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Will Young Voters’ Initial Excitement for Harris Get Them to the Polls?

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Friday, September 27, 2024

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. On Tuesday, the youth-led activist group Climate Defiance—which had loudly called for Joe Biden to withdraw his bid for reelection earlier this year—endorsed Kamala Harris for president. But despite that support and soaring enthusiasm from young people after Harris replaced Biden on the Democratic ticket, with less than 40 days left until the election, excitement has cooled off among many young voters who are prioritizing climate and calling for stronger commitments from the candidate. After the September 10 debate, some young voters and climate groups were unimpressed by both candidates’ support for oil and gas production, voicing dismay over Harris’ shift to the center on climate. “If Harris wants to win, she needs to be far more progressive than she was tonight,” wrote Gen-Z for Change on X after the debate. “She needs to ban fracking, support public transit, secure a permanent ceasefire, and more.”  But the group prioritized defeating the Republican presidential candidate: “Regardless, Trump is dangerous,” the post continued. “Trump is a racist. Trump is a fa[s]cist dictator. We need to stop Trump.” The Sunrise Movement stated that the debate was a “missed opportunity” for Harris to contrast her record on climate with Trump’s.  “Harris spent more time promoting fracking than laying out a bold vision for a clean energy future,” the youth-led organization wrote. Both groups had been strong voices on the left calling for Biden to cease his reelection bid, and had voiced optimism about Harris’ potential to support swift action on the climate crisis, citing her past support of policies like the Green New Deal and her legal prosecution of oil and gas companies. Gen Z for Change and the Sunrise Movement are among the many progressive organizations phone banking, canvassing and otherwise pushing for youth voter turnout in swing states. But according to some activists, the Harris campaign isn’t doing enough to inspire young people to show up to the polls. The voter outreach nonprofit Vote.org reported a 585 percent increase in voter registration and verifications the night of the debate, and a link Taylor Swift posted on Instagram that night to Vote.gov with her long-awaited endorsement of Harris reportedly received more than 400,000 clicks within 24 hours, more than half of the website’s overall visits that day. But some young voters are still calling for more concrete policy from Harris. “Honestly, young people have grown up seeing politicians share platitudes that they never live up to, and part of what we are just merely asking is, what is your plan?” asked John Paul Mejia, a 22-year-old Sunrise organizer based in Washington, DC. “For Harris to meaningfully win over young people, she should show the electorate broadly, but also young people, what she’s fighting for.” For months, Biden seemed to have drawn out everything but passion from young voters frustrated with his mixed record on climate, angered by his lack of empathy for Palestinian deaths, despairing at his debate performance, disdainful of his age, and disenchanted with the US. electoral system in general. In the spring, some polls showed Biden, who won young voters by a more than 20-point margin in 2020, struggling to maintain a lead over Trump with Millennial and Gen Z voters. Even young people who vehemently oppose Trump weren’t enthused by Biden, and were loudly and publicly urging him to step down. When he finally did and Harris announced her candidacy, the political winds seemed to change. Within two days Vote.org saw a 700 percent spike in voter registrations, the largest increase in the entire election cycle, higher than after the September 10 debate and even higher than when Taylor Swift promoted voter registration last year. Of those 38,500 newly registered voters, 83 percent were under 34 years old, Vote.org reported. The day after Harris announced her candidacy for president, Shiv Soin, a 23-year-old climate activist and director of the youth-led environmental justice organization, Treeage, in New York City, said that he was feeling energy he hadn’t seen in years. “I think in the last 24 hours, there has been more excitement in the Democratic Party than there has been since Obama,” Soin said. According to an August poll from NextGen America, a progressive nonprofit focused on increasing youth voter turnout, motivation to cast ballots had grown among young people in battleground states since the spring, with 78 percent saying they are “extremely motivated” to vote in August, compared with 68 percent in March.  Both campaigns are courting young voters. Trump has enlisted Gen Z social media influencers like video game streamer Adin Ross and TikTokker Bryce Hall to try to reach conservative youth online, while the Harris campaign’s rapid-response social media accounts have latched onto viral trends like coconut tree memes—alluding to a Harris comment widely shared online—and pop music references. But the age group leans Democratic. “What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger.” In the swing states NextGen polled, Harris has drawn support from 68 percent of young “double haters”—voters who disapproved of both Biden and Trump—compared with Trump’s 6 percent. Previously, Biden took 29 percent of double haters in those states and Trump took 9 percent. Harris’ pick of Tim Walz also garnered praise from young climate leaders, who pointed out his support of clean energy transition legislation in Minnesota, while others criticized his approval of the Line 3 pipeline that carries Canadian tar sands oil through the state. Days after Harris’ campaign announcement, Sunrise Movement communications director Stevie O’Hanlon called her candidacy a “game-changer” that would put “millions of young voters in play,” and could lead to “historic” youth voter turnout.  But a week after the first debate, the initial excitement from young climate voters seems to be fading, she said.  “In the weeks after Biden dropped out…there was a real upsurge of enthusiasm and energy among young people, and I think a lot of hope among people who felt disappointed by President Biden that she would strike a different course,” O’Hanlon said. “I think there are ways that she has struck another course, and there are also ways where she has stood by some of Biden’s unpopular policies with young people. I think she is a little bit at a turning point now, as we are about 50 days out from the election, about how much deep enthusiasm is she going to be able to draw?” Sunrise has said publicly it intends to reach more than 1.5 million young voters through phone, face-to-face and digital outreach in support of the Harris campaign. As of September 19, Sunrise reported that it has reached more than 350,000 young voters in swing states and plans to ramp up its outreach in the coming weeks. Gen Z for Change, the League of Conservation Voters, NextGen America and Hip Hop Caucus are also doing outreach to young climate voters. O’Hanlon said that most undecided voters the group has contacted are deciding between Harris or abstention from the election, and said she thinks that Harris’ support of fracking during the debate—combined with what she sees as the lack of a comprehensive climate platform, and a failure to take a stronger stance on Gaza—will lose her points with some undecided young voters. “I think it really hurts her credibility with young voters who feel like they’ve been burned before by politicians and aren’t super willing to give grace to politicians right now,” O’Hanlon said. Michael Greenberg, founder of Climate Defiance, met with Harris’ chief climate advisor, Ike Irby, on September 3, and said that he urged the campaign to support an end to fossil-fuel subsidies and exports, as well as a phase down of domestic fossil fuel use, including shutting down projects like the Line 3 pipeline.  “We make our demands based not on what is convenient or easy but what is absolutely necessary,” Greenberg said. “We recognize that there’s obviously a tremendous difference between Trump and Kamala on climate, but we need Kamala to go bolder.” On September 9, the organization posted a critique on X alongside a screenshot of the paragraph-long climate plan on Harris’ campaign website.  “What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger,” the post stated. At a fundraiser on September 24, however, Climate Defiance endorsed Harris for president. Greenberg said that the decision to do so came after discussions with staff and the organization’s board, and a survey of members, in which he estimated about three-quarters of the votes went toward endorsing Harris and the rest went to third-party candidates. Harris “seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows.” “Obviously she’s not perfect at all but we’d rather protest her and try to move her than be protesting Trump who is worse and who we are not as well positioned to move,” Greenberg said, the day before the event. “It’s a crucial time and it’s important that we play our part in saving our country from tyranny.” In early September, Sunrise Movement, Gen Z for Change, the Green New Deal Network and the Climate and Community Project released “Unity 2025,” a platform advocating for clean energy investments, climate-smart farming, public investments in affordable housing and more. The effort to counter Project 2025, a policy wish list for a second Trump administration spearheaded by the conservative Heritage Foundation, is billed as a way to urge Harris to listen to young voters who want to see real policy commitments from her campaign. Sunrise’s executive director, Aru Shiney-Ajay, has had multiple meetings with the Harris campaign, including with Irby and new climate engagement director Camila Thorndike. Shiney-Ajay said that her meetings have focused on showing the campaign that there’s an active base of climate-interested young voters who could be mobilized by stronger commitments from the campaign. “[Harris] seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows or at least our efforts on the ground show,” she said. “In my opinion, it’s a little bit of a miscalculation.” In recent years, young voters from both major parties have consistently ranked climate as a top issue, and in this year’s election, it’s more of a priority for them than ever: An Environmental Voter Project poll released last month found that 40 percent of young voters in key battleground states wouldn’t vote for a candidate that doesn’t prioritize “addressing climate change,” calling it a “deal breaker.” An additional 40 percent said they would “prefer” a candidate who prioritized climate change.  