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The Longevity Hot Spots That Weren’t

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Wednesday, November 27, 2024

In 1999, a Belgian demographer, Michel Poulain, heard about an Italian island where people lived to be 100 and older while remaining mentally and physically active. Intrigued, Poulain visited Sardinia, where he validated people’s ages according to their birth records. Using a blue pen as he crossed the island, he marked on a map the spots where he found the oldest villagers. “From that time, it is called the blue zone,” he explained to me over the phone in June.Four years after his first trip, Poulain published an academic paper on “blue zones,” as these sites became known, in the journal Experimental Gerontology. In the paper, he speculated about the factors that led to such long lives. Was it low levels of immigration plus high levels of inbreeding? More men than women lived longer; perhaps there was an environmental influence? Shortly after publication, Poulain got a call from Dan Buettner, a long-distance cyclist and National Geographic explorer. Buettner was chasing his own longevity hot spot—a city in Okinawa, Japan, where, he’d heard, people also lived to be very old. Buettner hoped to incorporate Poulain’s work and write about both locations; his National Geographic article on the blue zones ran in 2005.In subsequent articles, books, a TED talk, and eventually a hit Netflix series, Buettner and Poulain expanded their research, naming three more blue zones in Ikaria, Greece; Nicoya, Costa Rica; and Loma Linda, California. Along the way, Buettner, who has a gravelly voice and an easy charisma, developed theories about what made the blue zones special. It wasn’t genetics, he suggested, but the environment. Physical movement was built into peoples’ daily routines, through their work, their commutes, and the surrounding geography. Plant-based foods dominated their diets, and they reported a sense of purpose and belonging. The conditions of their lives stood in stark contrast to those of most Americans, Buettner observed on the first episode of the Netflix show, which aired in 2023. And the consequences for the United States were grim. Life expectancy here was notably declining when compared to peer countries. In 2023, it dropped to 76.4 years, the shortest it had been in almost 20 years.It probably isn’t a coincidence that, as life expectancy diminishes, we have grown fixated on living longer. Longevity has lately emerged as a wellness trend, if you can call it that, given how long humans have lusted after some version of a fountain of youth. In the first recorded story, the Epic of Gilgamesh, a king desperately searches for the secret to everlasting life. But there is undeniably a renewed focus in medicine on uncovering the secrets of long life. Billionaire Peter Thiel, a co-founder of PayPal, has spent millions on anti-aging research, and Google maintains a secretive life science company, Calico, to research the biology of aging. On TikTok and X, longevity gurus and influencers suggest that we can combine lifestyle interventions with biomedical advancements to keep our bodies going—and going, and going.Buettner didn’t want to confine his and Poulain’s discoveries to written stories that might, at best, be recycled as fables. He wanted to effect real change in a world he saw becoming sicker around him. In 2009, he got a million-dollar grant from the AARP to see whether blue zones could be made, not just found. Buettner selected Albert Lea, Minnesota, near his home in Minneapolis, as the test city for a for-profit company he called the Blue Zones Project. “If you try to convince people to change their behavior, you fail,” he told me. “The whole idea was to change their environment so you’re setting them up for success instead of failure.” In the 15 years since it was established, the company, which Buettner eventually sold to the health care system Adventist Health, has enlisted more than 70 communities and more than four million people in the United States to participate.But there are a few problems. The Blue Zones Project markets itself as a public health program, but it doesn’t measure its outcomes as rigorously as comparable initiatives run by academic institutions, so it’s hard to tell how effective it is. It’s also expensive. Largely for cost-related reasons, many of the participating towns and cities gave up their certifications as Blue Zones communities. And as the company grapples with how to help people live longer, healthier lives, the original blue zones are facing their own identity crisis. The data that shows concentrated populations of centenarians, some critics now allege, is flawed. Can you turn a U.S. city into a blue zone if the zones don’t exist in the first place?In early June, I walked on the five-mile path that wraps around Fountain Lake in the center of Albert Lea. This was no ordinary sidewalk, but a “Blue Zones Walkway,” constructed as part of the city’s certification. Cathy Malakow-sky, the current head of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project, guided me through all the changes the town had made to transform itself. Malakowsky, who grew up in Iowa and moved to Albert Lea when she was a junior in high school, has an endearing Midwestern lilt to her voice. After going to college six miles away, she came back to marry her high school boyfriend and raise her children. She’s divorced now, but committed to Albert Lea. She began as a volunteer during the pilot project, and took over as the Blue Zones Project lead about two years ago.Later that day, Malakowsky gave me a tour of downtown. To obtain certification, cities must agree that at least 20 percent of residents; 25 percent of grocery stores, locally owned restaurants, and public schools; and 50 percent of the top 20 employers will adhere to a “healthy-living plan.” For workplaces, this can include offering healthier snack options, a break room with yoga mats, or suggested routes for employees to take walk breaks during the day. Cities also receive assessments from Blue Zones consultants for how to improve the built environment. Malakowsky pointed out new crosswalks and sidewalk extensions, along with stop signs that slow traffic. As part of the project, Albert Lea added flowerpots, benches, and trash cans that double as bike racks. “We have invested millions of dollars in sidewalks and trails to make walking easier,” Malakowsky said. At the end of the initiative’s first year, the Blue Zones Project announced that residents of Albert Lea had gained an average of 2.9 years of life expectancy. The project was deemed a success.As we got into Malakowsky’s car and drove to see more of Albert Lea’s trails, she told me about the Blue Zones Project’s True Vitality Test, which asks questions about diet, lifestyle, mental health, and social and work life. When she took it, the results said she would live until she was 88, but be healthy only until 80, unless she made changes to her diet. I noticed that the Blue Zones Project is replete with catchy—and trademarked—terminology. There’s the Life Radius, the Power 9, the 12 Pillars, and Vitality surveys, all borrowing lessons from the blue zones about how to eat, be active, and spend time in community.Jargon aside, there’s no doubt that the Blue Zones Project’s suggestions are generically good: Make your cities more walkable, improve your connections to your neighbors and family, and eat healthier foods. Naomi Imatome-Yun, the executive vice president of the company, told me it was “the largest public health project in the country.” And the blue zones tap into a powerful truth: that despite how much Americans spend on health care, our overall health is only minimally related to medical care—about 10 to 20 percent, according to research on the social determinants of health. This helps explain how the United States can spend an exorbitant amount of money on individual treatments while Americans remain so sick. Countless studies show, for instance, how income influences health outcomes. A 40-year-old man in the poorest 1 percent of the U.S. population will die, on average, 14.6 years sooner than a man in the top 1 percent. For women, the gap is about 10 years. A study done in Baltimore found a 20-year disparity between a man’s lifespan in a poor neighborhood and that of a man in a wealthy area.This idea has been in medicine’s shadow since at least the nineteenth century, when Rudolf Virchow, a German doctor considered to be one of the founders of “social medicine,” wrote a report on a typhus epidemic in Prussia from 1847 to 1848, saying that instead of medical intervention, it was social conditions that needed to improve in order to treat the disease. Virchow even became skeptical of germ theory, because he thought it would distract from the social factors that caused diseases. Poverty caused illness, not invisible pathology. Virchow helped establish Berlin’s sewer system, on the theory that sanitation systems are one of the most impactful health interventions.“From all evidence, the main determinant of your healthy life expectancy is the wealth of the family you’re born to, your occupation, and your level of education,” said Paul Crawshaw, a professor in public policy at England’s Teesside University, who has been working on place-based initiatives for decades. “The million-dollar question is can you really import that from one place to another?”The answer hits the participating towns in their pocketbooks. The Blue Zones Project is a for-profit company: It costs money to bring it into your town and get branded as a Blue Zones community. Private partners will sponsor the costs of the Blue Zones Project team, event planning, or advertising. Any larger changes made, often at Blue Zones Project’s recommendation, are funded by cities themselves. Once the sponsorship money goes away, so does the certification, which requires payment to be maintained each year.