. And rather than smearing and disrespecting people, how about we ask why?”

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. On Tuesday, the youth-led activist group Climate Defiance—which had loudly called for Joe Biden to withdraw his bid for reelection earlier this year—endorsed Kamala Harris for president. But despite that support and soaring enthusiasm from young people after Harris replaced […]

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

On Tuesday, the youth-led activist group Climate Defiance—which had loudly called for Joe Biden to withdraw his bid for reelection earlier this year—endorsed Kamala Harris for president. But despite that support and soaring enthusiasm from young people after Harris replaced Biden on the Democratic ticket, with less than 40 days left until the election, excitement has cooled off among many young voters who are prioritizing climate and calling for stronger commitments from the candidate.

After the September 10 debate, some young voters and climate groups were unimpressed by both candidates’ support for oil and gas production, voicing dismay over Harris’ shift to the center on climate.

“If Harris wants to win, she needs to be far more progressive than she was tonight,” wrote Gen-Z for Change on X after the debate. “She needs to ban fracking, support public transit, secure a permanent ceasefire, and more.” 

But the group prioritized defeating the Republican presidential candidate: “Regardless, Trump is dangerous,” the post continued. “Trump is a racist. Trump is a fa[s]cist dictator. We need to stop Trump.”

The Sunrise Movement stated that the debate was a “missed opportunity” for Harris to contrast her record on climate with Trump’s. 

“Harris spent more time promoting fracking than laying out a bold vision for a clean energy future,” the youth-led organization wrote.

Both groups had been strong voices on the left calling for Biden to cease his reelection bid, and had voiced optimism about Harris’ potential to support swift action on the climate crisis, citing her past support of policies like the Green New Deal and her legal prosecution of oil and gas companies.

Gen Z for Change and the Sunrise Movement are among the many progressive organizations phone banking, canvassing and otherwise pushing for youth voter turnout in swing states. But according to some activists, the Harris campaign isn’t doing enough to inspire young people to show up to the polls.

The voter outreach nonprofit Vote.org reported a 585 percent increase in voter registration and verifications the night of the debate, and a link Taylor Swift posted on Instagram that night to Vote.gov with her long-awaited endorsement of Harris reportedly received more than 400,000 clicks within 24 hours, more than half of the website’s overall visits that day.

But some young voters are still calling for more concrete policy from Harris. “Honestly, young people have grown up seeing politicians share platitudes that they never live up to, and part of what we are just merely asking is, what is your plan?” asked John Paul Mejia, a 22-year-old Sunrise organizer based in Washington, DC. “For Harris to meaningfully win over young people, she should show the electorate broadly, but also young people, what she’s fighting for.”

For months, Biden seemed to have drawn out everything but passion from young voters frustrated with his mixed record on climate, angered by his lack of empathy for Palestinian deaths, despairing at his debate performance, disdainful of his age, and disenchanted with the US. electoral system in general. In the spring, some polls showed Biden, who won young voters by a more than 20-point margin in 2020, struggling to maintain a lead over Trump with Millennial and Gen Z voters. Even young people who vehemently oppose Trump weren’t enthused by Biden, and were loudly and publicly urging him to step down.

When he finally did and Harris announced her candidacy, the political winds seemed to change. Within two days Vote.org saw a 700 percent spike in voter registrations, the largest increase in the entire election cycle, higher than after the September 10 debate and even higher than when Taylor Swift promoted voter registration last year. Of those 38,500 newly registered voters, 83 percent were under 34 years old, Vote.org reported.

The day after Harris announced her candidacy for president, Shiv Soin, a 23-year-old climate activist and director of the youth-led environmental justice organization, Treeage, in New York City, said that he was feeling energy he hadn’t seen in years. “I think in the last 24 hours, there has been more excitement in the Democratic Party than there has been since Obama,” Soin said.

According to an August poll from NextGen America, a progressive nonprofit focused on increasing youth voter turnout, motivation to cast ballots had grown among young people in battleground states since the spring, with 78 percent saying they are “extremely motivated” to vote in August, compared with 68 percent in March. 

Both campaigns are courting young voters. Trump has enlisted Gen Z social media influencers like video game streamer Adin Ross and TikTokker Bryce Hall to try to reach conservative youth online, while the Harris campaign’s rapid-response social media accounts have latched onto viral trends like coconut tree memes—alluding to a Harris comment widely shared online—and pop music references. But the age group leans Democratic.

“What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger.”

In the swing states NextGen polled, Harris has drawn support from 68 percent of young “double haters”—voters who disapproved of both Biden and Trump—compared with Trump’s 6 percent. Previously, Biden took 29 percent of double haters in those states and Trump took 9 percent.

Harris’ pick of Tim Walz also garnered praise from young climate leaders, who pointed out his support of clean energy transition legislation in Minnesota, while others criticized his approval of the Line 3 pipeline that carries Canadian tar sands oil through the state.

Days after Harris’ campaign announcement, Sunrise Movement communications director Stevie O’Hanlon called her candidacy a “game-changer” that would put “millions of young voters in play,” and could lead to “historic” youth voter turnout. 

But a week after the first debate, the initial excitement from young climate voters seems to be fading, she said. 

“In the weeks after Biden dropped out…there was a real upsurge of enthusiasm and energy among young people, and I think a lot of hope among people who felt disappointed by President Biden that she would strike a different course,” O’Hanlon said. “I think there are ways that she has struck another course, and there are also ways where she has stood by some of Biden’s unpopular policies with young people. I think she is a little bit at a turning point now, as we are about 50 days out from the election, about how much deep enthusiasm is she going to be able to draw?”