Youth groups on the left have loudly pressured Harris to take swift action against the fossil fuel industry. A coalition of youth-led organizations including groups focused on climate, immigration and gun control issued a set of policy demands for Harris, emphasizing ending fossil fuel subsidies, investing in green housing and stopping approval of new oil and gas projects. Meanwhile, Trump, a frequent espouser of climate denial, has promised to gut the Environmental Protection Agency, ramp up domestic oil and gas drilling and repeal the Inflation Reduction Act, the Biden administration’s landmark climate law and the biggest investment in slowing global warming in US history. That may be putting some conservative youth votes in play. Danielle Butcher Franz, CEO of the American Conservation Coalition, a group bringing conservative youth together to advocate for environmental protections, said that the Republican party’s failure to platform policy addressing climate change is losing them support from young conservatives.  Currently, nearly a quarter of Congress espouses some form of climate denial, but Franz said that young Republicans aren’t on board with such messages. And, while climate might not be enough to motivate staunch conservatives to vote Democrat, it might push them to abstain from the election, she said.  The Environmental Voters Project said 38 percent of young battleground voters report knowing little, if anything, about Joe Biden’s signature climate bill. “There’s a huge electoral liability for politicians who are still stuck in those types of rhetoric circles,” Franz, 27, said. “It is something that you see both sides of the aisle of young conservatives and young progressives pushing back against, because it’s just not the reality that we live in.” Daniel Rissanen, 22, grew up in a conservative family in Georgia and always considered himself a Republican. He voted for Trump in his first election in 2020, but after the January 6 insurrection he felt alienated from the party he’d grown up in. Now Rissanen identifies as an Independent, and if he had to vote today he’d choose Harris, although he has also considered voting for a third-party candidate. Either way, he is actively discouraging his friends from voting for Trump. “The election no longer feels as tense, as violent, as pressurized, as it did when we thought it was Biden-Trump, which is a relief, I think, for the country in general,” Rissanen said. Climate change is a priority for Rissanen, a recent college graduate and computer numerical control machinist at a fabrication shop in Atlanta. One of his top issues is conservation, with a particular focus on public lands. Seeing Trump gut protections for public lands and sell or lease them off to the highest bidder made him even less enthusiastic about his candidacy.  “Our public lands in this country are really important for people to…get away and get out in nature,” Rissanen said. “It’s also really important to conserve those ecosystems to help slow climate change.” Like many voters across age groups, Rissanen hadn’t heard of the Inflation Reduction Act, but when he learned what it was he was enthusiastic and said it was the type of information that had potential to influence his vote toward Harris. Polling from NextGen in battleground states found that two-thirds of young voters had heard of the IRA, but according to the Environmental Voters Project, 38 percent of young battleground voters reported not knowing much, if anything, about the bill. Only 35 percent knew it included climate provisions.  Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez, executive director of NextGen, said that the organization is prioritizing educating young people about the IRA and its provisions, emphasizing opportunities for green jobs. “When young people learn about what the Inflation Reduction Act is, they overwhelmingly support it and are excited about it,” she said. But climate action is not a priority for all young voters, and some young conservatives are still staunch supporters of Trump. According to NextGen’s latest poll, 40 percent of voters 18-35 in battleground states are planning to vote for Trump, compared with 57 percent for Harris. Jordyn Landau, a 27-year-old resident of Ames, Iowa, voted for Trump in 2016 and 2020 and plans to vote for him again this year. She was originally drawn to him because he seemed like an outsider to politics, and at this point, she doesn’t think there’s much Trump could do to lose her vote.  A certified scuba diver, Landau said that she cares about clean air, clean water and marine wildlife, and believes in climate change.  “We all want our environment to thrive,” Landau said. “We don’t want the end of the world because of different natural disasters and stuff like that… I feel like we all have the same end goal, we just have different ways of thinking of how we should go about that.” Landau said she would support government incentives for small businesses to “go green,” but added that she fears a swift transition could hurt communities like hers. “I just don’t want to be forced to do something that will cost me a lot of money, or hurt my community,” Landau said. “But also…I’m a big advocate for clean oceans and protecting our ecosystems that way.”  The Inflation Reduction act does provide tax credits for small businesses to go green by installing solar power infrastructure or purchasing clean transportation vehicles, for example, and estimates it will make a $24.6 billion investment in clean power generation and storage in Iowa before 2030. But ultimately, Landau emphasized that her top issues are immigration and the economy, specifically tightening restrictions on the U.S.-Mexico border and combating inflation. Climate and the environment aren’t likely to influence her vote, she said. “Climate is not something I think about day-to-day,” Landau said.  In a March poll of voters from 18 to 29 years old nationwide conducted by the Harvard Institute of Politics, 18 percent said they would support one of three third party candidates: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Cornel West, or Jill Stein. A March poll from NextGen America found that in key battleground states—Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Virginia—20 percent of voters between 18 and 35 were third-party supporters. In NextGen’s latest poll, conducted in August before RFK Jr. dropped out and endorsed Trump, the number of youth voters supporting a third-party presidential candidate had halved, to 10 percent.  In June, 22-year old Texan Noor Shaikh posted a video on Tik Tok explaining her choice to vote for a third-party candidate, arguing against blind party loyalty. But after Biden dropped out, she made a new video responding to her original.  “At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party.” “I will be voting third-party,” said Shaikh in June, before getting cut off by her July self. “I will now be voting for Kamala Harris,” she said, with a sigh.  Shaikh, who got a degree in psychology from Texas A&M University this year and organizes with a pro-Palestine group on campus, said that as a Muslim American, she couldn’t stomach voting for Biden given his strong support of Israel, but as a progressive, she wouldn’t vote for Trump. She was considering a third-party candidate like left-leaning Cenk Uygur, host of “The Young Turks” podcast, who dropped out of the race in March. “I honestly don’t know if I would have changed my mind, closer to November,” Shaikh said. Now she sees voting as a method of “harm-reduction” on things like transgender rights and the Supreme Court and hopes that Harris can be more readily influenced on issues important to her than Trump or Biden. Climate change isn’t a top factor in determining her vote, Shaikh said, but she thinks often about pollution, safe drinking water and environmental deregulation in Texas. “It’s [about] who’s going to take us the farthest,” Shaikh said. “I think we’re retrogressing as a country, and it’s creating a lot of instability for a lot of my loved ones…this election does have a lot on the line.” Alison Potts, a 32-year old administrative worker in New Jersey had also considered abstaining from the election because of the war on Gaza, but has also decided to vote as a method of reducing harm. Potts said she sees both climate change and abortion as “issues of life or death.”  “At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party,” Potts said. “The detriment we do now when it comes to climate change is going to be lasting for the next generation.” Some young voters aren’t ready to forgive Harris for the sins of the Biden administration. Jana El-Gengaihy, a 17-year-old high school senior in Scottsdale, Arizona, will turn 18 just in time to vote this year, but she’s not sure she will go to the polls. El-Gengaihy, who volunteers with a local hub of the Sunrise Movement, said her top issues are Palestine and the climate crisis. She does not support Trump, and she’s slightly more hopeful about Harris than she was about Biden, but she’s still not convinced that Harris will take young voters’ grievances seriously.  “It just doesn’t sit right with me that voting for either of them means that I’m continuing this genocide,” she said. Low turnout by younger voters has often been met with derision from both major parties, particularly Democrats, who typically get more youth votes. Soin said this is a disrespectful way to look at a constituency with valid reasons to feel apathetic about Congress and the presidency.  “They’re not making the case effectively for young voters to turn out and vote,” Soin, who is planning to vote for Harris, said. “Not voting is a decision that people are making. It is a decision that a lot of people are making. And rather than smearing and disrespecting people, how about we ask why?”