“I think any new intervention that’s trying to scale and is touted as promising should put it to the test,” said Atheendar Venkataramani, a health economist, internal medicine physician, and associate professor at the Perelman School of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, who runs clinical trials on place-based initiatives. “If you’re spending money on this, you’re not spending money on something else.”After the reported success of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project in 2011, Terry Bran­stad, Iowa’s governor at the time, enlisted the company to make Iowa the healthiest state in the country. In January 2012, a competition was announced among cities in Iowa to become the next Blue Zones demonstration sites. After visiting Albert Lea, I took a five-day road trip through the communities that had participated in the program, to see what, if any, effects still lingered.I was surprised to learn that, unlike Albert Lea, which was certified in 2016 and still maintains the credential, Mason City, Marion, Muscatine, and Iowa City, all former blue zones, are no longer. Wellmark Blue Cross and Blue Shield had invested $25 million to pay for the Blue Zones certification. Once the money ran out, the Iowa cities couldn’t justify the cost, several government officials told me when I visited.The loss of certification didn’t mean that people gave up on bettering their communities. In Waterloo, Iowa, I visited All-In, a grocery store that opened in 2023. Sherman Wise, its co-owner, helped run the town’s Blue Zones Project. After the blue zones came and left Waterloo, the area around All-In was still a food desert—until Wise’s business became the first Black-owned independent grocery store in Waterloo. Wise wanted the store to be more than just a place to buy produce. It hosted an after-school program that taught children about cooking and healthy eating, and a class taught by a financial literacy coach. It collaborated with the Iowa Department of Corrections on life skills programs. Wise said that if the Blue Zones Project left a legacy, it was in the policies passed in order to reach certification. For example, schools changed their rules about the kinds of treats kids can bring in for their birthdays. Though the certification expired, those rules remain.Sue Beach, Waterloo’s other Blue Zones Project lead, said that she was very aware of the time limit. For a while, the initiative was kept alive by unpaid volunteers. “They wanted us to pay to continue to have the blue zone certification, but we really couldn’t do that,” she explained. In Marion, City Council member Sara Mentzer, the former lead for Marion’s Blue Zones Project, told me something similar. “The licensing was more than could be sustained,” she said. Mentzer now runs a different health initiative called Be Well Marion, which consists of programs supporting healthy eating, activity, and community involvement that are not dissimilar from the Blue Zones Project.In Mason City, officials told me that the city had recently spent $18 million developing a huge bike park and mountain biking trails. The town, home to two Frank Lloyd Wright buildings and the inspiration for The Music Man, didn’t need the Blue Zones Project to direct residents to do this; it’s what they wanted. Before leaving, I walked through an outsider-art sculpture park called Rancho Deluxe, which displayed a graffitied Blue Zones sign from the campaign hanging upside down.Brevard, North Carolina, launched a Blue Zones Project, but the city didn’t maintain the certification. A local reporter, Dan Dewitt, wrote that the City Council clashed with the company because it had been “pushing these initiatives for years” while “the real work was done by city staffers and consultants.” Nevertheless, the city still had to pay for the Blue Zones Project. In Phoenix, several community groups published a letter saying they didn’t want or need the Blue Zones Project, since it would take funding away from preexisting initiatives. “Projects like these often overshadow and push out cultural solutions that are already in place,” members wrote.The letter expressed a legitimate worry: that there might not be enough resources to fund the Blue Zones Project and similar projects already in the works. In August, the All-In grocery closed—first temporarily, then permanently. Other local stores had also recently shut down, The Gazette, a newspaper in Cedar Rapids, reported, and many people were now resorting to dollar stores to buy food.The blue zones have been used as a marketing tool for real estate development. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that is adorned with the Blue Zones brand.The Blue Zones Project describes itself as funded through private-public partnerships, but, as I learned in Iowa and Albert Lea, infrastructure changes are paid for by city funds, and governments have to approve any changes to policy. The fee pays for the advice from the Blue Zones Project, but also the branding. Earlier this year, The New York Times reported that the blue zones were being used as a “marketing tool” for a real estate development in Ave Maria, a town in Florida. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that also is adorned with the Blue Zones brand. A website that tracks realty trends reported that blue zone communities “are experiencing high demand, prompting numerous real estate companies to seek opportunities within them.”Despite asking city officials and the Blue Zones Project directly, over and over, how much the certification costs, I was never told a straight figure. “The costs vary widely depending on population size, length of the project, sectors we will be working in,” Imatome-Yun said in an email. Because of the nature of the private-public partnerships, it’s not information that’s accessible through freedom of information requests. “I’m not supposed to talk about our financial agreement with Blue Zones,” Malakowsky said when I asked her.This September, the Annals of Improbable Research magazine gave Saul Newman, a demographer at the Oxford Institute of Population Ageing, an Ig Nobel Prize in Demography for a 2024 paper on errors in centenarian age records. The sardonic awards are for research that “makes people laugh, and then think.” Their intended humor notwithstanding, the awards are well-respected.When I talked to Newman, it was before he won the prize, and he sounded exasperated. He had previously shown that other research on extreme age could be explained by a mistake in rounding numbers, he told me. When the mistake was corrected, evidence of remarkably long lives vanished. The research he criticized hasn’t been corrected or retracted. In his paper on the blue zones, Newman demonstrated that the factors predicting high ages in regions around the world consist of a lack of birth certificates, high poverty levels, and fewer 90-year-olds. This implies, he said, that shoddy paperwork and pension fraud—for instance, people saying elderly relatives are still alive in order to collect their welfare checks—are better explanations for blue zones than anything else. The high poverty rates in the blue zones may provide the motivation for such fraud.In Italy, recorded supercentenarians are more likely if a province has higher unemployment rates. People who are born in the Sardinian provinces Ogliastra and Medio Campidano are the least likely and second-least likely to survive from birth to age 55, Newman wrote, and according to Eurostat the Sardinian province of Olbia-Tempio has the eighth-fewest individuals alive over the age of 90—“yet somehow also ranked as the best province for survival to ages 100, 105, and 110.”When Newman looked at data from Japan’s statistics bureau, he didn’t find evidence that people who lived in Okinawa were healthier than those in the rest of the country. In fact, the island has high levels of obesity and alcohol consumption compared to other prefectures in Japan. It has the lowest per capita intake of sweet potatoes, a food profiled in the Blue Zones Netflix show as particularly healthy, and high meat consumption. Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones argued that people in Okinawa had strong “ikigai,” or sense of purpose, but Newman pointed out that Okinawans have the fourth-highest suicide rate in Japan for those over 65. The Power 9—Buettner’s top lifestyle prescriptions, inspired by the blue zones— “are directly contradicted in every single case,” Newman wrote, “usually through population-representative surveys of hundreds of thousands of people, with levels of inaccuracy that border on farce.”Some of Buettner’s collaborators issued a response to Newman’s research, arguing that “the ages of individuals in the officially recognized blue zones have been thoroughly validated, and their exceptional longevity is well-documented” through sources like civil databases and church archives. In a letter published on its website, the Blue Zones Project said that it doesn’t claim that blue zones hold more supercentenarians, but simply that they are healthy places with high life expectancies. The poverty that Newman alluded to, the letter explained, aided people living in the zones to avoid modernization and the Western diet. In Okinawa, it’s young people who “eat and drink too much” and have unhealthy lifestyles, which skewed the overall data. The letter pointed out that Newman’s paper was not peer-reviewed and had not been published in a journal.Beyond dubious demographic statistics, the other question hanging over the blue zones is how stable they are. At the end of 2023, a paper in the journal Demographic Research suggested that the blue zone in Costa Rica wasn’t so blue anymore. Using a new nationwide survey of 550,000 adults alive between 1990 and 2020, it found that those born before 1930 were living longer than expected, but not those born after. “Hotspots of extreme longevity are probably transient,” the paper concluded.Unsurprisingly, given what he sees as flawed research, Newman is skeptical about designing public health programs based on the blue zones. “You have someone with no medical expertise, no scientific expertise, and they are telling large sections of the population what to do, and they very easily get it very wrong,” he said to me about Buettner and the Blue Zones Project. “It might be nice to go and sit around the pot with grandma and then tell tales of the old time, but that’s not science.”And yet, in the midst of a culture that’s so focused on expensive supplements and individual health, it can be refreshing to encounter an accessible longevity philosophy that’s dedicated to making daily life healthier for everyone. Not through grueling exercise, fasting, or powdered greens, but through walking, eating delicious foods, and being surrounded by friends and family until old age. Perhaps the true virtue of the blue zones lies in how easily they lend themselves to marketing. In 1952, the psychologist G.D. Wiebe posed the question, after seeing the rise of advertising, “Why can’t you sell brotherhood and rational thinking like you sell soap?” The Blue Zones Project sells one version of a healthy lifestyle, and it can motivate coordination around policies and inspire the community to buy in. Is that such a bad thing?For his part, Poulain feels uncomfortable with how blue zones were commercialized as the idea was popularized, and he did not sign the letter that Buettner’s other collaborators wrote. He pointed out that the research he’s done doesn’t get at why people in the blue zones live a long time—just that they do—but he disputed Newman’s claims, saying that he personally validated centenarians himself.Poulain and I talked four days before his seventy-seventh birthday. He incorporates blue zone principles into his own life, he explained: He prioritizes eating fruits and vegetables, rides his bike as much as he can, and says hello to others while out hiking. After we spoke, he emailed me a photo of himself, with a shock of white hair and a fluffy white beard, laughing and embracing a centenarian in Galicia, Spain, where