Sunrise has said publicly it intends to reach more than 1.5 million young voters through phone, face-to-face and digital outreach in support of the Harris campaign. As of September 19, Sunrise reported that it has reached more than 350,000 young voters in swing states and plans to ramp up its outreach in the coming weeks. Gen Z for Change, the League of Conservation Voters, NextGen America and Hip Hop Caucus are also doing outreach to young climate voters.

O’Hanlon said that most undecided voters the group has contacted are deciding between Harris or abstention from the election, and said she thinks that Harris’ support of fracking during the debate—combined with what she sees as the lack of a comprehensive climate platform, and a failure to take a stronger stance on Gaza—will lose her points with some undecided young voters.

“I think it really hurts her credibility with young voters who feel like they’ve been burned before by politicians and aren’t super willing to give grace to politicians right now,” O’Hanlon said.

Michael Greenberg, founder of Climate Defiance, met with Harris’ chief climate advisor, Ike Irby, on September 3, and said that he urged the campaign to support an end to fossil-fuel subsidies and exports, as well as a phase down of domestic fossil fuel use, including shutting down projects like the Line 3 pipeline. 

“We make our demands based not on what is convenient or easy but what is absolutely necessary,” Greenberg said. “We recognize that there’s obviously a tremendous difference between Trump and Kamala on climate, but we need Kamala to go bolder.”

On September 9, the organization posted a critique on X alongside a screenshot of the paragraph-long climate plan on Harris’ campaign website. 

“What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger,” the post stated.

At a fundraiser on September 24, however, Climate Defiance endorsed Harris for president. Greenberg said that the decision to do so came after discussions with staff and the organization’s board, and a survey of members, in which he estimated about three-quarters of the votes went toward endorsing Harris and the rest went to third-party candidates.

Harris “seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows.”

“Obviously she’s not perfect at all but we’d rather protest her and try to move her than be protesting Trump who is worse and who we are not as well positioned to move,” Greenberg said, the day before the event. “It’s a crucial time and it’s important that we play our part in saving our country from tyranny.”

In early September, Sunrise Movement, Gen Z for Change, the Green New Deal Network and the Climate and Community Project released “Unity 2025,” a platform advocating for clean energy investments, climate-smart farming, public investments in affordable housing and more. The effort to counter Project 2025, a policy wish list for a second Trump administration spearheaded by the conservative Heritage Foundation, is billed as a way to urge Harris to listen to young voters who want to see real policy commitments from her campaign.

Sunrise’s executive director, Aru Shiney-Ajay, has had multiple meetings with the Harris campaign, including with Irby and new climate engagement director Camila Thorndike. Shiney-Ajay said that her meetings have focused on showing the campaign that there’s an active base of climate-interested young voters who could be mobilized by stronger commitments from the campaign.

“[Harris] seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows or at least our efforts on the ground show,” she said. “In my opinion, it’s a little bit of a miscalculation.”

In recent years, young voters from both major parties have consistently ranked climate as a top issue, and in this year’s election, it’s more of a priority for them than ever: An Environmental Voter Project poll released last month found that 40 percent of young voters in key battleground states wouldn’t vote for a candidate that doesn’t prioritize “addressing climate change,” calling it a “deal breaker.” An additional 40 percent said they would “prefer” a candidate who prioritized climate change. 

Youth groups on the left have loudly pressured Harris to take swift action against the fossil fuel industry. A coalition of youth-led organizations including groups focused on climate, immigration and gun control issued a set of policy demands for Harris, emphasizing ending fossil fuel subsidies, investing in green housing and stopping approval of new oil and gas projects.

Meanwhile, Trump, a frequent espouser of climate denial, has promised to gut the Environmental Protection Agency, ramp up domestic oil and gas drilling and repeal the Inflation Reduction Act, the Biden administration’s landmark climate law and the biggest investment in slowing global warming in US history.

That may be putting some conservative youth votes in play. Danielle Butcher Franz, CEO of the American Conservation Coalition, a group bringing conservative youth together to advocate for environmental protections, said that the Republican party’s failure to platform policy addressing climate change is losing them support from young conservatives. 

Currently, nearly a quarter of Congress espouses some form of climate denial, but Franz said that young Republicans aren’t on board with such messages. And, while climate might not be enough to motivate staunch conservatives to vote Democrat, it might push them to abstain from the election, she said. 

The Environmental Voters Project said 38 percent of young battleground voters report knowing little, if anything, about Joe Biden’s signature climate bill.

“There’s a huge electoral liability for politicians who are still stuck in those types of rhetoric circles,” Franz, 27, said. “It is something that you see both sides of the aisle of young conservatives and young progressives pushing back against, because it’s just not the reality that we live in.”

Daniel Rissanen, 22, grew up in a conservative family in Georgia and always considered himself a Republican. He voted for Trump in his first election in 2020, but after the January 6 insurrection he felt alienated from the party he’d grown up in. Now Rissanen identifies as an Independent, and if he had to vote today he’d choose Harris, although he has also considered voting for a third-party candidate. Either way, he is actively discouraging his friends from voting for Trump.

“The election no longer feels as tense, as violent, as pressurized, as it did when we thought it was Biden-Trump, which is a relief, I think, for the country in general,” Rissanen said.

Climate change is a priority for Rissanen, a recent college graduate and computer numerical control machinist at a fabrication shop in Atlanta. One of his top issues is conservation, with a particular focus on public lands. Seeing Trump gut protections for public lands and sell or lease them off to the highest bidder made him even less enthusiastic about his candidacy. 