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. On Tuesday, the youth-led activist group Climate Defiance—which had loudly called for Joe Biden to withdraw his bid for reelection earlier this year—endorsed Kamala Harris for president. But despite that support and soaring enthusiasm from young people after Harris replaced […]

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

On Tuesday, the youth-led activist group Climate Defiance—which had loudly called for Joe Biden to withdraw his bid for reelection earlier this year—endorsed Kamala Harris for president. But despite that support and soaring enthusiasm from young people after Harris replaced Biden on the Democratic ticket, with less than 40 days left until the election, excitement has cooled off among many young voters who are prioritizing climate and calling for stronger commitments from the candidate.

After the September 10 debate, some young voters and climate groups were unimpressed by both candidates’ support for oil and gas production, voicing dismay over Harris’ shift to the center on climate.

“If Harris wants to win, she needs to be far more progressive than she was tonight,” wrote Gen-Z for Change on X after the debate. “She needs to ban fracking, support public transit, secure a permanent ceasefire, and more.” 

But the group prioritized defeating the Republican presidential candidate: “Regardless, Trump is dangerous,” the post continued. “Trump is a racist. Trump is a fa[s]cist dictator. We need to stop Trump.”

The Sunrise Movement stated that the debate was a “missed opportunity” for Harris to contrast her record on climate with Trump’s. 

“Harris spent more time promoting fracking than laying out a bold vision for a clean energy future,” the youth-led organization wrote.

Both groups had been strong voices on the left calling for Biden to cease his reelection bid, and had voiced optimism about Harris’ potential to support swift action on the climate crisis, citing her past support of policies like the Green New Deal and her legal prosecution of oil and gas companies.

Gen Z for Change and the Sunrise Movement are among the many progressive organizations phone banking, canvassing and otherwise pushing for youth voter turnout in swing states. But according to some activists, the Harris campaign isn’t doing enough to inspire young people to show up to the polls.

The voter outreach nonprofit Vote.org reported a 585 percent increase in voter registration and verifications the night of the debate, and a link Taylor Swift posted on Instagram that night to Vote.gov with her long-awaited endorsement of Harris reportedly received more than 400,000 clicks within 24 hours, more than half of the website’s overall visits that day.

But some young voters are still calling for more concrete policy from Harris. “Honestly, young people have grown up seeing politicians share platitudes that they never live up to, and part of what we are just merely asking is, what is your plan?” asked John Paul Mejia, a 22-year-old Sunrise organizer based in Washington, DC. “For Harris to meaningfully win over young people, she should show the electorate broadly, but also young people, what she’s fighting for.”

For months, Biden seemed to have drawn out everything but passion from young voters frustrated with his mixed record on climate, angered by his lack of empathy for Palestinian deaths, despairing at his debate performance, disdainful of his age, and disenchanted with the US. electoral system in general. In the spring, some polls showed Biden, who won young voters by a more than 20-point margin in 2020, struggling to maintain a lead over Trump with Millennial and Gen Z voters. Even young people who vehemently oppose Trump weren’t enthused by Biden, and were loudly and publicly urging him to step down.

When he finally did and Harris announced her candidacy, the political winds seemed to change. Within two days Vote.org saw a 700 percent spike in voter registrations, the largest increase in the entire election cycle, higher than after the September 10 debate and even higher than when Taylor Swift promoted voter registration last year. Of those 38,500 newly registered voters, 83 percent were under 34 years old, Vote.org reported.