he is in the process of certifying a new blue zone.Poulain and Buettner don’t speak any more. Poulain criticized Buettner for profiting off trademarks, and his company for not funding research into the factors that lead to longevity in the blue zones, all while pursuing commercial projects such as the Blue Zones–branded frozen meals that can be found in Whole Foods. Poulain worries that he may never discover what makes the original blue zones such healthy places to live—indeed, that the success of the brand is a danger to the blue zones themselves. “I had a researcher just today who in Ikaria cannot access centenarians because there were so many tourists arriving,” he said. “All because this is the island where you forget to die.”Is the Blue Zones Project a genuinely innovative program, or a trendy—and expensive—marketing ploy inspired by sound principles but uncertain data? The answer relies a lot on whether it works. In 2023, Dan Dewitt, the reporter from Brevard, compared statistics on Freeborn County—where Albert Lea is—from the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute’s rankings of counties’ public health to analysis from the Blue Zones Project itself. The institute showed that Freeborn County had improved its statewide health ranking between 2011 and 2018, but in 2022, that improvement slowed down. The rate of smoking increased, and that year the county had a 35 percent obesity rate—higher than the state’s, and higher than in 2011. The number of physically inactive adults was around 27 percent. In 2023, Freeborn County was rated 51 out of 87 counties in Minnesota.It also seems possible that any positive change the Blue Zones Project touts might have happened without the company’s involvement. The company considers the Beach Cities of California—Hermosa Beach, Manhattan Beach, and Redondo Beach—to be among its success stories; in these communities, it says, the program reduced smoking and childhood obesity, and constructed miles of bike and walking paths along the beaches. But if the towns had the money to participate in the program, Venkataramani said, they might have had the resources to achieve those same outcomes on their own.Most damningly, the evidence that the Blue Zones Project uses to illustrate its effectiveness is weak. The company assesses its communities through surveying from Gallup, the polling organization. In 2007, Gallup entered a partnership with Healthways, a health services company, to measure well-being at a national scale. When Healthways partnered with Blue Zones in 2009, it gave Gallup the job of evaluating Blue Zones Project communities. But the life expectancy improvement measurements from the Blue Zones Project come from the Blue Zones team, not from Gallup, said Dan Witters, a Gallup consultant and analyst. Witters confirmed that its surveys are not longitudinal samples, meaning compared over time, but rather successive random samples. Gallup evaluates people on 20 evidence-based metrics to see whether a community is improving compared to itself, and how that improvement compares to national surveys. There are no official control cities, though Gallup will compare a Blue Zones Project community to another city on which it has wellness data. Gallup isn’t, however, able to check whether those cities also have wellness programs of their own. The Build Healthy Places Network, an organization that keeps track of similar initiatives ongoing around the country, and what measurable impact they have, doesn’t list the Blue Zones Project in its database.“The question is, what are they telling us that a public health expert wouldn’t know?” Newman said. “Do I need someone to tell me that exercise is good for me? What benefit are these very expensive programs actually conveying?”As it stands, the Blue Zones Project’s approach to evaluation doesn’t pass the smell test for Venkataramani, the doctor and health economist. “The least valid design to make a causal inference is one where you’re kind of comparing yourself to yourself, but not anyone else,” he said, “using some sort of bespoke tool that may or may not be validated.” The Blue Zones Project’s Imatome-Yun didn’t respond to a request for comment on the company’s evaluation methods.Based on Gallup’s surveys, Witters argued, well-being does improve after blue zones are established, but he offered an interesting caveat: People with already high levels of well-being are more likely to know about the initiative, and those who both know about it and participate are those who show the biggest improvements. Crawshaw has seen this before, and it raises a troubling possibility. “A lot of health promotion initiatives that are not carefully designed to avoid this problem,” agreed Steven Woolf, director emeritus of the Center on Society and Health at Virginia Commonwealth University, “end up benefiting an advantaged population and creating an even bigger gap in health outcomes than existed to begin with.”Later in June, I moderated a panel at the Aspen Ideas: Health conference, where, as it happened, Dan Buettner was also speaking. After his conversation with Dean Ornish, a lifestyle medicine researcher, a crowd of people surrounded Buettner for 25 minutes before he broke off to sit with me on a bench on the Aspen Institute’s grounds. “We’re very Hippocratic in our approach,” Buettner told me. “None of our interventions would hurt anybody.” He added that a lot of the recommendations of the Blue Zones Project have been arrived at through trial and error. When I mentioned I had gone to Iowa, he shook his head, and said that, while he saluted the state’s efforts, the company had not been funded there for long enough to make the initiatives stick.I asked him about the importance of other social determinants when it came to health, like education or income inequality, and he said he had just returned from Scandinavia, where he was researching his next book. There, “everybody has access to health care, there’s better education, there’s better distribution of income,” he said. “I’m all for that. Tell me how you’re gonna do that in America. Good luck.”Buettner is a captivating public speaker. On the one hand, he captures the paradoxical simplicity and mystery of what it means to be well. On the other, he reminds us of concrete, achievable steps we can take for our health, such as eating more beans. When a woman approached him for a selfie, saying her daughter was a fan, he told her to record a video, and shot a face-to-cam message. I remembered how, in Albert Lea, Buettner’s footprints and signature were pressed into the wet cement of the Blue Zones Walkway—like Grauman’s Chinese Theatre.Instead of lamenting what we can’t do, Buettner wanted to focus on what can be done: “We can go into a city, and we can analyze it and can make it more walkable and bikeable.” The other lesson he said he’d learned from the Blue Zones Project is that he doesn’t get involved in “political squabbles.” Austin, Texas, for instance, isn’t a blue zone because the city wanted the initiative to focus on Black neighborhoods. “I said I can’t do that,” Buettner told me—not because he didn’t want to, but because he didn’t know how. “This is a populationwide intervention, or we’re not coming. We’re not favoring Blacks or gay people or rich people or poor people.”Because Buettner sold the company to Adventist Health, he said he couldn’t speak to its current practices. “I don’t know exactly how it’s being operated,” he said. “I’m told that they use my blueprint, but so much is in the execution.” He agreed that there’s pressure to default to personal lifestyle changes, such as exercise programs and Zumba and diets. “When I managed things, I tried to keep our budgets focused on permanent or semipermanent changes to the environment,” he said. He had made the company for-profit, he explained, because he believed it would be more impactful that way: “The moment anybody can access a brand for free, it gets slapped on junk food.”Buettner is very skilled at presenting the blue zones, and the brand, in an appealing way. In January 2012, Eric Carter, a Macalester College professor and health geographer, was teaching at Grinnell College when the Blue Zones Project arrived in Iowa. “Buettner had a real gift for taking epidemiological and demographic research and translating it into terms that people could use to maybe potentially make changes in their own lives,” Carter said to me in his office in St. Paul. “Maybe the blue zones aren’t meant to be the panacea for our public health problems. Maybe it is just something that’s just for the wellness space.”Whether for the “wellness space” or not, the impulse to look to older times or other places for better ways of living is reminiscent of a phenomenon described in a 1981 article in Nutrition Today by William Jarvis, a prominent nutritionist: the “myth of the healthy savage,” or the desire to romanticize remote parts of the world for their supposed longevity. The Hunza people, an indigenous community in the Himalayas, were touted as a bastion of health long before the blue zones. In a 1964 book called Hunza Health Secrets, the author, Renee Taylor, wrote that the people who lived in the region, which is in Pakistan, had “no cancer, no heart attacks, and practically no other disease to cut down men and women in the prime of life.” Men between 125 and 145 years old allegedly played volleyball. But the fantasy of the healthy savage usually turns out to be just that: a fantasy. For Hunza, incomplete birth and death rates and inaccurate measurements of disease explained the seeming lack of illness there. When a team of Japanese scientists went to Hunza in 1955, they found high rates of cancer and heart disease after examining 277 people. “We had to teach them how to cure disease, instead of learning how to be free from diseases,” the scientists concluded.Earlier this year, in May, I went to Sardinia for a weekend, taking a Ryanair flight from London. I drove inland, away from the touristy coastal hotels, to the Blue Zones area, a town called Seulo. Eventually, I passed a Blue Zones–branded sign informing me I was entering a “centenarians village.”Turning into Seulo, I felt the gravitational pull of a health intervention that was simpler. The myth of the blue zone isn’t a rejection of modernity per se, but of the material and social conditions of our time making us so sick, a promise to return to something more nurturing, something that exists underneath. Throughout Seulo, photos of elderly people hung on stone walls; the streets were empty. I saw hardly anyone, much less anyone older. I tried to eat lunch, but the only restaurant open was a delicatessen serving only sausage, and I don’t eat meat. In a café, my boyfriend ordered a coffee while I watched the other lone customer play a slot-machine game. As we drove out of town on a windy road, I ate a protein bar from my purse. We passed a sign, and I typed the words into Google Translate on my phone. “La Comunità più longeva al mondo”: the longest-lived community in the world.