“Our public lands in this country are really important for people to…get away and get out in nature,” Rissanen said. “It’s also really important to conserve those ecosystems to help slow climate change.”

Like many voters across age groups, Rissanen hadn’t heard of the Inflation Reduction Act, but when he learned what it was he was enthusiastic and said it was the type of information that had potential to influence his vote toward Harris.

Polling from NextGen in battleground states found that two-thirds of young voters had heard of the IRA, but according to the Environmental Voters Project, 38 percent of young battleground voters reported not knowing much, if anything, about the bill. Only 35 percent knew it included climate provisions. 

Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez, executive director of NextGen, said that the organization is prioritizing educating young people about the IRA and its provisions, emphasizing opportunities for green jobs.

“When young people learn about what the Inflation Reduction Act is, they overwhelmingly support it and are excited about it,” she said.

But climate action is not a priority for all young voters, and some young conservatives are still staunch supporters of Trump. According to NextGen’s latest poll, 40 percent of voters 18-35 in battleground states are planning to vote for Trump, compared with 57 percent for Harris.

Jordyn Landau, a 27-year-old resident of Ames, Iowa, voted for Trump in 2016 and 2020 and plans to vote for him again this year. She was originally drawn to him because he seemed like an outsider to politics, and at this point, she doesn’t think there’s much Trump could do to lose her vote. 

A certified scuba diver, Landau said that she cares about clean air, clean water and marine wildlife, and believes in climate change. 

“We all want our environment to thrive,” Landau said. “We don’t want the end of the world because of different natural disasters and stuff like that… I feel like we all have the same end goal, we just have different ways of thinking of how we should go about that.”

Landau said she would support government incentives for small businesses to “go green,” but added that she fears a swift transition could hurt communities like hers.

“I just don’t want to be forced to do something that will cost me a lot of money, or hurt my community,” Landau said. “But also…I’m a big advocate for clean oceans and protecting our ecosystems that way.” 

The Inflation Reduction act does provide tax credits for small businesses to go green by installing solar power infrastructure or purchasing clean transportation vehicles, for example, and estimates it will make a $24.6 billion investment in clean power generation and storage in Iowa before 2030.

But ultimately, Landau emphasized that her top issues are immigration and the economy, specifically tightening restrictions on the U.S.-Mexico border and combating inflation. Climate and the environment aren’t likely to influence her vote, she said.

“Climate is not something I think about day-to-day,” Landau said. 

In a March poll of voters from 18 to 29 years old nationwide conducted by the Harvard Institute of Politics, 18 percent said they would support one of three third party candidates: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Cornel West, or Jill Stein. A March poll from NextGen America found that in key battleground states—Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Virginia—20 percent of voters between 18 and 35 were third-party supporters.

In NextGen’s latest poll, conducted in August before RFK Jr. dropped out and endorsed Trump, the number of youth voters supporting a third-party presidential candidate had halved, to 10 percent. 

In June, 22-year old Texan Noor Shaikh posted a video on Tik Tok explaining her choice to vote for a third-party candidate, arguing against blind party loyalty. But after Biden dropped out, she made a new video responding to her original. 

“At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party.”

“I will be voting third-party,” said Shaikh in June, before getting cut off by her July self. “I will now be voting for Kamala Harris,” she said, with a sigh. 

Shaikh, who got a degree in psychology from Texas A&M University this year and organizes with a pro-Palestine group on campus, said that as a Muslim American, she couldn’t stomach voting for Biden given his strong support of Israel, but as a progressive, she wouldn’t vote for Trump. She was considering a third-party candidate like left-leaning Cenk Uygur, host of “The Young Turks” podcast, who dropped out of the race in March.

“I honestly don’t know if I would have changed my mind, closer to November,” Shaikh said.

Now she sees voting as a method of “harm-reduction” on things like transgender rights and the Supreme Court and hopes that Harris can be more readily influenced on issues important to her than Trump or Biden.

Climate change isn’t a top factor in determining her vote, Shaikh said, but she thinks often about pollution, safe drinking water and environmental deregulation in Texas.

“It’s [about] who’s going to take us the farthest,” Shaikh said. “I think we’re retrogressing as a country, and it’s creating a lot of instability for a lot of my loved ones…this election does have a lot on the line.”

Alison Potts, a 32-year old administrative worker in New Jersey had also considered abstaining from the election because of the war on Gaza, but has also decided to vote as a method of reducing harm. Potts said she sees both climate change and abortion as “issues of life or death.” 

“At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party,” Potts said. “The detriment we do now when it comes to climate change is going to be lasting for the next generation.”

Some young voters aren’t ready to forgive Harris for the sins of the Biden administration.

Jana El-Gengaihy, a 17-year-old high school senior in Scottsdale, Arizona, will turn 18 just in time to vote this year, but she’s not sure she will go to the polls. El-Gengaihy, who volunteers with a local hub of the Sunrise Movement, said her top issues are Palestine and the climate crisis. She does not support Trump, and she’s slightly more hopeful about Harris than she was about Biden, but she’s still not convinced that Harris will take young voters’ grievances seriously. 

“It just doesn’t sit right with me that voting for either of them means that I’m continuing this genocide,” she said.

Low turnout by younger voters has often been met with derision from both major parties, particularly Democrats, who typically get more youth votes. Soin said this is a disrespectful way to look at a constituency with valid reasons to feel apathetic about Congress and the presidency. 