The day after Harris announced her candidacy for president, Shiv Soin, a 23-year-old climate activist and director of the youth-led environmental justice organization, Treeage, in New York City, said that he was feeling energy he hadn’t seen in years. “I think in the last 24 hours, there has been more excitement in the Democratic Party than there has been since Obama,” Soin said.

According to an August poll from NextGen America, a progressive nonprofit focused on increasing youth voter turnout, motivation to cast ballots had grown among young people in battleground states since the spring, with 78 percent saying they are “extremely motivated” to vote in August, compared with 68 percent in March. 

Both campaigns are courting young voters. Trump has enlisted Gen Z social media influencers like video game streamer Adin Ross and TikTokker Bryce Hall to try to reach conservative youth online, while the Harris campaign’s rapid-response social media accounts have latched onto viral trends like coconut tree memes—alluding to a Harris comment widely shared online—and pop music references. But the age group leans Democratic.

“What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger.”

In the swing states NextGen polled, Harris has drawn support from 68 percent of young “double haters”—voters who disapproved of both Biden and Trump—compared with Trump’s 6 percent. Previously, Biden took 29 percent of double haters in those states and Trump took 9 percent.

Harris’ pick of Tim Walz also garnered praise from young climate leaders, who pointed out his support of clean energy transition legislation in Minnesota, while others criticized his approval of the Line 3 pipeline that carries Canadian tar sands oil through the state.

Days after Harris’ campaign announcement, Sunrise Movement communications director Stevie O’Hanlon called her candidacy a “game-changer” that would put “millions of young voters in play,” and could lead to “historic” youth voter turnout. 

But a week after the first debate, the initial excitement from young climate voters seems to be fading, she said. 

“In the weeks after Biden dropped out…there was a real upsurge of enthusiasm and energy among young people, and I think a lot of hope among people who felt disappointed by President Biden that she would strike a different course,” O’Hanlon said. “I think there are ways that she has struck another course, and there are also ways where she has stood by some of Biden’s unpopular policies with young people. I think she is a little bit at a turning point now, as we are about 50 days out from the election, about how much deep enthusiasm is she going to be able to draw?”

Sunrise has said publicly it intends to reach more than 1.5 million young voters through phone, face-to-face and digital outreach in support of the Harris campaign. As of September 19, Sunrise reported that it has reached more than 350,000 young voters in swing states and plans to ramp up its outreach in the coming weeks. Gen Z for Change, the League of Conservation Voters, NextGen America and Hip Hop Caucus are also doing outreach to young climate voters.

O’Hanlon said that most undecided voters the group has contacted are deciding between Harris or abstention from the election, and said she thinks that Harris’ support of fracking during the debate—combined with what she sees as the lack of a comprehensive climate platform, and a failure to take a stronger stance on Gaza—will lose her points with some undecided young voters.

“I think it really hurts her credibility with young voters who feel like they’ve been burned before by politicians and aren’t super willing to give grace to politicians right now,” O’Hanlon said.

Michael Greenberg, founder of Climate Defiance, met with Harris’ chief climate advisor, Ike Irby, on September 3, and said that he urged the campaign to support an end to fossil-fuel subsidies and exports, as well as a phase down of domestic fossil fuel use, including shutting down projects like the Line 3 pipeline. 

“We make our demands based not on what is convenient or easy but what is absolutely necessary,” Greenberg said. “We recognize that there’s obviously a tremendous difference between Trump and Kamala on climate, but we need Kamala to go bolder.”

On September 9, the organization posted a critique on X alongside a screenshot of the paragraph-long climate plan on Harris’ campaign website. 

“What is this? A policy platform for ants, @KamalaHarris? The climate proposal needs to be at least three times bigger,” the post stated.

At a fundraiser on September 24, however, Climate Defiance endorsed Harris for president. Greenberg said that the decision to do so came after discussions with staff and the organization’s board, and a survey of members, in which he estimated about three-quarters of the votes went toward endorsing Harris and the rest went to third-party candidates.

Harris “seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows.”

“Obviously she’s not perfect at all but we’d rather protest her and try to move her than be protesting Trump who is worse and who we are not as well positioned to move,” Greenberg said, the day before the event. “It’s a crucial time and it’s important that we play our part in saving our country from tyranny.”

In early September, Sunrise Movement, Gen Z for Change, the Green New Deal Network and the Climate and Community Project released “Unity 2025,” a platform advocating for clean energy investments, climate-smart farming, public investments in affordable housing and more. The effort to counter Project 2025, a policy wish list for a second Trump administration spearheaded by the conservative Heritage Foundation, is billed as a way to urge Harris to listen to young voters who want to see real policy commitments from her campaign.

Sunrise’s executive director, Aru Shiney-Ajay, has had multiple meetings with the Harris campaign, including with Irby and new climate engagement director Camila Thorndike. Shiney-Ajay said that her meetings have focused on showing the campaign that there’s an active base of climate-interested young voters who could be mobilized by stronger commitments from the campaign.

“[Harris] seems to think that she needs to tack to the center on climate and that just isn’t necessarily what polling shows or at least our efforts on the ground show,” she said. “In my opinion, it’s a little bit of a miscalculation.”

In recent years, young voters from both major parties have consistently ranked climate as a top issue, and in this year’s election, it’s more of a priority for them than ever: An Environmental Voter Project poll released last month found that 40 percent of young voters in key battleground states wouldn’t vote for a candidate that doesn’t prioritize “addressing climate change,” calling it a “deal breaker.” An additional 40 percent said they would “prefer” a candidate who prioritized climate change. 

Youth groups on the left have loudly pressured Harris to take swift action against the fossil fuel industry. A coalition of youth-led organizations including groups focused on climate, immigration and gun control issued a set of policy demands for Harris, emphasizing ending fossil fuel subsidies, investing in green housing and stopping approval of new oil and gas projects.

Meanwhile, Trump, a frequent espouser of climate denial, has promised to gut the Environmental Protection Agency, ramp up domestic oil and gas drilling and repeal the Inflation Reduction Act, the Biden administration’s landmark climate law and the biggest investment in slowing global warming in US history.

That may be putting some conservative youth votes in play. Danielle Butcher Franz, CEO of the American Conservation Coalition, a group bringing conservative youth together to advocate for environmental protections, said that the Republican party’s failure to platform policy addressing climate change is losing them support from young conservatives. 