In 1999, a Belgian demographer, Michel Poulain, heard about an Italian island where people lived to be 100 and older while remaining mentally and physically active. Intrigued, Poulain visited Sardinia, where he validated people’s ages according to their birth records. Using a blue pen as he crossed the island, he marked on a map the spots where he found the oldest villagers. “From that time, it is called the blue zone,” he explained to me over the phone in June.Four years after his first trip, Poulain published an academic paper on “blue zones,” as these sites became known, in the journal Experimental Gerontology. In the paper, he speculated about the factors that led to such long lives. Was it low levels of immigration plus high levels of inbreeding? More men than women lived longer; perhaps there was an environmental influence? Shortly after publication, Poulain got a call from Dan Buettner, a long-distance cyclist and National Geographic explorer. Buettner was chasing his own longevity hot spot—a city in Okinawa, Japan, where, he’d heard, people also lived to be very old. Buettner hoped to incorporate Poulain’s work and write about both locations; his National Geographic article on the blue zones ran in 2005.In subsequent articles, books, a TED talk, and eventually a hit Netflix series, Buettner and Poulain expanded their research, naming three more blue zones in Ikaria, Greece; Nicoya, Costa Rica; and Loma Linda, California. Along the way, Buettner, who has a gravelly voice and an easy charisma, developed theories about what made the blue zones special. It wasn’t genetics, he suggested, but the environment. Physical movement was built into peoples’ daily routines, through their work, their commutes, and the surrounding geography. Plant-based foods dominated their diets, and they reported a sense of purpose and belonging. The conditions of their lives stood in stark contrast to those of most Americans, Buettner observed on the first episode of the Netflix show, which aired in 2023. And the consequences for the United States were grim. Life expectancy here was notably declining when compared to peer countries. In 2023, it dropped to 76.4 years, the shortest it had been in almost 20 years.It probably isn’t a coincidence that, as life expectancy diminishes, we have grown fixated on living longer. Longevity has lately emerged as a wellness trend, if you can call it that, given how long humans have lusted after some version of a fountain of youth. In the first recorded story, the Epic of Gilgamesh, a king desperately searches for the secret to everlasting life. But there is undeniably a renewed focus in medicine on uncovering the secrets of long life. Billionaire Peter Thiel, a co-founder of PayPal, has spent millions on anti-aging research, and Google maintains a secretive life science company, Calico, to research the biology of aging. On TikTok and X, longevity gurus and influencers suggest that we can combine lifestyle interventions with biomedical advancements to keep our bodies going—and going, and going.Buettner didn’t want to confine his and Poulain’s discoveries to written stories that might, at best, be recycled as fables. He wanted to effect real change in a world he saw becoming sicker around him. In 2009, he got a million-dollar grant from the AARP to see whether blue zones could be made, not just found. Buettner selected Albert Lea, Minnesota, near his home in Minneapolis, as the test city for a for-profit company he called the Blue Zones Project. “If you try to convince people to change their behavior, you fail,” he told me. “The whole idea was to change their environment so you’re setting them up for success instead of failure.” In the 15 years since it was established, the company, which Buettner eventually sold to the health care system Adventist Health, has enlisted more than 70 communities and more than four million people in the United States to participate.But there are a few problems. The Blue Zones Project markets itself as a public health program, but it doesn’t measure its outcomes as rigorously as comparable initiatives run by academic institutions, so it’s hard to tell how effective it is. It’s also expensive. Largely for cost-related reasons, many of the participating towns and cities gave up their certifications as Blue Zones communities. And as the company grapples with how to help people live longer, healthier lives, the original blue zones are facing their own identity crisis. The data that shows concentrated populations of centenarians, some critics now allege, is flawed. Can you turn a U.S. city into a blue zone if the zones don’t exist in the first place?In early June, I walked on the five-mile path that wraps around Fountain Lake in the center of Albert Lea. This was no ordinary sidewalk, but a “Blue Zones Walkway,” constructed as part of the city’s certification. Cathy Malakow-sky, the current head of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project, guided me through all the changes the town had made to transform itself. Malakowsky, who grew up in Iowa and moved to Albert Lea when she was a junior in high school, has an endearing Midwestern lilt to her voice. After going to college six miles away, she came back to marry her high school boyfriend and raise her children. She’s divorced now, but committed to Albert Lea. She began as a volunteer during the pilot project, and took over as the Blue Zones Project lead about two years ago.Later that day, Malakowsky gave me a tour of downtown. To obtain certification, cities must agree that at least 20 percent of residents; 25 percent of grocery stores, locally owned restaurants, and public schools; and 50 percent of the top 20 employers will adhere to a “healthy-living plan.” For workplaces, this can include offering healthier snack options, a break room with yoga mats, or suggested routes for employees to take walk breaks during the day. Cities also receive assessments from Blue Zones consultants for how to improve the built environment. Malakowsky pointed out new crosswalks and sidewalk extensions, along with stop signs that slow traffic. As part of the project, Albert Lea added flowerpots, benches, and trash cans that double as bike racks. “We have invested millions of dollars in sidewalks and trails to make walking easier,” Malakowsky said. At the end of the initiative’s first year, the Blue Zones Project announced that residents of Albert Lea had gained an average of 2.9 years of life expectancy. The project was deemed a success.As we got into Malakowsky’s car and drove to see more of Albert Lea’s trails, she told me about the Blue Zones Project’s True Vitality Test, which asks questions about diet, lifestyle, mental health, and social and work life. When she took it, the results said she would live until she was 88, but be healthy only until 80, unless she made changes to her diet. I noticed that the Blue Zones Project is replete with catchy—and trademarked—terminology. There’s the Life Radius, the Power 9, the 12 Pillars, and Vitality surveys, all borrowing lessons from the blue zones about how to eat, be active, and spend time in community.Jargon aside, there’s no doubt that the Blue Zones Project’s suggestions are generically good: Make your cities more walkable, improve your connections to your neighbors and family, and eat healthier foods. Naomi Imatome-Yun, the executive vice president of the company, told me it was “the largest public health project in the country.” And the blue zones tap into a powerful truth: that despite how much Americans spend on health care, our overall health is only minimally related to medical care—about 10 to 20 percent, according to research on the social determinants of health. This helps explain how the United States can spend an exorbitant amount of money on individual treatments while Americans remain so sick. Countless studies show, for instance, how income influences health outcomes. A 40-year-old man in the poorest 1 percent of the U.S. population will die, on average, 14.6 years sooner than a man in the top 1 percent. For women, the gap is about 10 years. A study done in Baltimore found a 20-year disparity between a man’s lifespan in a poor neighborhood and that of a man in a wealthy area.This idea has been in medicine’s shadow since at least the nineteenth century, when Rudolf Virchow, a German doctor considered to be one of the founders of “social medicine,” wrote a report on a typhus epidemic in Prussia from 1847 to 1848, saying that instead of medical intervention, it was social conditions that needed to improve in order to treat the disease. Virchow even became skeptical of germ theory, because he thought it would distract from the social factors that caused diseases. Poverty caused illness, not invisible pathology. Virchow helped establish Berlin’s sewer system, on the theory that sanitation systems are one of the most impactful health interventions.“From all evidence, the main determinant of your healthy life expectancy is the wealth of the family you’re born to, your occupation, and your level of education,” said Paul Crawshaw, a professor in public policy at England’s Teesside University, who has been working on place-based initiatives for decades. “The million-dollar question is can you really import that from one place to another?”The answer hits the participating towns in their pocketbooks. The Blue Zones Project is a for-profit company: It costs money to bring it into your town and get branded as a Blue Zones community. Private partners will sponsor the costs of the Blue Zones Project team, event planning, or advertising. Any larger changes made, often at Blue Zones Project’s recommendation, are funded by cities themselves. Once the sponsorship money goes away, so does the certification, which requires payment to be maintained each year.“I think any new intervention that’s trying to scale and is touted as promising should put it to the test,” said Atheendar Venkataramani, a health economist, internal medicine physician, and associate professor at the Perelman School of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, who runs clinical trials on place-based initiatives. “If you’re spending money on this, you’re not spending money on something else.”After the reported success of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project in 2011, Terry Bran­stad, Iowa’s governor at the time, enlisted the company to make Iowa the healthiest state in the country. In January 2012, a competition was announced among cities in Iowa to become the next Blue Zones demonstration sites. After visiting Albert Lea, I took a five-day road trip through the communities that had participated in the program, to see what, if any, effects still lingered.I was surprised to learn that, unlike Albert Lea, which was certified in 2016 and still maintains the credential, Mason City, Marion, Muscatine, and Iowa City, all former blue zones, are no longer. Wellmark Blue Cross and Blue Shield had invested $25 million to pay for the Blue Zones certification. Once the money ran out, the Iowa cities couldn’t justify the cost, several government officials told me when I visited.The loss of certification didn’t mean that people gave up on bettering their communities. In Waterloo, Iowa, I visited All-In, a grocery store that opened in 2023. Sherman Wise, its co-owner, helped run the town’s Blue Zones Project. After the blue zones came and left Waterloo, the area around All-In was still a food desert—until Wise’s business became the first Black-owned independent grocery store in Waterloo. Wise wanted the store to be more than just a place to buy produce. It hosted an after-school program that taught children about cooking and healthy eating, and a class taught by a financial literacy coach. It collaborated with the Iowa Department of Corrections on life skills programs. Wise said that if the Blue Zones Project left a legacy, it was in the policies passed in order to reach certification. For example, schools changed their rules about the kinds of treats kids can bring in for their birthdays. Though the certification expired, those rules remain.Sue Beach, Waterloo’s other Blue Zones Project lead, said that she was very aware of the time limit. For a while, the initiative was kept alive by unpaid volunteers. “They wanted us to pay to continue to have the blue zone certification, but we really couldn’t do that,” she explained. In Marion, City Council member Sara Mentzer, the former lead for Marion’s Blue Zones Project, told me something similar. “The licensing was more than could be sustained,” she said. Mentzer now runs a different health initiative called Be Well Marion, which consists of programs supporting healthy eating, activity, and community involvement that are not dissimilar from the Blue Zones Project.In Mason City, officials told me that the city had recently spent $18 million developing a huge bike park and mountain biking trails. The town, home to two Frank Lloyd Wright buildings and the inspiration for The Music Man, didn’t need the Blue Zones Project to direct residents to do this; it’s what they wanted. Before leaving, I walked through an outsider-art sculpture park called Rancho Deluxe, which displayed a graffitied Blue Zones sign from the campaign hanging upside down.Brevard, North Carolina, launched a Blue Zones Project, but the city didn’t maintain the certification. A local reporter, Dan Dewitt, wrote that the City Council clashed with the company because it had been “pushing these initiatives for years” while “the real work was done by city staffers and consultants.” Nevertheless, the city still had to pay for the Blue Zones Project. In Phoenix, several community groups published a letter saying they didn’t want or need the Blue Zones Project, since it would take funding away from preexisting initiatives. “Projects like these often overshadow and push out cultural solutions that are already in place,” members wrote.The letter expressed a legitimate worry: that there might not be enough resources to fund the Blue Zones Project and similar projects already in the works. In August, the All-In grocery closed—first temporarily, then permanently. Other local stores had also recently shut down, The Gazette, a newspaper in Cedar Rapids, reported, and many people were now resorting to dollar stores to buy food.The blue zones have been used as a marketing tool for real estate development. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that is adorned with the Blue Zones brand.The Blue Zones Project describes itself as funded through private-public partnerships, but, as I learned in Iowa and Albert Lea, infrastructure changes are paid for by city funds, and governments have to approve any changes to policy. The fee pays for the advice from the Blue Zones Project, but also the branding. Earlier this year, The New York Times reported that the blue zones were being used as a “marketing tool” for a real estate development in Ave Maria, a town in Florida. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that also is adorned with the Blue Zones brand. A website that tracks realty trends reported that blue zone communities “are experiencing high demand, prompting numerous real estate companies to seek opportunities within them.”Despite asking city officials and the Blue Zones Project directly, over and over, how much the certification costs, I was never told a straight figure. “The costs vary widely depending on population size, length of the project, sectors we will be working in,” Imatome-Yun said in an email. Because of the nature of the private-public partnerships, it’s not information that’s accessible through freedom of information requests. “I’m not supposed to talk about our financial agreement with Blue Zones,” Malakowsky said when I asked her.This September, the Annals of Improbable Research magazine gave Saul Newman, a demographer at the Oxford Institute of Population Ageing, an Ig Nobel Prize in Demography for a 2024 paper on errors in centenarian age records. The sardonic awards are for research that “makes people laugh, and then think.” Their intended humor notwithstanding, the awards are well-respected.When I talked to Newman, it was before he won the prize, and he sounded exasperated. He had previously shown that other research on extreme age could be explained by a mistake in rounding numbers, he told me. When the mistake was corrected, evidence of remarkably long lives vanished. The research he criticized hasn’t been corrected or retracted. In his paper on the blue zones, Newman demonstrated that the factors predicting high ages in regions around the world consist of a lack of birth certificates, high poverty levels, and fewer 90-year-olds. This implies, he said, that shoddy paperwork and pension fraud—for instance, people saying elderly relatives are still alive in order to collect their welfare checks—are better explanations for blue zones than anything else. The high poverty rates in the blue zones may provide the motivation for such fraud.In Italy, recorded supercentenarians are more likely if a province has higher unemployment rates. People who are born in the Sardinian provinces Ogliastra and Medio Campidano are the least likely and second-least likely to survive from birth to age 55, Newman wrote, and according to Eurostat the Sardinian province of Olbia-Tempio has the eighth-fewest individuals alive over the age of 90—“yet somehow also ranked as the best province for survival to ages 100, 105, and 110.”When Newman looked at data from Japan’s statistics bureau, he didn’t find evidence that people who lived in Okinawa were healthier than those in the rest of the country. In fact, the island has high levels of obesity and alcohol consumption compared to other prefectures in Japan. It has the lowest per capita intake of sweet potatoes, a food profiled in the Blue Zones Netflix show as particularly healthy, and high meat consumption. Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones argued that people in Okinawa had strong “ikigai,” or sense of purpose, but Newman pointed out that Okinawans have the fourth-highest suicide rate in Japan for those over 65. The Power 9—Buettner’s top lifestyle prescriptions, inspired by the blue zones— “are directly contradicted in every single case,” Newman wrote, “usually through population-representative surveys of hundreds of thousands of people, with levels of inaccuracy that border on farce.”Some of Buettner’s collaborators issued a response to Newman’s research, arguing that “the ages of individuals in the officially recognized blue zones have been thoroughly validated, and their exceptional longevity is well-documented” through sources like civil databases and church archives. In a letter published on its website, the Blue Zones Project said that it doesn’t claim that blue zones hold more supercentenarians, but simply that they are healthy places with high life expectancies. The poverty that Newman alluded to, the letter explained, aided people living in the zones to avoid modernization and the Western diet. In Okinawa, it’s young people who “eat and drink too much” and have unhealthy lifestyles, which skewed the overall data. The letter pointed out that Newman’s paper was not peer-reviewed and had not been published in a journal.Beyond dubious demographic statistics, the other question hanging over the blue zones is how stable they are. At the end of 2023, a paper in the journal Demographic Research suggested that the blue zone in Costa Rica wasn’t so blue anymore. Using a new nationwide survey of 550,000 adults alive between 1990 and 2020, it found that those born before 1930 were living longer than expected, but not those born after. “Hotspots of extreme longevity are probably transient,” the paper concluded.Unsurprisingly, given what he sees as flawed research, Newman is skeptical about designing public health programs based on the blue zones. “You have someone with no medical expertise, no scientific expertise, and they are telling large sections of the population what to do, and they very easily get it very wrong,” he said to me about Buettner and the Blue Zones Project. “It might be nice to go and sit around the pot with grandma and then tell tales of the old time, but that’s not science.”And yet, in the midst of a culture that’s so focused on expensive supplements and individual health, it can be refreshing to encounter an accessible longevity philosophy that’s dedicated to making daily life healthier for everyone. Not through grueling exercise, fasting, or powdered greens, but through walking, eating delicious foods, and being surrounded by friends and family until old age. Perhaps the true virtue of the blue zones lies in how easily they lend themselves to marketing. In 1952, the psychologist G.D. Wiebe posed the question, after seeing the rise of advertising, “Why can’t you sell brotherhood and rational thinking like you sell soap?” The Blue Zones Project sells one version of a healthy lifestyle, and it can motivate coordination around policies and inspire the community to buy in. Is that such a bad thing?For his part, Poulain feels uncomfortable with how blue zones were commercialized as the idea was popularized, and he did not sign the letter that Buettner’s other collaborators wrote. He pointed out that the research he’s done doesn’t get at why people in the blue zones live a long time—just that they do—but he disputed Newman’s claims, saying that he personally validated centenarians himself.Poulain and I talked four days before his seventy-seventh birthday. He incorporates blue zone principles into his own life, he explained: He prioritizes eating fruits and vegetables, rides his bike as much as he can, and says hello to others while out hiking. After we spoke, he emailed me a photo of himself, with a shock of white hair and a fluffy white beard, laughing and embracing a centenarian in Galicia, Spain, where he is in the process of certifying a new blue zone.Poulain and Buettner don’t speak any more. Poulain criticized Buettner for profiting off trademarks, and his company for not funding research into the factors that lead to longevity in the blue zones, all while pursuing commercial projects such as the Blue Zones–branded frozen meals that can be found in Whole Foods. Poulain worries that he may never discover what makes the original blue zones such healthy places to live—indeed, that the success of the brand is a danger to the blue zones themselves. “I had a researcher just today who in Ikaria cannot access centenarians because there were so many tourists arriving,” he said. “All because this is the island where you forget to die.”Is the Blue Zones Project a genuinely innovative program, or a trendy—and expensive—marketing ploy inspired by sound principles but uncertain data? The answer relies a lot on whether it works. In 2023, Dan Dewitt, the reporter from Brevard, compared statistics on Freeborn County—where Albert Lea is—from the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute’s rankings of counties’ public health to analysis from the Blue Zones Project itself. The institute showed that Freeborn County had improved its statewide health ranking between 2011 and 2018, but in 2022, that improvement slowed down. The rate of smoking increased, and that year the county had a 35 percent obesity rate—higher than the state’s, and higher than in 2011. The number of physically inactive adults was around 27 percent. In 2023, Freeborn County was rated 51 out of 87 counties in Minnesota.It also seems possible that any positive change the Blue Zones Project touts might have happened without the company’s involvement. The company considers the Beach Cities of California—Hermosa Beach, Manhattan Beach, and Redondo Beach—to be among its success stories; in these communities, it says, the program reduced smoking and childhood obesity, and constructed miles of bike and walking paths along the beaches. But if the towns had the money to participate in the program, Venkataramani said, they might have had the resources to achieve those same outcomes on their own.Most damningly, the evidence that the Blue Zones Project uses to illustrate its effectiveness is weak. The company assesses its communities through surveying from Gallup, the polling organization. In 2007, Gallup entered a partnership with Healthways, a health services company, to measure well-being at a national scale. When Healthways partnered with Blue Zones in 2009, it gave Gallup the job of evaluating Blue Zones Project communities. But the life expectancy improvement measurements from the Blue Zones Project come from the Blue Zones team, not from Gallup, said Dan Witters, a Gallup consultant and analyst. Witters confirmed that its surveys are not longitudinal samples, meaning compared over time, but rather successive random samples. Gallup evaluates people on 20 evidence-based metrics to see whether a community is improving compared to itself, and how that improvement compares to national surveys. There are no official control cities, though Gallup will compare a Blue Zones Project community to another city on which it has wellness data. Gallup isn’t, however, able to check whether those cities also have wellness programs of their own. The Build Healthy Places Network, an organization that keeps track of similar initiatives ongoing around the country, and what measurable impact they have, doesn’t list the Blue Zones Project in its database.“The question is, what are they telling us that a public health expert wouldn’t know?” Newman said. “Do I need someone to tell me that exercise is good for me? What benefit are these very expensive programs actually conveying?”As it stands, the Blue Zones Project’s approach to evaluation doesn’t pass the smell test for Venkataramani, the doctor and health economist. “The least valid design to make a causal inference is one where you’re kind of comparing yourself to yourself, but not anyone else,” he said, “using some sort of bespoke tool that may or may not be validated.” The Blue Zones Project’s Imatome-Yun didn’t respond to a request for comment on the company’s evaluation methods.Based on Gallup’s surveys, Witters argued, well-being does improve after blue zones are established, but he offered an interesting caveat: People with already high levels of well-being are more likely to know about the initiative, and those who both know about it and participate are those who show the biggest improvements. Crawshaw has seen this before, and it raises a troubling possibility. “A lot of health promotion initiatives that are not carefully designed to avoid this problem,” agreed Steven Woolf, director emeritus of the Center on Society and Health at Virginia Commonwealth University, “end up benefiting an advantaged population and creating an even bigger gap in health outcomes than existed to begin with.”Later in June, I moderated a panel at the Aspen Ideas: Health conference, where, as it happened, Dan Buettner was also speaking. After his conversation with Dean Ornish, a lifestyle medicine researcher, a crowd of people surrounded Buettner for 25 minutes before he broke off to sit with me on a bench on the Aspen Institute’s grounds. “We’re very Hippocratic in our approach,” Buettner told me. “None of our interventions would hurt anybody.” He added that a lot of the recommendations of the Blue Zones Project have been arrived at through trial and error. When I mentioned I had gone to Iowa, he shook his head, and said that, while he saluted the state’s efforts, the company had not been funded there for long enough to make the initiatives stick.I asked him about the importance of other social determinants when it came to health, like education or income inequality, and he said he had just returned from Scandinavia, where he was researching his next book. There, “everybody has access to health care, there’s better education, there’s better distribution of income,” he said. “I’m all for that. Tell me how you’re gonna do that in America. Good luck.”Buettner is a captivating public speaker. On the one hand, he captures the paradoxical simplicity and mystery of what it means to be well. On the other, he reminds us of concrete, achievable steps we can take for our health, such as eating more beans. When a woman approached him for a selfie, saying her daughter was a fan, he told her to record a video, and shot a face-to-cam message. I remembered how, in Albert Lea, Buettner’s footprints and signature were pressed into the wet cement of the Blue Zones Walkway—like Grauman’s Chinese Theatre.Instead of lamenting what we can’t do, Buettner wanted to focus on what can be done: “We can go into a city, and we can analyze it and can make it more walkable and bikeable.” The other lesson he said he’d learned from the Blue Zones Project is that he doesn’t get involved in “political squabbles.” Austin, Texas, for instance, isn’t a blue zone because the city wanted the initiative to focus on Black neighborhoods. “I said I can’t do that,” Buettner told me—not because he didn’t want to, but because he didn’t know how. “This is a populationwide intervention, or we’re not coming. We’re not favoring Blacks or gay people or rich people or poor people.”Because Buettner sold the company to Adventist Health, he said he couldn’t speak to its current practices. “I don’t know exactly how it’s being operated,” he said. “I’m told that they use my blueprint, but so much is in the execution.” He agreed that there’s pressure to default to personal lifestyle changes, such as exercise programs and Zumba and diets. “When I managed things, I tried to keep our budgets focused on permanent or semipermanent changes to the environment,” he said. He had made the company for-profit, he explained, because he believed it would be more impactful that way: “The moment anybody can access a brand for free, it gets slapped on junk food.”Buettner is very skilled at presenting the blue zones, and the brand, in an appealing way. In January 2012, Eric Carter, a Macalester College professor and health geographer, was teaching at Grinnell College when the Blue Zones Project arrived in Iowa. “Buettner had a real gift for taking epidemiological and demographic research and translating it into terms that people could use to maybe potentially make changes in their own lives,” Carter said to me in his office in St. Paul. “Maybe the blue zones aren’t meant to be the panacea for our public health problems. Maybe it is just something that’s just for the wellness space.”Whether for the “wellness space” or not, the impulse to look to older times or other places for better ways of living is reminiscent of a phenomenon described in a 1981 article in Nutrition Today by William Jarvis, a prominent nutritionist: the “myth of the healthy savage,” or the desire to romanticize remote parts of the world for their supposed longevity. The Hunza people, an indigenous community in the Himalayas, were touted as a bastion of health long before the blue zones. In a 1964 book called Hunza Health Secrets, the author, Renee Taylor, wrote that the people who lived in the region, which is in Pakistan, had “no cancer, no heart attacks, and practically no other disease to cut down men and women in the prime of life.” Men between 125 and 145 years old allegedly played volleyball. But the fantasy of the healthy savage usually turns out to be just that: a fantasy. For Hunza, incomplete birth and death rates and inaccurate measurements of disease explained the seeming lack of illness there. When a team of Japanese scientists went to Hunza in 1955, they found high rates of cancer and heart disease after examining 277 people. “We had to teach them how to cure disease, instead of learning how to be free from diseases,” the scientists concluded.Earlier this year, in May, I went to Sardinia for a weekend, taking a Ryanair flight from London. I drove inland, away from the touristy coastal hotels, to the Blue Zones area, a town called Seulo. Eventually, I passed a Blue Zones–branded sign informing me I was entering a “centenarians village.”Turning into Seulo, I felt the gravitational pull of a health intervention that was simpler. The myth of the blue zone isn’t a rejection of modernity per se, but of the material and social conditions of our time making us so sick, a promise to return to something more nurturing, something that exists underneath. Throughout Seulo, photos of elderly people hung on stone walls; the streets were empty. I saw hardly anyone, much less anyone older. I tried to eat lunch, but the only restaurant open was a delicatessen serving only sausage, and I don’t eat meat. In a café, my boyfriend ordered a coffee while I watched the other lone customer play a slot-machine game. As we drove out of town on a windy road, I ate a protein bar from my purse. We passed a sign, and I typed the words into Google Translate on my phone. “La Comunità più longeva al mondo”: the longest-lived community in the world.