“They’re not making the case effectively for young voters to turn out and vote,” Soin, who is planning to vote for Harris, said. “Not voting is a decision that people are making. It is a decision that a lot of people are making. And rather than smearing and disrespecting people, how about we ask why?”

Read the full story here.
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India arrests environmental campaigners for ‘activities against the national interest’

Sarat Sampada founders Harjeet Singh and Jyoti Aswati say allegations are ‘baseless, biased and misleading’Police have raided the home of one of India’s leading environmental activists over claims his campaigning for a treaty to cut the use of fossil fuels was undermining the national interest.Investigators from India’s Enforcement Directorate (ED) claim that Harjeet Singh and his wife, Jyoti Awasthi, co-founders of Satat Sampada (Nature Forever), were paid almost £500,000 to advocate for the fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty (FFNPT). Continue reading...

Police have raided the home of one of India’s leading environmental activists over claims his campaigning for a treaty to cut the use of fossil fuels was undermining the national interest.Investigators from India’s Enforcement Directorate (ED) claim that Harjeet Singh and his wife, Jyoti Awasthi, co-founders of Satat Sampada (Nature Forever), were paid almost £500,000 to advocate for the fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty (FFNPT).The ED is a law enforcement agency which operates under India’s ministry of finance and is responsible for enforcing economic laws and investigating financial crimes. In a statement, the agency said it had carried out searches at Singh’s home and Satat Sampada properties “as part of an ongoing investigation into suspicious foreign inward remittances received in the garb of consultancy charges” from climate campaign groups, “which have in-turn received huge funds from prior reference category NGOs like Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors.“However, cross-verification of filings made by the remitters abroad indicates that the funds were actually intended to promote the agenda of the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty within India,” the agency said.The FFNPT is an international campaign which calls for a treaty to stop exploration for new fossil fuels and to gradually phase out their use. First endorsed by the Pacific Island nations of Vanuatu and Tuvalu, it currently has the support of 17 national governments, the World Health Organization and the European parliament, as well as a constellation of civil society figures.The ED officers stated that: “While presented as a climate initiative, its adoption could expose India to legal challenges in international forums like the International court of justice (ICJ) and severely compromise the nation’s energy security and economic development.”In the course of their search, the ED officers said they had found a “large cache” of whiskey, above legal limits, at Singh’s home in Delhi and had told local police who subsequently arrested and then bailed him on Monday night.The agency said it was also investigating trips Singh made to Pakistan and Bangladesh last year, including how they were funded.Singh and Aswati said in a statement that they were prevented from sharing details of the case for legal reasons, but added: “We categorically state that the allegations being reported are baseless, biased and misleading.”Singh is a familiar figure at Cop climate negotiations, having worked for more than two decades with international NGOs and climate campaigns including ActionAid, the Climate Action Network and the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative. Under PM Narendra Modi, civil society organisations in India have faced severe pressures. Almost 17,000 licenses to receive foreign funding have been suspended and a large number of civil society organisations have shut down.According to an unnamed ED officer quoted by the Hindustan Times, the investigation into Singh began on the basis of intelligence received from Cop30 in Belem, Brazil, last November. Other activists “whose climate campaigns may be inimical to India’s energy security” were also being investigated, another unnamed officer was quoted as saying.The ED accused Singh of running Satat Sampada as a front, publicly projecting itself as a company marketing organic produce while its “primary activity appears to be channelling foreign funds to run narratives furthering the FF-NPT cause in India, on behalf of foreign influencer groups”.The agency said the company had been running at a loss until 2021 when payments from campaign groups, registered as “consultancy services” and “agro-product sales”, turned its fortunes around.“The ED suspects mis-declaration and misrepresentation of the nature and purpose of the foreign funds received by SSPL. The agency is investigating the full extent of the suspected violations … and whether the activities funded were against the national interest, specifically India’s energy security.”Singh and Aswati said they had started Satat Sampada with their own savings and loans secured on their home in 2016, and that the organisation’s consultancy and management services had grown in 2021 after Singh left his full-time employment to focus more on its work.“His work and contributions are well documented across print, digital, television and social media, as well as public platforms,” they said.

How Urban Gardens Can Bolster American Democracy

But when Kate Brown, an environmental historian at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), looks at urban gardens, she sees a deep-rooted history of activism and sustainability—one that spans centuries, continents, and communities. Brown distilled her research on the subject into her forthcoming book, Tiny Gardens Everywhere: The Past, Present, and Future of the Self-Provisioning […] The post How Urban Gardens Can Bolster American Democracy appeared first on Civil Eats.