Currently, nearly a quarter of Congress espouses some form of climate denial, but Franz said that young Republicans aren’t on board with such messages. And, while climate might not be enough to motivate staunch conservatives to vote Democrat, it might push them to abstain from the election, she said. 

The Environmental Voters Project said 38 percent of young battleground voters report knowing little, if anything, about Joe Biden’s signature climate bill.

“There’s a huge electoral liability for politicians who are still stuck in those types of rhetoric circles,” Franz, 27, said. “It is something that you see both sides of the aisle of young conservatives and young progressives pushing back against, because it’s just not the reality that we live in.”

Daniel Rissanen, 22, grew up in a conservative family in Georgia and always considered himself a Republican. He voted for Trump in his first election in 2020, but after the January 6 insurrection he felt alienated from the party he’d grown up in. Now Rissanen identifies as an Independent, and if he had to vote today he’d choose Harris, although he has also considered voting for a third-party candidate. Either way, he is actively discouraging his friends from voting for Trump.

“The election no longer feels as tense, as violent, as pressurized, as it did when we thought it was Biden-Trump, which is a relief, I think, for the country in general,” Rissanen said.

Climate change is a priority for Rissanen, a recent college graduate and computer numerical control machinist at a fabrication shop in Atlanta. One of his top issues is conservation, with a particular focus on public lands. Seeing Trump gut protections for public lands and sell or lease them off to the highest bidder made him even less enthusiastic about his candidacy. 

“Our public lands in this country are really important for people to…get away and get out in nature,” Rissanen said. “It’s also really important to conserve those ecosystems to help slow climate change.”

Like many voters across age groups, Rissanen hadn’t heard of the Inflation Reduction Act, but when he learned what it was he was enthusiastic and said it was the type of information that had potential to influence his vote toward Harris.

Polling from NextGen in battleground states found that two-thirds of young voters had heard of the IRA, but according to the Environmental Voters Project, 38 percent of young battleground voters reported not knowing much, if anything, about the bill. Only 35 percent knew it included climate provisions. 

Cristina Tzintzún Ramirez, executive director of NextGen, said that the organization is prioritizing educating young people about the IRA and its provisions, emphasizing opportunities for green jobs.

“When young people learn about what the Inflation Reduction Act is, they overwhelmingly support it and are excited about it,” she said.

But climate action is not a priority for all young voters, and some young conservatives are still staunch supporters of Trump. According to NextGen’s latest poll, 40 percent of voters 18-35 in battleground states are planning to vote for Trump, compared with 57 percent for Harris.

Jordyn Landau, a 27-year-old resident of Ames, Iowa, voted for Trump in 2016 and 2020 and plans to vote for him again this year. She was originally drawn to him because he seemed like an outsider to politics, and at this point, she doesn’t think there’s much Trump could do to lose her vote. 

A certified scuba diver, Landau said that she cares about clean air, clean water and marine wildlife, and believes in climate change. 

“We all want our environment to thrive,” Landau said. “We don’t want the end of the world because of different natural disasters and stuff like that… I feel like we all have the same end goal, we just have different ways of thinking of how we should go about that.”

Landau said she would support government incentives for small businesses to “go green,” but added that she fears a swift transition could hurt communities like hers.

“I just don’t want to be forced to do something that will cost me a lot of money, or hurt my community,” Landau said. “But also…I’m a big advocate for clean oceans and protecting our ecosystems that way.” 

The Inflation Reduction act does provide tax credits for small businesses to go green by installing solar power infrastructure or purchasing clean transportation vehicles, for example, and estimates it will make a $24.6 billion investment in clean power generation and storage in Iowa before 2030.

But ultimately, Landau emphasized that her top issues are immigration and the economy, specifically tightening restrictions on the U.S.-Mexico border and combating inflation. Climate and the environment aren’t likely to influence her vote, she said.

“Climate is not something I think about day-to-day,” Landau said. 

In a March poll of voters from 18 to 29 years old nationwide conducted by the Harvard Institute of Politics, 18 percent said they would support one of three third party candidates: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., Cornel West, or Jill Stein. A March poll from NextGen America found that in key battleground states—Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Virginia—20 percent of voters between 18 and 35 were third-party supporters.

In NextGen’s latest poll, conducted in August before RFK Jr. dropped out and endorsed Trump, the number of youth voters supporting a third-party presidential candidate had halved, to 10 percent. 

In June, 22-year old Texan Noor Shaikh posted a video on Tik Tok explaining her choice to vote for a third-party candidate, arguing against blind party loyalty. But after Biden dropped out, she made a new video responding to her original. 

“At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party.”

“I will be voting third-party,” said Shaikh in June, before getting cut off by her July self. “I will now be voting for Kamala Harris,” she said, with a sigh. 

Shaikh, who got a degree in psychology from Texas A&M University this year and organizes with a pro-Palestine group on campus, said that as a Muslim American, she couldn’t stomach voting for Biden given his strong support of Israel, but as a progressive, she wouldn’t vote for Trump. She was considering a third-party candidate like left-leaning Cenk Uygur, host of “The Young Turks” podcast, who dropped out of the race in March.

“I honestly don’t know if I would have changed my mind, closer to November,” Shaikh said.

Now she sees voting as a method of “harm-reduction” on things like transgender rights and the Supreme Court and hopes that Harris can be more readily influenced on issues important to her than Trump or Biden.

Climate change isn’t a top factor in determining her vote, Shaikh said, but she thinks often about pollution, safe drinking water and environmental deregulation in Texas.

“It’s [about] who’s going to take us the farthest,” Shaikh said. “I think we’re retrogressing as a country, and it’s creating a lot of instability for a lot of my loved ones…this election does have a lot on the line.”

Alison Potts, a 32-year old administrative worker in New Jersey had also considered abstaining from the election because of the war on Gaza, but has also decided to vote as a method of reducing harm. Potts said she sees both climate change and abortion as “issues of life or death.” 

“At the end of the day, [climate is] one of the things that was going to sway me, regardless, to vote with the Democratic Party,” Potts said. “The detriment we do now when it comes to climate change is going to be lasting for the next generation.”

Some young voters aren’t ready to forgive Harris for the sins of the Biden administration.

Jana El-Gengaihy, a 17-year-old high school senior in Scottsdale, Arizona, will turn 18 just in time to vote this year, but she’s not sure she will go to the polls. El-Gengaihy, who volunteers with a local hub of the Sunrise Movement, said her top issues are Palestine and the climate crisis. She does not support Trump, and she’s slightly more hopeful about Harris than she was about Biden, but she’s still not convinced that Harris will take young voters’ grievances seriously. 