In 1999, a Belgian demographer, Michel Poulain, heard about an Italian island where people lived to be 100 and older while remaining mentally and physically active. Intrigued, Poulain visited Sardinia, where he validated people’s ages according to their birth records. Using a blue pen as he crossed the island, he marked on a map the spots where he found the oldest villagers. “From that time, it is called the blue zone,” he explained to me over the phone in June.

Four years after his first trip, Poulain published an academic paper on “blue zones,” as these sites became known, in the journal Experimental Gerontology. In the paper, he speculated about the factors that led to such long lives. Was it low levels of immigration plus high levels of inbreeding? More men than women lived longer; perhaps there was an environmental influence? Shortly after publication, Poulain got a call from Dan Buettner, a long-distance cyclist and National Geographic explorer. Buettner was chasing his own longevity hot spot—a city in Okinawa, Japan, where, he’d heard, people also lived to be very old. Buettner hoped to incorporate Poulain’s work and write about both locations; his National Geographic article on the blue zones ran in 2005.

In subsequent articles, books, a TED talk, and eventually a hit Netflix series, Buettner and Poulain expanded their research, naming three more blue zones in Ikaria, Greece; Nicoya, Costa Rica; and Loma Linda, California. Along the way, Buettner, who has a gravelly voice and an easy charisma, developed theories about what made the blue zones special. It wasn’t genetics, he suggested, but the environment. Physical movement was built into peoples’ daily routines, through their work, their commutes, and the surrounding geography. Plant-based foods dominated their diets, and they reported a sense of purpose and belonging. The conditions of their lives stood in stark contrast to those of most Americans, Buettner observed on the first episode of the Netflix show, which aired in 2023. And the consequences for the United States were grim. Life expectancy here was notably declining when compared to peer countries. In 2023, it dropped to 76.4 years, the shortest it had been in almost 20 years.

It probably isn’t a coincidence that, as life expectancy diminishes, we have grown fixated on living longer. Longevity has lately emerged as a wellness trend, if you can call it that, given how long humans have lusted after some version of a fountain of youth. In the first recorded story, the Epic of Gilgamesh, a king desperately searches for the secret to everlasting life. But there is undeniably a renewed focus in medicine on uncovering the secrets of long life. Billionaire Peter Thiel, a co-founder of PayPal, has spent millions on anti-aging research, and Google maintains a secretive life science company, Calico, to research the biology of aging. On TikTok and X, longevity gurus and influencers suggest that we can combine lifestyle interventions with biomedical advancements to keep our bodies going—and going, and going.

Buettner didn’t want to confine his and Poulain’s discoveries to written stories that might, at best, be recycled as fables. He wanted to effect real change in a world he saw becoming sicker around him. In 2009, he got a million-dollar grant from the AARP to see whether blue zones could be made, not just found. Buettner selected Albert Lea, Minnesota, near his home in Minneapolis, as the test city for a for-profit company he called the Blue Zones Project. “If you try to convince people to change their behavior, you fail,” he told me. “The whole idea was to change their environment so you’re setting them up for success instead of failure.” In the 15 years since it was established, the company, which Buettner eventually sold to the health care system Adventist Health, has enlisted more than 70 communities and more than four million people in the United States to participate.

But there are a few problems. The Blue Zones Project markets itself as a public health program, but it doesn’t measure its outcomes as rigorously as comparable initiatives run by academic institutions, so it’s hard to tell how effective it is. It’s also expensive. Largely for cost-related reasons, many of the participating towns and cities gave up their certifications as Blue Zones communities. And as the company grapples with how to help people live longer, healthier lives, the original blue zones are facing their own identity crisis. The data that shows concentrated populations of centenarians, some critics now allege, is flawed. Can you turn a U.S. city into a blue zone if the zones don’t exist in the first place?


In early June, I walked on the five-mile path that wraps around Fountain Lake in the center of Albert Lea. This was no ordinary sidewalk, but a “Blue Zones Walkway,” constructed as part of the city’s certification. Cathy Malakow-sky, the current head of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project, guided me through all the changes the town had made to transform itself. Malakowsky, who grew up in Iowa and moved to Albert Lea when she was a junior in high school, has an endearing Midwestern lilt to her voice. After going to college six miles away, she came back to marry her high school boyfriend and raise her children. She’s divorced now, but committed to Albert Lea. She began as a volunteer during the pilot project, and took over as the Blue Zones Project lead about two years ago.

Later that day, Malakowsky gave me a tour of downtown. To obtain certification, cities must agree that at least 20 percent of residents; 25 percent of grocery stores, locally owned restaurants, and public schools; and 50 percent of the top 20 employers will adhere to a “healthy-living plan.” For workplaces, this can include offering healthier snack options, a break room with yoga mats, or suggested routes for employees to take walk breaks during the day. Cities also receive assessments from Blue Zones consultants for how to improve the built environment. Malakowsky pointed out new crosswalks and sidewalk extensions, along with stop signs that slow traffic. As part of the project, Albert Lea added flowerpots, benches, and trash cans that double as bike racks. “We have invested millions of dollars in sidewalks and trails to make walking easier,” Malakowsky said. At the end of the initiative’s first year, the Blue Zones Project announced that residents of Albert Lea had gained an average of 2.9 years of life expectancy. The project was deemed a success.

As we got into Malakowsky’s car and drove to see more of Albert Lea’s trails, she told me about the Blue Zones Project’s True Vitality Test, which asks questions about diet, lifestyle, mental health, and social and work life. When she took it, the results said she would live until she was 88, but be healthy only until 80, unless she made changes to her diet. I noticed that the Blue Zones Project is replete with catchy—and trademarked—terminology. There’s the Life Radius, the Power 9, the 12 Pillars, and Vitality surveys, all borrowing lessons from the blue zones about how to eat, be active, and spend time in community.

Jargon aside, there’s no doubt that the Blue Zones Project’s suggestions are generically good: Make your cities more walkable, improve your connections to your neighbors and family, and eat healthier foods. Naomi Imatome-Yun, the executive vice president of the company, told me it was “the largest public health project in the country.” And the blue zones tap into a powerful truth: that despite how much Americans spend on health care, our overall health is only minimally related to medical care—about 10 to 20 percent, according to research on the social determinants of health. This helps explain how the United States can spend an exorbitant amount of money on individual treatments while Americans remain so sick. Countless studies show, for instance, how income influences health outcomes. A 40-year-old man in the poorest 1 percent of the U.S. population will die, on average, 14.6 years sooner than a man in the top 1 percent. For women, the gap is about 10 years. A study done in Baltimore found a 20-year disparity between a man’s lifespan in a poor neighborhood and that of a man in a wealthy area.

This idea has been in medicine’s shadow since at least the nineteenth century, when Rudolf Virchow, a German doctor considered to be one of the founders of “social medicine,” wrote a report on a typhus epidemic in Prussia from 1847 to 1848, saying that instead of medical intervention, it was social conditions that needed to improve in order to treat the disease. Virchow even became skeptical of germ theory, because he thought it would distract from the social factors that caused diseases. Poverty caused illness, not invisible pathology. Virchow helped establish Berlin’s sewer system, on the theory that sanitation systems are one of the most impactful health interventions.

“From all evidence, the main determinant of your healthy life expectancy is the wealth of the family you’re born to, your occupation, and your level of education,” said Paul Crawshaw, a professor in public policy at England’s Teesside University, who has been working on place-based initiatives for decades. “The million-dollar question is can you really import that from one place to another?”

The answer hits the participating towns in their pocketbooks. The Blue Zones Project is a for-profit company: It costs money to bring it into your town and get branded as a Blue Zones community. Private partners will sponsor the costs of the Blue Zones Project team, event planning, or advertising. Any larger changes made, often at Blue Zones Project’s recommendation, are funded by cities themselves. Once the sponsorship money goes away, so does the certification, which requires payment to be maintained each year.

“I think any new intervention that’s trying to scale and is touted as promising should put it to the test,” said Atheendar Venkataramani, a health economist, internal medicine physician, and associate professor at the Perelman School of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, who runs clinical trials on place-based initiatives. “If you’re spending money on this, you’re not spending money on something else.”


After the reported success of Albert Lea’s Blue Zones Project in 2011, Terry Bran­stad, Iowa’s governor at the time, enlisted the company to make Iowa the healthiest state in the country. In January 2012, a competition was announced among cities in Iowa to become the next Blue Zones demonstration sites. After visiting Albert Lea, I took a five-day road trip through the communities that had participated in the program, to see what, if any, effects still lingered.

I was surprised to learn that, unlike Albert Lea, which was certified in 2016 and still maintains the credential, Mason City, Marion, Muscatine, and Iowa City, all former blue zones, are no longer. Wellmark Blue Cross and Blue Shield had invested $25 million to pay for the Blue Zones certification. Once the money ran out, the Iowa cities couldn’t justify the cost, several government officials told me when I visited.

The loss of certification didn’t mean that people gave up on bettering their communities. In Waterloo, Iowa, I visited All-In, a grocery store that opened in 2023. Sherman Wise, its co-owner, helped run the town’s Blue Zones Project. After the blue zones came and left Waterloo, the area around All-In was still a food desert—until Wise’s business became the first Black-owned independent grocery store in Waterloo. Wise wanted the store to be more than just a place to buy produce. It hosted an after-school program that taught children about cooking and healthy eating, and a class taught by a financial literacy coach. It collaborated with the Iowa Department of Corrections on life skills programs. Wise said that if the Blue Zones Project left a legacy, it was in the policies passed in order to reach certification. For example, schools changed their rules about the kinds of treats kids can bring in for their birthdays. Though the certification expired, those rules remain.