When people walk or drive past urban gardens, they often just see what’s on the surface. Raised beds on a small plot. Seedlings poking through the dirt. Perhaps bright pops of colorful produce, like tomatoes or peppers. But when Kate Brown, an environmental historian at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), looks at urban gardens, she sees a deep-rooted history of activism and sustainability—one that spans centuries, continents, and communities. Throughout, Brown reveals a common thread: Unused urban spaces disparaged by the powerful as “wastelands” were, in reality, areas where working-class and poor communities used gardening to build self-sustaining livelihoods. Brown distilled her research on the subject into her forthcoming book, Tiny Gardens Everywhere: The Past, Present, and Future of the Self-Provisioning City. The chapters cover feudal England, 19th-century Berlin, and early 20th-century Washington, D.C., as well as modern-day Chicago; Mansfield, Ohio; and Montgomery, Alabama, traversing time and space to illuminate their connected stories. Throughout, Brown reveals a common thread: Unused urban spaces disparaged by the powerful as “wastelands” were, in reality, areas where working-class and poor communities used gardening to build self-sustaining livelihoods. Civil Eats spoke with Brown about her book, the histories of urban gardens, and why she thinks urban gardeners can transform people and society. You’re known for your writings about nuclear disasters, particularly Chernobyl. This book seems to be a slightly different turn in your work. What made you focus on urban gardens? When I was in the Chernobyl zone, I came across all these people who were picking berries in the radioactive swamps and selling them to people [there]. So that really got me thinking about plants—because plants can be sources of pollution [and toxins]. Or you could think of these plants as our allies, doing what an army of soldiers had not managed to do: They were cleaning up the environment. They were taking radioactive isotopes and bringing them in neat little round purple packages. If we’d taken those berries and deposited them as radioactive waste, it would [have been] a really affordable and fantastic form of cleanup. So then I started to think, “How else do people in tough circumstances use plants as their allies?” I started looking at cities. [In the] 1850s, people were getting pushed out of their peasant villages, where they farmed the land and foraged and raised animals, and they went to big cities for industrial jobs. What I noticed is that they go to the edges of the cities, and they find [underdeveloped] areas they call “wastes.” They can use the wastes around them to procure food, fuel, and shelter. Around Berlin in 1850, these urban gardeners took whatever they could find—garbage, beer mash, pulp from sugar beet factories, kitchen scraps, animal manure, human manure—and they built human-engineered soils and created a green shantytown. They started to build the sinews of the social welfare network that we so rely on today. My sense is they were doing what plants and microbes and fungi do in soils: They’re sharing, creating mutual aid societies, supporting each other. And what comes of that is not a realm of scarcity, but one of abundance. People thrived in these infrastructure-less, green shantytowns, and then wherever I started to look, I found places like this. Your book reveals how urban gardens nurture health, despite a prevailing stereotype of cities as dirty or unclean, particularly during the industrial era. Can you describe a bit about what you found at the intersection of public health and urban gardening? Take Washington, D.C., for example. . . . People know the Potomac River, but very few are aware that there’s a second river called the Anacostia River. If you cross it, there’s a part of town that has been historically Black, where Black people could buy lots of land. What we found east of the Anacostia is that in these communities that got going around 1910 to 1920, people bought not one lot but two to six. And when they did that, they put a tiny house in the middle and then used all the rest of the land around it to garden. Where sanitation comes in is that these neighborhoods were ignored by the congressmen in charge of D.C. at the time. These were mostly Dixie Democrats, they were racist, and they just didn’t put any infrastructure in that part of town. . . . So there’s no sewer systems, there’s no garbage pickup, there’s no paved surfaces. And it’s pretty densely populated. So if you’re following the germ theory, you would expect to have all kinds of outbreaks of disease, especially fecal-borne diseases. But there doesn’t seem to be any sign of this. In fact, people had outdoor privies, and then they would either compost what was in the privy themselves, or nightsoil workers would come and bring [that compost] to the dump, which was run by a company called the Washington Fertilizer company. And the Washington Fertilizer company had hundreds of pigs running around this area. Composted nightsoil, digested by the pigs, would be brought to local farms but also to these gardens, and people would use it with their other household compost. They’d [also] take water that came down from their roofs and kitchen water, run it through gravel, and then have pretty clean water that they could use to water their plants. They were doing all the things that would be considered green architecture today, that they had invented themselves in the 1920s and ’30s. Your book emphasizes that working-class people are often at the forefront of urban gardening. What is it about urban gardening that makes it an effective or necessary tool for marginalized groups? People are drawing from the bounty of their gardens [and] they’re creating these kinds of societies that then start to solve other problems. These are communities that are not getting the benefit of state largesse. They’re often either overtly discriminated against or they’re just simply ignored. So they’re using their spontaneously created mutual aid societies, which includes plants and microbes and animals, to share this bounty as a kind of public wealth. You feature stories of people who have started up urban gardens to feed themselves and their communities, but faced interference from bureaucratic forces. Municipal laws prevented a couple living in the Chicago suburbs from building a hoop house to grow food during the winter, for example. Can or should urban farming be advanced by policymakers, or do you see it as mostly an alternative to our political and food systems? This family had a hoop house safely in the backyard. They grew a lot of food in the summer, and then they were always sad in November when it was starting to get cold. So they put up this hoop house, and they could be in there with T-shirts and grow the cold-weather greens that they really enjoyed all winter long. A neighbor complained, the city told them to take it down, and they kept fighting it. They pursued this for seven years. The city leaders would say things like, “What are you growing there? Why don’t you just go to Whole Foods? We’re a suburb, not an agricultural region.” And so [they] pursued this all the way down to the state legislature and passed the Right to Garden law. Just a couple of states in the country have this right, [that] says no matter the municipality, no matter [the] homeowner association rules, people have the right to grow food on their private property and on other property that’s not being used. That’s one of the motivations for writing this book. We’re facing major environmental and ecological problems that are going to lead to all kinds of other problems, like wars and economic distress. I think a lot of people feel like we can’t do anything about it. We can’t get anything changed at the U.N. level. We certainly can’t get an act of Congress passed. But we can get our municipalities to change code. What if every time you build a new condo, you have to have a garden spot the size of a parking space? Suddenly everything can start to change. There’s more green space, which means there’s more places for rain to fall that prevent flooding. There’s more green space, which means the cities are cooler and people are outside on the streets [more]. In this time, when so many people feel lost and alienated and lonely, this simple change in zoning on a municipal level could change the whole nature of American democracy. You described your book as part manifesto. What do you hope people take away from it? What I’m hoping people take away is that we still have commons that we devote to moving and parking cars, and we should ask for those back. For humans—not machines—and for plants, animals, insects, and microbes. Part of this manifesto is that these commons are not a free-for-all. What the commons provide is common bounty, a common wealth, that is off the market. My hope is that we start with these commons in cities, where by 2050, the majority of people in the world will live, and from there, that understanding of transactions starts to spread. So that’s my manifesto, to think back to common right: the right to food, fuel, and shelter. More useful, I argue, than the right to liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Nobody can eat those. Very few people can attain those without having access to money and power. But common law rights provided food, fuel, and shelter for everyone. And that’s, I think, where we need to start again. This interview has been edited for length and clarity. The post How Urban Gardens Can Bolster American Democracy appeared first on Civil Eats.