“It just doesn’t sit right with me that voting for either of them means that I’m continuing this genocide,” she said.

Low turnout by younger voters has often been met with derision from both major parties, particularly Democrats, who typically get more youth votes. Soin said this is a disrespectful way to look at a constituency with valid reasons to feel apathetic about Congress and the presidency. 

“They’re not making the case effectively for young voters to turn out and vote,” Soin, who is planning to vote for Harris, said. “Not voting is a decision that people are making. It is a decision that a lot of people are making. And rather than smearing and disrespecting people, how about we ask why?”

Read the full story here.
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Measles Misinformation Is on the Rise – and Americans Are Hearing It, Survey Finds

Republicans are far more skeptical of vaccines and twice as likely as Democrats to believe the measles shot is worse than the disease.

By Arthur Allen | KFF Health NewsWhile the most serious measles epidemic in a decade has led to the deaths of two children and spread to nearly 30 states with no signs of letting up, beliefs about the safety of the measles vaccine and the threat of the disease are sharply polarized, fed by the anti-vaccine views of the country’s seniormost health official.About two-thirds of Republican-leaning parents are unaware of an uptick in measles cases this year while about two-thirds of Democratic ones knew about it, according to a KFF survey released Wednesday.Republicans are far more skeptical of vaccines and twice as likely (1 in 5) as Democrats (1 in 10) to believe the measles shot is worse than the disease, according to the survey of 1,380 U.S. adults.Some 35% of Republicans answering the survey, which was conducted April 8-15 online and by telephone, said the discredited theory linking the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine to autism was definitely or probably true – compared with just 10% of Democrats.Get Midday Must-Reads in Your InboxFive essential stories, expertly curated, to keep you informed on your lunch break.Sign up to receive the latest updates from U.S. News & World Report and our trusted partners and sponsors. By clicking submit, you are agreeing to our Terms and Conditions & Privacy Policy.The trends are roughly the same as KFF reported in a June 2023 survey. But in the new poll, 3 in 10 parents erroneously believed that vitamin A can prevent measles infections, a theory Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has brought into play since taking office during the measles outbreak.“The most alarming thing about the survey is that we’re seeing an uptick in the share of people who have heard these claims,” said co-author Ashley Kirzinger, associate director of KFF’s Public Opinion and Survey Research Program. KFF is a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.“It’s not that more people are believing the autism theory, but more and more people are hearing about it,” Kirzinger said. Since doubts about vaccine safety directly reduce parents’ vaccination of their children, “that shows how important it is for actual information to be part of the media landscape,” she said.“This is what one would expect when people are confused by conflicting messages coming from people in positions of authority,” said Kelly Moore, president and CEO of Immunize.org, a vaccination advocacy group.Numerous scientific studies have established no link between any vaccine and autism. But Kennedy has ordered HHS to undertake an investigation of possible environmental contributors to autism, promising to have “some of the answers” behind an increase in the incidence of the condition by September.The deepening Republican skepticism toward vaccines makes it hard for accurate information to break through in many parts of the nation, said Rekha Lakshmanan, chief strategy officer at The Immunization Partnership, in Houston.Lakshmanan on April 23 was to present a paper on countering anti-vaccine activism to the World Vaccine Congress in Washington. It was based on a survey that found that in the Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas and Oklahoma state assemblies, lawmakers with medical professions were among those least likely to support public health measures.“There is a political layer that influences these lawmakers,” she said. When lawmakers invite vaccine opponents to testify at legislative hearings, for example, it feeds a deluge of misinformation that is difficult to counter, she said.Eric Ball, a pediatrician in Ladera Ranch, California, which was hit by a 2014-15 measles outbreak that started in Disneyland, said fear of measles and tighter California state restrictions on vaccine exemptions had staved off new infections in his Orange County community.“The biggest downside of measles vaccines is that they work really well. Everyone gets vaccinated, no one gets measles, everyone forgets about measles,” he said. “But when it comes back, they realize there are kids getting really sick and potentially dying in my community, and everyone says, ‘Holy crap; we better vaccinate!’”Ball treated three very sick children with measles in 2015. Afterward his practice stopped seeing unvaccinated patients. “We had had babies exposed in our waiting room,” he said. “We had disease spreading in our office, which was not cool.”Although two otherwise healthy young girls died of measles during the Texas outbreak, “people still aren’t scared of the disease,” said Paul Offit, director of the Vaccine Education Center at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, which has seen a few cases.But the deaths “have created more angst, based on the number of calls I’m getting from parents trying to vaccinate their 4-month-old and 6-month-old babies,” Offit said. Children generally get their first measles shot at age 1, because it tends not to produce full immunity if given at a younger age.KFF Health News’ Jackie Fortiér contributed to this report.This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF. It was originally published on April 23, 2025, and has been republished with permission.

Evangelical churches in Indiana turn to solar and sustainability as an expression of faith

A growing number of evangelical churches and universities in Indiana are embracing renewable energy and environmental stewardship as a religious duty, reframing climate action through a spiritual lens.Catrin Einhorn reports for The New York TimesIn short:Churches across Indiana, including Christ’s Community Church and Grace Church, are installing solar panels, planting native gardens, and hosting events like Indy Creation Fest to promote environmental stewardship.Evangelical leaders say their work aligns with a biblical call to care for creation, distancing it from politicized language around climate change to appeal to more conservative congregations.Christian universities such as Indiana Wesleyan and Taylor are integrating environmental science into academics and campus life, fostering student-led sustainability efforts rooted in faith.Key quote:“It’s a quiet movement.”— Rev. Jeremy Summers, director of church and community engagement for the Evangelical Environmental NetworkWhy this matters:The intersection of faith and environmental action challenges longstanding cultural divides in the climate conversation. Evangelical communities — historically less engaged on climate issues — hold substantial political and social influence, particularly across the Midwest and South. Framing sustainability as a religious obligation sidesteps partisan divides and invites wider participation. These faith-led movements can help shift attitudes in rural and suburban America, where skepticism of climate science and federal intervention runs high. And as the environmental impacts of fossil fuel dependence grow — heatwaves, water scarcity, air pollution— the health and well-being of families in these communities are increasingly at stake. Read more: Christian climate activists aim to bridge faith and environmental actionPope Francis, who used faith and science to call out the climate crisis, dies at 88