Sue Beach, Waterloo’s other Blue Zones Project lead, said that she was very aware of the time limit. For a while, the initiative was kept alive by unpaid volunteers. “They wanted us to pay to continue to have the blue zone certification, but we really couldn’t do that,” she explained. In Marion, City Council member Sara Mentzer, the former lead for Marion’s Blue Zones Project, told me something similar. “The licensing was more than could be sustained,” she said. Mentzer now runs a different health initiative called Be Well Marion, which consists of programs supporting healthy eating, activity, and community involvement that are not dissimilar from the Blue Zones Project.

In Mason City, officials told me that the city had recently spent $18 million developing a huge bike park and mountain biking trails. The town, home to two Frank Lloyd Wright buildings and the inspiration for The Music Man, didn’t need the Blue Zones Project to direct residents to do this; it’s what they wanted. Before leaving, I walked through an outsider-art sculpture park called Rancho Deluxe, which displayed a graffitied Blue Zones sign from the campaign hanging upside down.

Brevard, North Carolina, launched a Blue Zones Project, but the city didn’t maintain the certification. A local reporter, Dan Dewitt, wrote that the City Council clashed with the company because it had been “pushing these initiatives for years” while “the real work was done by city staffers and consultants.” Nevertheless, the city still had to pay for the Blue Zones Project. In Phoenix, several community groups published a letter saying they didn’t want or need the Blue Zones Project, since it would take funding away from preexisting initiatives. “Projects like these often overshadow and push out cultural solutions that are already in place,” members wrote.

The letter expressed a legitimate worry: that there might not be enough resources to fund the Blue Zones Project and similar projects already in the works. In August, the All-In grocery closed—first temporarily, then permanently. Other local stores had also recently shut down, The Gazette, a newspaper in Cedar Rapids, reported, and many people were now resorting to dollar stores to buy food.

The Blue Zones Project describes itself as funded through private-public partnerships, but, as I learned in Iowa and Albert Lea, infrastructure changes are paid for by city funds, and governments have to approve any changes to policy. The fee pays for the advice from the Blue Zones Project, but also the branding. Earlier this year, The New York Times reported that the blue zones were being used as a “marketing tool” for a real estate development in Ave Maria, a town in Florida. One such development, a $600 million luxury tower in Miami, has a medical facility offering plastic surgery that also is adorned with the Blue Zones brand. A website that tracks realty trends reported that blue zone communities “are experiencing high demand, prompting numerous real estate companies to seek opportunities within them.”

Despite asking city officials and the Blue Zones Project directly, over and over, how much the certification costs, I was never told a straight figure. “The costs vary widely depending on population size, length of the project, sectors we will be working in,” Imatome-Yun said in an email. Because of the nature of the private-public partnerships, it’s not information that’s accessible through freedom of information requests. “I’m not supposed to talk about our financial agreement with Blue Zones,” Malakowsky said when I asked her.

A Blue Zones sign in Florida and a graffitied Blue Zones sign in Iowa

This September, the Annals of Improbable Research magazine gave Saul Newman, a demographer at the Oxford Institute of Population Ageing, an Ig Nobel Prize in Demography for a 2024 paper on errors in centenarian age records. The sardonic awards are for research that “makes people laugh, and then think.” Their intended humor notwithstanding, the awards are well-respected.

When I talked to Newman, it was before he won the prize, and he sounded exasperated. He had previously shown that other research on extreme age could be explained by a mistake in rounding numbers, he told me. When the mistake was corrected, evidence of remarkably long lives vanished. The research he criticized hasn’t been corrected or retracted. In his paper on the blue zones, Newman demonstrated that the factors predicting high ages in regions around the world consist of a lack of birth certificates, high poverty levels, and fewer 90-year-olds. This implies, he said, that shoddy paperwork and pension fraud—for instance, people saying elderly relatives are still alive in order to collect their welfare checks—are better explanations for blue zones than anything else. The high poverty rates in the blue zones may provide the motivation for such fraud.

In Italy, recorded supercentenarians are more likely if a province has higher unemployment rates. People who are born in the Sardinian provinces Ogliastra and Medio Campidano are the least likely and second-least likely to survive from birth to age 55, Newman wrote, and according to Eurostat the Sardinian province of Olbia-Tempio has the eighth-fewest individuals alive over the age of 90—“yet somehow also ranked as the best province for survival to ages 100, 105, and 110.”

When Newman looked at data from Japan’s statistics bureau, he didn’t find evidence that people who lived in Okinawa were healthier than those in the rest of the country. In fact, the island has high levels of obesity and alcohol consumption compared to other prefectures in Japan. It has the lowest per capita intake of sweet potatoes, a food profiled in the Blue Zones Netflix show as particularly healthy, and high meat consumption. Live to 100: Secrets of the Blue Zones argued that people in Okinawa had strong “ikigai,” or sense of purpose, but Newman pointed out that Okinawans have the fourth-highest suicide rate in Japan for those over 65. The Power 9—Buettner’s top lifestyle prescriptions, inspired by the blue zones— “are directly contradicted in every single case,” Newman wrote, “usually through population-representative surveys of hundreds of thousands of people, with levels of inaccuracy that border on farce.”

Some of Buettner’s collaborators issued a response to Newman’s research, arguing that “the ages of individuals in the officially recognized blue zones have been thoroughly validated, and their exceptional longevity is well-documented” through sources like civil databases and church archives. In a letter published on its website, the Blue Zones Project said that it doesn’t claim that blue zones hold more supercentenarians, but simply that they are healthy places with high life expectancies. The poverty that Newman alluded to, the letter explained, aided people living in the zones to avoid modernization and the Western diet. In Okinawa, it’s young people who “eat and drink too much” and have unhealthy lifestyles, which skewed the overall data. The letter pointed out that Newman’s paper was not peer-reviewed and had not been published in a journal.

Beyond dubious demographic statistics, the other question hanging over the blue zones is how stable they are. At the end of 2023, a paper in the journal Demographic Research suggested that the blue zone in Costa Rica wasn’t so blue anymore. Using a new nationwide survey of 550,000 adults alive between 1990 and 2020, it found that those born before 1930 were living longer than expected, but not those born after. “Hotspots of extreme longevity are probably transient,” the paper concluded.

Unsurprisingly, given what he sees as flawed research, Newman is skeptical about designing public health programs based on the blue zones. “You have someone with no medical expertise, no scientific expertise, and they are telling large sections of the population what to do, and they very easily get it very wrong,” he said to me about Buettner and the Blue Zones Project. “It might be nice to go and sit around the pot with grandma and then tell tales of the old time, but that’s not science.”

And yet, in the midst of a culture that’s so focused on expensive supplements and individual health, it can be refreshing to encounter an accessible longevity philosophy that’s dedicated to making daily life healthier for everyone. Not through grueling exercise, fasting, or powdered greens, but through walking, eating delicious foods, and being surrounded by friends and family until old age. Perhaps the true virtue of the blue zones lies in how easily they lend themselves to marketing. In 1952, the psychologist G.D. Wiebe posed the question, after seeing the rise of advertising, “Why can’t you sell brotherhood and rational thinking like you sell soap?” The Blue Zones Project sells one version of a healthy lifestyle, and it can motivate coordination around policies and inspire the community to buy in. Is that such a bad thing?

For his part, Poulain feels uncomfortable with how blue zones were commercialized as the idea was popularized, and he did not sign the letter that Buettner’s other collaborators wrote. He pointed out that the research he’s done doesn’t get at why people in the blue zones live a long time—just that they do—but he disputed Newman’s claims, saying that he personally validated centenarians himself.

Poulain and I talked four days before his seventy-seventh birthday. He incorporates blue zone principles into his own life, he explained: He prioritizes eating fruits and vegetables, rides his bike as much as he can, and says hello to others while out hiking. After we spoke, he emailed me a photo of himself, with a shock of white hair and a fluffy white beard, laughing and embracing a centenarian in Galicia, Spain, where he is in the process of certifying a new blue zone.

Poulain and Buettner don’t speak any more. Poulain criticized Buettner for profiting off trademarks, and his company for not funding research into the factors that lead to longevity in the blue zones, all while pursuing commercial projects such as the Blue Zones–branded frozen meals that can be found in Whole Foods. Poulain worries that he may never discover what makes the original blue zones such healthy places to live—indeed, that the success of the brand is a danger to the blue zones themselves. “I had a researcher just today who in Ikaria cannot access centenarians because there were so many tourists arriving,” he said. “All because this is the island where you forget to die.”


Is the Blue Zones Project a genuinely innovative program, or a trendy—and expensive—marketing ploy inspired by sound principles but uncertain data? The answer relies a lot on whether it works. In 2023, Dan Dewitt, the reporter from Brevard, compared statistics on Freeborn County—where Albert Lea is—from the University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute’s rankings of counties’ public health to analysis from the Blue Zones Project itself. The institute showed that Freeborn County had improved its statewide health ranking between 2011 and 2018, but in 2022, that improvement slowed down. The rate of smoking increased, and that year the county had a 35 percent obesity rate—higher than the state’s, and higher than in 2011. The number of physically inactive adults was around 27 percent. In 2023, Freeborn County was rated 51 out of 87 counties in Minnesota.

It also seems possible that any positive change the Blue Zones Project touts might have happened without the company’s involvement. The company considers the Beach Cities of California—Hermosa Beach, Manhattan Beach, and Redondo Beach—to be among its success stories; in these communities, it says, the program reduced smoking and childhood obesity, and constructed miles of bike and walking paths along the beaches. But if the towns had the money to participate in the program, Venkataramani said, they might have had the resources to achieve those same outcomes on their own.

Most damningly, the evidence that the Blue Zones Project uses to illustrate its effectiveness is weak. The company assesses its communities through surveying from Gallup, the polling organization. In 2007, Gallup entered a partnership with Healthways, a health services company, to measure well-being at a national scale. When Healthways partnered with Blue Zones in 2009, it gave Gallup the job of evaluating Blue Zones Project communities. But the life expectancy improvement measurements from the Blue Zones Project come from the Blue Zones team, not from Gallup, said Dan Witters, a Gallup consultant and analyst. Witters confirmed that its surveys are not longitudinal samples, meaning compared over time, but rather successive random samples. Gallup evaluates people on 20 evidence-based metrics to see whether a community is improving compared to itself, and how that improvement compares to national surveys. There are no official control cities, though Gallup will compare a Blue Zones Project community to another city on which it has wellness data. Gallup isn’t, however, able to check whether those cities also have wellness programs of their own. The Build Healthy Places Network, an organization that keeps track of similar initiatives ongoing around the country, and what measurable impact they have, doesn’t list the Blue Zones Project in its database.