From timber wars to cannabis crash: Scotia's battle to survive as California's last company town

The redwood wars are long over. Pacific Lumber is no more, but the company town it built endures in Humboldt County. Can it find a new life as a hidden real estate gem?

SCOTIA — The last time Mary Bullwinkel and her beloved little town were in the national media spotlight was not a happy period. Bullwinkel was the spokesperson for the logging giant Pacific Lumber in the late 1990s, when reporters flooded into this often forgotten corner of Humboldt County to cover the timber wars and visit a young woman who had staged a dramatic environmental protest in an old growth redwood tree.Julia “Butterfly” Hill — whose ethereal, barefoot portraits high in the redwood canopy became a symbol of the Redwood Summer — spent two years living in a thousand-year-old tree, named Luna, to keep it from being felled. Down on the ground, it was Bullwinkel’s duty to speak not for the trees but for the timber workers, many of them living in the Pacific Lumber town of Scotia, whose livelihoods were at stake. It was a role that brought her death threats and negative publicity. Julia “Butterfly” Hill stands in a centuries-old redwood tree nicknamed “Luna” in April 1998. Hill would spend a little more than two years in the tree, protesting logging in the old-growth forest. (Andrew Lichtenstein / Sygma via Getty Images) The timber wars have receded into the mists of history. Old-growth forests were protected. Pacific Lumber went bankrupt. Thousands of timber jobs were lost. But Bullwinkel, now 68, is still in Scotia. And this time, she has a much less fraught mission — although one that is no less difficult: She and another longtime PALCO employee are fighting to save Scotia itself, by selling it off, house by house. After the 2008 bankruptcy of Pacific Lumber, a New York hedge fund took possession of the town, an asset it did not relish in its portfolio. Bullwinkel and her boss, Steve Deike, came on board to attract would-be homebuyers and remake what many say is the last company town in America into a vibrant new community. “It’s very gratifying for me to be here today,” Bullwinkel said recently, as she strolled the town’s streets, which look as though they could have been teleported in from the 1920s. “To keep Scotia alive, basically.” Mary Bullwinkel, residential real estate sales coordinator for Town of Scotia Company, LLC, stands in front of the company’s offices. The LLC owns many of the houses and some of the commercial buildings in Scotia. Some new residents say they are thrilled.“It’s beautiful. I call it my little Mayberry. It’s like going back in town,” said Morgan Dodson, 40, who bought the fourth house sold in town in 2018 and lives there with her husband and two children, ages 9 and 6.But the transformation has proved more complicated — and taken longer — than anyone ever imagined it would. Nearly two decades after PALCO filed for bankrupcty in 2008, just 170 of the 270 houses have been sold, with 7 more on the market. “No one has ever subdivided a company town before,” Bullwinkel said, noting that many other company towns that dotted the country in the 19th century “just disappeared, as far as I know.” The first big hurdle was figuring out how to legally prepare the homes for sale: as a company town, Scotia was not made up of hundreds of individual parcels, with individual gas meters and water mains. It was one big property. More recently, the flagging real estate market has made people skittish.Many in town say the struggle to transform Scotia mirrors a larger struggle in Humboldt County, which has been rocked, first by the faltering of its logging industry and more recently by the collapse of its cannabis economy. “Scotia is a microcosm of so many things,” said Gage Duran, a Colorado-based architect who bought the century-old hospital and is working to redevelop it into apartments. “It’s a microcosm for what’s happening in Humboldt County. It’s a microcosm for the challenges that California is facing.” The Humboldt Sawmill Company Power Plant still operates in of Scotia. The Pacific Lumber Company was founded in 1863 as the Civil War raged. The company, which eventually became the largest employer in Humboldt County, planted itself along the Eel River south of Eureka and set about harvesting the ancient redwood and Douglas fir forests that extended for miles through the ocean mists. By the late 1800s, the company had begun to build homes for its workers near its sawmill. Originally called “Forestville,” company officials changed the town’s name to Scotia in the 1880s. For more than 100 years, life in Scotia was governed by the company that built it. Workers lived in the town’s redwood cottages and paid rent to their employer. They kept their yards in nice shape, or faced the wrath of their employer. Water and power came from their employer. But the company took care of its workers and created a community that was the envy of many. The neat redwood cottages were well maintained. The hospital in town provided personal care. Neighbors walked to the market or the community center or down to the baseball diamond. When the town’s children grew up, company officials provided them with college scholarships. “I desperately wanted to live in Scotia,” recalled Jeannie Fulton, who is now the head of the Humboldt County Farm Bureau. When she and her husband were younger, she said, her husband worked for Pacific Lumber but the couple did not live in the company town.Fulton recalled that the company had “the best Christmas party ever” each year, and officials handed out a beautiful gift to every single child. “Not cheap little gifts. These were Santa Claus worthy,” Fulton