A growing number of evangelical churches and universities in Indiana are embracing renewable energy and environmental stewardship as a religious duty, reframing climate action through a spiritual lens.Catrin Einhorn reports for The New York TimesIn short:Churches across Indiana, including Christ’s Community Church and Grace Church, are installing solar panels, planting native gardens, and hosting events like Indy Creation Fest to promote environmental stewardship.Evangelical leaders say their work aligns with a biblical call to care for creation, distancing it from politicized language around climate change to appeal to more conservative congregations.Christian universities such as Indiana Wesleyan and Taylor are integrating environmental science into academics and campus life, fostering student-led sustainability efforts rooted in faith.Key quote:“It’s a quiet movement.”— Rev. Jeremy Summers, director of church and community engagement for the Evangelical Environmental NetworkWhy this matters:The intersection of faith and environmental action challenges longstanding cultural divides in the climate conversation. Evangelical communities — historically less engaged on climate issues — hold substantial political and social influence, particularly across the Midwest and South. Framing sustainability as a religious obligation sidesteps partisan divides and invites wider participation. These faith-led movements can help shift attitudes in rural and suburban America, where skepticism of climate science and federal intervention runs high. And as the environmental impacts of fossil fuel dependence grow — heatwaves, water scarcity, air pollution— the health and well-being of families in these communities are increasingly at stake. Read more: Christian climate activists aim to bridge faith and environmental actionPope Francis, who used faith and science to call out the climate crisis, dies at 88

Will the next pope be liberal or conservative? Neither.

If there’s one succinct way to describe Pope Francis’s stewardship of the Catholic Church over the last 12 years, it might best be  done with three of his own words: “todos, todos, todos” — “everyone, everyone, everyone.” Francis, who died Monday morning in Vatican City, was both a reformer and a traditionalist. He didn’t change […]

Pope Francis meets students at Portugal’s Catholic University on August 3, 2023, in Lisbon for World Youth Day, an international Catholic rally inaugurated by St. John Paul II to invigorate young people in their faith. | Vatican Media via Vatican Pool/Getty Images If there’s one succinct way to describe Pope Francis’s stewardship of the Catholic Church over the last 12 years, it might best be  done with three of his own words: “todos, todos, todos” — “everyone, everyone, everyone.” Francis, who died Monday morning in Vatican City, was both a reformer and a traditionalist. He didn’t change church doctrine, didn’t dramatically alter the Church’s teachings, and didn’t fundamentally disrupt the bedrock of Catholic belief. Catholics still believe there is one God who exists as three divine persons, that Jesus died and was resurrected, and that sin is still a thing. Only men can serve in the priesthood, life still begins at conception, and faith is lived through both prayer and good works. And yet it still feels like Pope Francis transformed the Church — breathing life into a 2,000-year-old institution by making it a player in current events, updating some of its bureaucracy to better respond to earthly affairs, and recentering the Church’s focus on the principle that it is open to all, but especially concerned with the least well off and marginalized in society. With Francis gone, how should we think of his legacy? Was he really the radical progressive revolutionary some on the American political right cast him as? And will his successor follow in his footsteps?   To try to neatly place Francis on the US political spectrum is a bit of a fool’s errand. It’s precisely because Francis and his potential successors defy our ability to categorize their legacies within our worldly, partisan, and tribalistic categories that it’s not very useful to use labels like “liberal” and “conservative.” Those things mean very different things within the Church versus outside of it. Instead, it’s more helpful to realize just how much Francis changed the Church’s tone and posturing toward openness and care for the least well off — and how he set up to Church to continue in that direction after he’s gone. He was neither liberal nor conservative: He was a bridge to the future who made the Church more relevant, without betraying its core teachings. That starting point will be critical for reading and understanding the next few weeks of papal news and speculation — especially as poorly sourced viral charts and infographics that lack context spread on social media in an attempt to explain what comes next. Revisiting Francis’s papacy Francis’s papacy is a prime example of how unhelpful it is to try to think of popes, and the Church, along the right-left political spectrum we’re used to thinking of in Western democracies.  When he was elected in 2013, Francis was a bit of an enigma. Progressives cautioned each other not to get too hopeful, while conservatives were wary about how open he would be to changing the Church’s public presence and social teachings. Before being elected pope, he was described as more traditional — not as activist as some of his Latin American peers who embraced progressive, socialist-adjacent liberation theology and intervened in political developments in Argentina, for example. He was orthodox and “uncompromising” on issues related to the right to life (euthanasia, the death penalty, and abortion) and on the role of women in the church, and advocated for clergy to embrace austerity and humility. And yet he was known to take unorthodox approaches to his ministry: advocating for the poor and the oppressed, and expressing openness to other religions in Argentina. He would bring that mix of views to his papacy. The following decade would see the Church undergo few changes in theological or doctrinal teachings, and yet it still appeared as though it was dramatically breaking with the past. That duality was in part because Francis was essentially both a conservative and a liberal, by American standards, at the same time, as Catholic writer James T. Keane argued in 2021. Francis was anti-abortion, critical of gender theory, opposed to ordaining women, and opposed to marriage for same-sex couples, while also welcoming the LGBTQ community, fiercely criticizing capitalism, unabashedly defending immigrants, opposing the death penalty, and advocating for environmentalism and care for the planet. That was how Francis functioned as a bridge between the traditionalism of his predecessors and a Church able to embrace modernity. And that’s also why he had so many critics: He was both too liberal and radical, and not progressive or bold enough. Francis used the Church’s unchanging foundational teachings and beliefs to respond to the crises of the 21st century and to consistently push for a “both-and” approach to social issues, endorsing “conservative”-coded teachings while adding on more focus to social justice issues that hadn’t been the traditionally associated with the church. That’s the approach he took when critiquing consumerism, modern capitalism, and “throwaway culture,” for example, employing the Church’s teachings on the sanctity of life to attack abortion rights, promote environmentalism, and criticize neo-liberal economics. None of those issues required dramatic changes to the Church’s religious or theological teachings. But they did involve moving the church beyond older debates — such as abortion, contraception, and marriage — and into other moral quandaries: economics, immigration, war, and climate change. And he spoke plainly about these debates in public, as when he responded, “Who am I to judge?” when asked about LGBTQ Catholics or said he wishes that hell is “empty.” Still, he reinforced that softer, more inquisitive and humble church tone with restructuring and reforms within the church bureaucracy — essentially setting the church up for a continued march along this path. Nearly 80 percent of the cardinals who are eligible to vote in a papal conclave were appointed by Francis — some 108 of 135 members of the College of Cardinals who can vote, per the Vatican itself. Most don’t align on any consistent ideological spectrum, having vastly different beliefs about the role of the Church, how the Church’s internal workings should operate, and what the Church’s social stances should be — that’s partially why it’s risky to read into and interpret projections about “wings” or ideological “factions” among the cardinal-electors as if they are a parliament or house of Congress. There will naturally be speculation, given who Francis appointed as cardinals, that his successor will be non-European and less traditional. But as Francis himself showed through his papacy, the church has the benefit of time and taking the long view on social issues. He reminded Catholics that concern for the poor and oppressed must be just as central to the Church’s presence in the world as any age-old culture war issue. And to try to apply to popes and the Church the political labels and sets of beliefs we use in America is pointless.

Grassroots activists who took on corruption and corporate power share 2025 Goldman prize

Seven winners of environmental prize include Amazonian river campaigner and Tunisian who fought against organised waste traffickingIndigenous river campaigner from Peru honouredGrassroots activists who helped jail corrupt officials and obtain personhood rights for a sacred Amazonian river are among this year’s winners of the world’s most prestigious environmental prize.The community campaigns led by the seven 2025 Goldman prize winners underscore the courage and tenacity of local activists willing to confront the toxic mix of corporate power, regulatory failures and political corruption that is fuelling biodiversity collapse, water shortages, deadly air pollution and the climate emergency. Continue reading...

Grassroots activists who helped jail corrupt officials and obtain personhood rights for a sacred Amazonian river are among this year’s winners of the world’s most prestigious environmental prize.The community campaigns led by the seven 2025 Goldman prize winners underscore the courage and tenacity of local activists willing to confront the toxic mix of corporate power, regulatory failures and political corruption that is fuelling biodiversity collapse, water shortages, deadly air pollution and the climate emergency.This year’s recipients include Semia Gharbi, a scientist and environmental educator from Tunisia, who took on an organised waste trafficking network that led to more than 40 arrests, including 26 Tunisian officials and 16 Italians with ties to the illegal trade.Semia Gharbi campaigning in Tunisia. Photograph: Goldman environmental prizeGharbi, 57, headed a public campaign demanding accountability after an Italian company was found to have shipped hundreds of containers of household garbage to Tunisia to dump in its overfilled landfill sites, rather than the recyclable plastic it had declared it was shipping.Gharbi lobbied lawmakers, compiled dossiers for UN experts and helped organise media coverage in both countries. Eventually, 6,000 tonnes of illegally exported household waste was shipped back to Italy in February 2022, and the scandal spurred the EU to close some loopholes governing international waste shipping.Not far away in the Canary Islands, Carlos Mallo Molina helped lead another sophisticated effort to prevent the construction of a large recreational boat and ferry terminal on the island of Tenerife that threatened to damage Spain’s most important marine reserve.Carlos Mallo Molina. Photograph: Goldman environmental prizeThe tourism gravy train can seem impossible to derail, but in 2018 Mallo swapped his career as a civil engineer to stop the sprawling Fonsalía port, which threatened the 170,000-acre biodiverse protected area that provides vital habitat for endangered sea turtles, whales, giant squid and blue sharks.As with Gharbi in Tunisia, education played a big role in the campaign’s success and included developing a virtual scuba dive into the threatened marine areas and a children’s book about a sea turtle searching for seagrass in the Canary Islands. After three years of pressure backed by international environmental groups, divers and residents, the government cancelled construction of the port, safeguarding the only whale heritage site in European territorial waters.“It’s been a tough year for both people and the planet,” said Jennifer Goldman Wallis, vice-president of the Goldman Environmental Foundation. “There’s so much that worries us, stresses us, outrages us, and keeps us divided … these environmental leaders and teachers – and the global environmental community that supports them – are the antidote.”For the past 36 years, the Goldman prize has honoured environmental defenders from each of the world’s six inhabited continental regions, recognising their commitment and achievements in the face of seemingly insurmountable hurdles. To date, 233 winners from 98 nations have been awarded the prize. Many have gone on to hold positions in governments, as heads of state, nonprofit leaders, and as Nobel prize laureates.Three Goldman recipients have been killed, including the 2015 winner from Honduras, the Indigenous Lenca leader Berta Cáceres, whose death in 2016 was orchestrated by executives of an internationally financed dam company whose project she helped stall.Environmental and land rights defenders often persist in drawn-out efforts to secure clean water and air for their communities and future generations – despite facing threats including online harassment, bogus criminal charges, and sometimes physical violence. More than 2,100 land and environmental defenders were killed globally between 2012 and 2023, according to an observatory run by the charity Global Witness.Latin America remains the most dangerous place to defend the environment but a range of repressive tactics are increasingly being used to silence activists across Asia, the US, the UK and the EU.In the US, Laurene Allen was recognised for her extraordinary leadership, which culminated in a plastics plant being closed in 2024 after two decades of leaking toxic forever chemicals into the air, soil and water supplies in the small town of Merrimack, New Hampshire. The 62-year-old social worker turned water protector developed the town’s local campaign into a statewide and national network to address Pfas contamination, helping persuade the Biden administration to establish the first federal drinking water standard for forever chemicals.skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionLaurene Allen. Photograph: Goldman environmental prizeThree of this year’s Goldman recipients were involved in battles to save two rivers thousands of miles apart – in Peru and Albania – which both led to landmark victories.Besjana Guri and Olsi Nika not only helped stop construction of a hydroelectric dam on the 167-mile Vjosa River, but their decade-long campaign led to the Albanian government declaring it a wild river national park.Guri, 37, a social worker, and Nika, 39, a biologist and ecologist, garnered support from scientists, lawyers, EU parliamentarians and celebrities, including Leonardo DiCaprio, for the new national park – the first in Europe to protect a wild river. This historic designation protects the Vjosa and its three tributaries, which are among the last remaining free-flowing undammed rivers in Europe.In Peru, Mari Luz Canaquiri Murayari, 56, led the Indigenous Kukama women’s association to a landmark court victory that granted the 1,000-mile Marañón River legal personhood, with the right to be free-flowing and free of contamination.Mari Luz Canaquiri Murayari. Photograph: Goldman environmental prizeThe Marañón River and its tributaries are the life veins of Peru’s tropical rainforests and support 75% of its tropical wetlands – but also flow through lands containing some of the South American country’s biggest oil and gas fields. The court ordered the Peruvian government to stop violating the rivers’ rights, and take immediate action to prevent future oil spills.The Kukama people, who believe their ancestors reside on the riverbed, were recognised by the court as stewards of the great Marañón.This year’s oldest winner was Batmunkh Luvsandash from Mongolia, an 81-year-old former electrical engineer whose anti-mining activism has led to 200,000 acres of the East Gobi desert being protected from the world’s insatiable appetite for metal minerals.

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