said.But things began to change in the 1980s, when Pacific Lumber was acquired in a hostile takeover by Texas-based Maxxam Inc. The acquisition led to the departure of the longtime owners, who had been committed to sustainably harvesting timber. It also left the company loaded with debt. To pay off the debts, the new company began cutting trees at a furious pace, which infuriated environmental activists. A view of the town of Scotia and timber operations, sometime in the late 1800s or early 1900s. (The Pacific Lumber Company collection) 1 2 1. Redwood logs are processed by the Pacific Lumber Company in 1995 in Scotia, CA. This was the largest redwood lumber mill in the world, resulting in clashes with the environmental community for years. (Gilles Mingasson / Getty Images) 2. Redwood logs are trucked to the Pacific Lumber Company in 1995 in Scotia, CA. (Gilles Mingasson / Getty Images) Among them was Hill, who was 23 years old on a fall day in 1997 when she and other activists hiked onto Pacific Lumber land. “I didn’t know much about the forest activist movement or what we were about to do,” Hill later wrote in her book. “I just knew that we were going to sit in this tree and that it had something to do with protecting the forest.” Once she was cradled in Luna’s limbs, Hill did not come down for more than two years. She became a cause celebre. Movie stars such as Woody Harrelson and musicians including Willie Nelson and Joan Baez came to visit her. With Hill still in the tree, Pacific Lumber agreed to sell 7,400 acres, including the ancient Headwaters Grove, to the government to be preserved. A truck driver carries a load of lumber down Main Street in Scotia. The historic company town is working to attract new residents and businesses, but progress has been slow. Then just before Christmas in 1999, Hill and her compatriots reached a final deal with Pacific Lumber. Luna would be protected. The tree still stands today.Pacific Lumber limped along for seven more years before filing for bankruptcy, which was finalized in 2008. Marathon Asset Management, a New York hedge fund, found itself in possession of the town. Deike, who was born in the Scotia hospital and lived in town for years, and Bullwinkel, came on board as employees of a company called The Town of Scotia to begin selling it off. Deike said he thought it might be a three-year job. That was nearly 20 years ago.He started in the mailroom at Pacific Lumber as a young man and rose to become one of its most prominent local executives. Now he sounds like an urban planner when he describes the process of transforming a company town.His speech is peppered with references to “infrastructure improvements” and “subdivision maps” and also to the peculiar challenges created by Pacific Lumber’s building.“They did whatever they wanted,” he said. “Build this house over the sewer line. There was a manhole cover in a garage. Plus, it wasn’t mapped.” Steven Deike, president of Town of Scotia Company LLC, and Mary Bullwinkel, the company’s residential real estate sales coordinator, examine a room being converted into apartments at the Scotia Hospital. The first houses went up for sale in 2017 and more have followed every year since.Dodson and her family came in 2018. Like some of the new owners, Dodson had some history with Scotia. Although she lived in Sacramento growing up, some of her family worked for Pacific Lumber and lived in Scotia and she had happy memories of visiting the town.“The first house I saw was perfect,” she said. “Hardwood floors, and made out of redwood so you don’t have to worry about termites.”She has loved every minute since. “We walk to school. We walk to pay our water bill. We walk to pick up our mail. There’s lots of kids in the neighborhood.”The transformation, however, has proceeded slowly. And lately, economic forces have begun to buffet the effort as well, including the slowing real estate market.Dodson, who also works as a real estate agent, said she thinks some people may be put off by the town’s cheek-by-jowl houses. Also, she added, “we don’t have garages and the water bill is astronomical.”But she added, “once people get inside them, they see the craftsmanship.”Duran, the Colorado architect trying to fix up the old hospital, is among those who have run into unexpected hurdles on the road to redevelopment. A project that was supposed to take a year is now in its third, delayed by everything from a shortage of electrical equipment to a dearth of workers.“I would guess that a portion of the skilled workforce has left Humboldt County,” Duran said, adding that the collapse of the weed market means that “some people have relocated because they were doing construction but also cannabis.”He added that he and his family and friends have been “doing a hard thing to try to fix up this building and give it new life, and my hope is that other people will make their own investments into the community.”A year ago, an unlikely visitor returned: Hill herself. She came back to speak at a fundraiser for Sanctuary Forest, a nonprofit land conservation group that is now the steward of Luna. The event was held at the 100-year-old Scotia Lodge — which once housed visiting timber executives but now offers boutique hotel rooms and craft cocktails. Many of the new residents had never heard of Hill or known of her connection to the area. Tamara Nichols, 67, who discovered Scotia in late 2023 after moving from Paso Robles, said she knew little of the town’s history. But she loves being so close to the old-growth redwoods and the Eel River, which she swims in. She also loves how intentional so many in town are about building community. What’s more, she added: “All those trees, there’s just a feel to them.”

Surfing Activism Takes Hold Across Latin America

Surfers and local communities in Peru, Chile, and Ecuador have stepped up efforts to safeguard their coastlines, pushing for laws that protect key surf spots from development and environmental threats. This movement highlights a shift where wave riders lead conservation, with potential benefits for tourism economies like Costa Rica’s. In Peru, a law passed in […] The post Surfing Activism Takes Hold Across Latin America appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Surfers and local communities in Peru, Chile, and Ecuador have stepped up efforts to safeguard their coastlines, pushing for laws that protect key surf spots from development and environmental threats. This movement highlights a shift where wave riders lead conservation, with potential benefits for tourism economies like Costa Rica’s. In Peru, a law passed in 2000 set the stage by banning projects that disrupt ocean floors or water flows at surf breaks. Since then, groups have secured protections for nearly 50 sites. One campaign aims to reach 100 protected waves by 2030, driven by partnerships between surfers and experts who map out these areas. These actions respond to risks from ports, mining, and urban growth that could erase prime surfing zones. Chile followed suit when its Congress passed a bill earlier this year to shield surf breaks, backed by the Rompientes Foundation. The measure requires environmental reviews for any coastal work that might harm waves. Supporters argue it preserves natural features while supporting jobs tied to surfing, which draws visitors from around the world. Ecuador’s push remains in early stages, with activists collecting signatures to propose similar legislation. Coastal residents join surfers in these drives, focusing on sites vulnerable to oil spills and erosion. The goal extends beyond recreation: protected waves help maintain marine habitats and buffer against climate shifts. This trend echoes broader environmental work in the region. Global networks like Save the Waves have designated over 145 surf reserves worldwide, including several in Latin America. These zones enforce monitoring and cleanup to keep beaches viable for both locals and travelers. For Costa Rica, where surfing fuels a major part of the economy, these developments offer lessons. Places like Pavones and Tamarindo face similar pressures from tourism booms and infrastructure. Local groups here already advocate for marine parks, and observing neighbors’ progress could strengthen those calls. Sustainable practices ensure spots remain attractive without degrading the environment. Experts point out economic ties. Studies show protected surf areas boost visitor spending on lodging, gear, and guides. In Peru, for instance, conserved waves support small businesses that rely on consistent conditions. Chile’s new law includes provisions for community input, which could model inclusive planning. Challenges persist. Enforcement varies, and some projects slip through despite rules. In Ecuador, gathering enough support tests grassroots strength. Yet successes build momentum, inspiring Mexico and Panama to draft their own bills. As Latin American nations balance growth and preservation, surfing activism shows how sports can drive policy. For travelers, it means more reliable destinations that prioritize long-term health over short gains. Costa Rica, with its established eco-tourism focus, stands to gain by aligning with this regional wave. The post Surfing Activism Takes Hold Across Latin America appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Buddhist Monks Persist in Peace Walk Despite Injuries as Thousands Follow Them on Social Media

A group of Buddhist monks is persevering in their peace walk across much of the U.S. even after two participants were injured when a truck hit their escort vehicle

ATLANTA (AP) — A group of Buddhist monks is persevering in their walking trek across much of the U.S. to promote peace, even after two of its members were injured when a truck hit their escort vehicle.After starting their walk in Fort Worth, Texas, on Oct. 26, the group of about two dozen monks has made it to Georgia as they continue on a path to Washington, D.C., highlighting Buddhism's long tradition of activism for peace.The group planned to walk its latest segment through Georgia on Tuesday from the town of Morrow to Decatur, on the eastern edge of Atlanta. Marking day 66 of the walk, the group invited the public to a Peace Gathering in Decatur Tuesday afternoon.The monks and their loyal dog Aloka are traveling through 10 states en route to Washington, D.C. In coming days, they plan to pass through or very close to Athens, Georgia; the North Carolina cities of Charlotte, Greensboro and Raleigh; and Richmond, Virginia, on their way to the nation’s capital city.The group has amassed a huge audience on social media, with more than 400,000 followers on Facebook. Aloka has its own hashtag, #AlokathePeaceDog.The group's Facebook page is frequently updated with progress reports, inspirational notes and poetry.“We do not walk alone. We walk together with every person whose heart has opened to peace, whose spirit has chosen kindness, whose daily life has become a garden where understanding grows," the group posted recently.The trek has not been without danger. Last month outside Houston, the monks were walking on the side of a highway near Dayton, Texas, when their escort vehicle, which had its hazard lights on, was hit by a truck, Dayton Interim Police Chief Shane Burleigh said.The truck “didn’t notice how slow the vehicle was going, tried to make an evasive maneuver to drive around the vehicle, and didn’t do it in time,” Burleigh said at the time. “It struck the escort vehicle in the rear left, pushed the escort into two of the monks.”One of the monks had “substantial leg injuries” and was flown by helicopter to a hospital in Houston, Burleigh said. The other monk with less serious injuries was taken by ambulance to another hospital in suburban Houston. The monk who sustained the serious leg injuries was expected to have a series of surgeries to heal a broken bone, but his prognosis for recovery was good, a spokeswoman for the group said.Buddhism is a religion and philosophy that evolved from the teachings of Gautama Buddha, a prince turned teacher who is believed to have lived in northern India and attained enlightenment between the 6th and 4th centuries B.C. The religion spread to other parts of Asia after his death and came to the West in the 20th century. The Buddha taught that the path to end suffering and become liberated from the cycle of birth, death and reincarnation, includes the practice of non-violence, mental discipline through meditation and showing compassion for all beings.While Buddhism has branched into a number of sects over the centuries, its rich tradition of peace activism continues. Its social teaching was pioneered by figures like the Dalai Lama and Thich Nhat Hanh, who have applied core principles of compassion and non-violence to political, environmental and social justice as well as peace-building efforts around the world.Associated Press Writers Jeff Martin in Atlanta and Deepa Bharath in Los Angeles contributed.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

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