“The question is, what are they telling us that a public health expert wouldn’t know?” Newman said. “Do I need someone to tell me that exercise is good for me? What benefit are these very expensive programs actually conveying?”

As it stands, the Blue Zones Project’s approach to evaluation doesn’t pass the smell test for Venkataramani, the doctor and health economist. “The least valid design to make a causal inference is one where you’re kind of comparing yourself to yourself, but not anyone else,” he said, “using some sort of bespoke tool that may or may not be validated.” The Blue Zones Project’s Imatome-Yun didn’t respond to a request for comment on the company’s evaluation methods.

Based on Gallup’s surveys, Witters argued, well-being does improve after blue zones are established, but he offered an interesting caveat: People with already high levels of well-being are more likely to know about the initiative, and those who both know about it and participate are those who show the biggest improvements. Crawshaw has seen this before, and it raises a troubling possibility. “A lot of health promotion initiatives that are not carefully designed to avoid this problem,” agreed Steven Woolf, director emeritus of the Center on Society and Health at Virginia Commonwealth University, “end up benefiting an advantaged population and creating an even bigger gap in health outcomes than existed to begin with.”


Later in June, I moderated a panel at the Aspen Ideas: Health conference, where, as it happened, Dan Buettner was also speaking. After his conversation with Dean Ornish, a lifestyle medicine researcher, a crowd of people surrounded Buettner for 25 minutes before he broke off to sit with me on a bench on the Aspen Institute’s grounds. “We’re very Hippocratic in our approach,” Buettner told me. “None of our interventions would hurt anybody.” He added that a lot of the recommendations of the Blue Zones Project have been arrived at through trial and error. When I mentioned I had gone to Iowa, he shook his head, and said that, while he saluted the state’s efforts, the company had not been funded there for long enough to make the initiatives stick.

I asked him about the importance of other social determinants when it came to health, like education or income inequality, and he said he had just returned from Scandinavia, where he was researching his next book. There, “everybody has access to health care, there’s better education, there’s better distribution of income,” he said. “I’m all for that. Tell me how you’re gonna do that in America. Good luck.”

Buettner is a captivating public speaker. On the one hand, he captures the paradoxical simplicity and mystery of what it means to be well. On the other, he reminds us of concrete, achievable steps we can take for our health, such as eating more beans. When a woman approached him for a selfie, saying her daughter was a fan, he told her to record a video, and shot a face-to-cam message. I remembered how, in Albert Lea, Buettner’s footprints and signature were pressed into the wet cement of the Blue Zones Walkway—like Grauman’s Chinese Theatre.

Instead of lamenting what we can’t do, Buettner wanted to focus on what can be done: “We can go into a city, and we can analyze it and can make it more walkable and bikeable.” The other lesson he said he’d learned from the Blue Zones Project is that he doesn’t get involved in “political squabbles.” Austin, Texas, for instance, isn’t a blue zone because the city wanted the initiative to focus on Black neighborhoods. “I said I can’t do that,” Buettner told me—not because he didn’t want to, but because he didn’t know how. “This is a populationwide intervention, or we’re not coming. We’re not favoring Blacks or gay people or rich people or poor people.”

Because Buettner sold the company to Adventist Health, he said he couldn’t speak to its current practices. “I don’t know exactly how it’s being operated,” he said. “I’m told that they use my blueprint, but so much is in the execution.” He agreed that there’s pressure to default to personal lifestyle changes, such as exercise programs and Zumba and diets. “When I managed things, I tried to keep our budgets focused on permanent or semipermanent changes to the environment,” he said. He had made the company for-profit, he explained, because he believed it would be more impactful that way: “The moment anybody can access a brand for free, it gets slapped on junk food.”

Buettner is very skilled at presenting the blue zones, and the brand, in an appealing way. In January 2012, Eric Carter, a Macalester College professor and health geographer, was teaching at Grinnell College when the Blue Zones Project arrived in Iowa. “Buettner had a real gift for taking epidemiological and demographic research and translating it into terms that people could use to maybe potentially make changes in their own lives,” Carter said to me in his office in St. Paul. “Maybe the blue zones aren’t meant to be the panacea for our public health problems. Maybe it is just something that’s just for the wellness space.”

Whether for the “wellness space” or not, the impulse to look to older times or other places for better ways of living is reminiscent of a phenomenon described in a 1981 article in Nutrition Today by William Jarvis, a prominent nutritionist: the “myth of the healthy savage,” or the desire to romanticize remote parts of the world for their supposed longevity. The Hunza people, an indigenous community in the Himalayas, were touted as a bastion of health long before the blue zones. In a 1964 book called Hunza Health Secrets, the author, Renee Taylor, wrote that the people who lived in the region, which is in Pakistan, had “no cancer, no heart attacks, and practically no other disease to cut down men and women in the prime of life.” Men between 125 and 145 years old allegedly played volleyball. But the fantasy of the healthy savage usually turns out to be just that: a fantasy. For Hunza, incomplete birth and death rates and inaccurate measurements of disease explained the seeming lack of illness there. When a team of Japanese scientists went to Hunza in 1955, they found high rates of cancer and heart disease after examining 277 people. “We had to teach them how to cure disease, instead of learning how to be free from diseases,” the scientists concluded.

Earlier this year, in May, I went to Sardinia for a weekend, taking a Ryanair flight from London. I drove inland, away from the touristy coastal hotels, to the Blue Zones area, a town called Seulo. Eventually, I passed a Blue Zones–branded sign informing me I was entering a “centenarians village.”

Turning into Seulo, I felt the gravitational pull of a health intervention that was simpler. The myth of the blue zone isn’t a rejection of modernity per se, but of the material and social conditions of our time making us so sick, a promise to return to something more nurturing, something that exists underneath. Throughout Seulo, photos of elderly people hung on stone walls; the streets were empty. I saw hardly anyone, much less anyone older. I tried to eat lunch, but the only restaurant open was a delicatessen serving only sausage, and I don’t eat meat. In a café, my boyfriend ordered a coffee while I watched the other lone customer play a slot-machine game. As we drove out of town on a windy road, I ate a protein bar from my purse. We passed a sign, and I typed the words into Google Translate on my phone. “La Comunità più longeva al mondo”: the longest-lived community in the world.

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How Promote Giving, a New Investment Model, Will Raise Millions for Charities

Joel Holsinger, a partner at Ares Management Corp., on Wednesday launched Promote Giving, an initiative encouraging investment managers to donate a portion of their fees to charity

The first foreign trip Joel Holsinger took in 2019 after joining the board of directors at the global health nonprofit PATH convinced him that he needed to do more to raise money for charities.The investment manager, who is now also a partner and co-head of alternative credit at Ares Management Corp., saw firsthand how a tuberculosis prevention program was helping residents of Dharavi, India's largest slum. He also saw that the main hurdle to expanding the program’s success was simply a lack of funding.“I wanted to do something that has purpose,” Holsinger told The Associated Press. “I wanted a charitable tie-in to whatever I do.”Shortly after returning from India, Holsinger created a new line of investment funds where Ares Management would donate at least 5% of its performance fee, also known as the “promote,” to charities. The first two funds of the resulting Pathfinder family of funds alone have raised more than $10 billion in investments and, as of June, pledged more than $40 million to charity.Holsinger wanted to expand the model further. On Wednesday, he announced Promote Giving, a new initiative to encourage other investment managers to use the model, which launches with funds from nine firms, including Ares Management, Pantheon and Pretium. The funds that are now part of Promote Giving represent about $35 billion in assets and could result in charitable donations of up to $250 million over the next 10 years.Unlike broader models like ESG investing, where environmental, social and governance factors are taken into account when making business decisions, or impact investing, where investors seek a social return along with a financial one, Promote Giving seeks to maximize the return on investment, Holsinger said. The donation only comes after investors receive their promised return and only from the manager's fees. “We’re not doing anything that looks at lower returns,” Holsinger said. “It’s basically just a dual mandate: If we do good on returns for our institutional investors, we will also drive returns that go directly to charity.”Charities, especially those who do international work, are in the midst of a difficult funding landscape. The dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development and massive cuts to foreign aid this year have affected nearly all nonprofits in some way. Those nonprofits who don't normally receive funding from the U.S. government still face increased competition for grants from organizations who saw their funding cut.Kammerle Schneider, PATH’s chief global health programs officer, said this year has shown how fragile public health systems are and has reinforced the need for “agile catalytic capital” that Promote Giving could provide.“There is nothing that is going to replace U.S. government funding,” said Schneider, adding that the launch of Promote Giving offers hope that new private donors may step in to help offer solutions to specific public health problems. “I think it comes at a time where we really need to look at the overall architecture of how we’re doing this and how we could be doing it better with less.”Sal Khan, founder and CEO of Khan Academy, which offers free learning resources for teachers and students, says the structure of Promote Giving could provide nonprofits stable income over several years that would allow them to spend less time fundraising and more time on their charitable work. “It's actually been hard for us to raise the philanthropy needed for us to have the maximum impact globally,” said Khan. While Khan Academy has the knowledge base to expand rapidly around the world and numerous countries have shown interest, Khan said the nonprofit lacks enough resources to do the expensive work of software development, localization and building infrastructure in every country.Khan hopes Promote Giving can grow into a major funder that could help with those costs. "We would be able to build that infrastructure so that we can literally educate anyone in the world,” he said.Holsinger hopes for that kind of growth as well. He envisions investment managers signing on to Promote Giving the way billionaires pledge to give away half their wealth through the Giving Pledge and he hopes other industries will develop their own mechanisms to make charitable donations part of their business models. Kate Stobbe, director of corporate insights at Chief Executives for Corporate Purpose, a coalition that advises companies on sustainability and corporate responsibility issues, said their research shows that companies that establish mission statements that include reasons for existing beyond simply profit generation have higher revenue growth and provide a higher return on investment.Having a common purpose increases workers' engagement and productivity, while also helping companies with recruitment and retention, said Stobbe, who said CECP will release a report that documents those findings based on 20 years of data later this week. “Having initiatives around corporate purpose help employees feel a connection to something bigger,” she said. "It really does contribute to that bottom line.”That kind of win-win is what Holsinger hopes to create with Promote Giving. He said many of the world's problems don't lack solutions. They lack enough capital to pay for the solutions.“We just need to drive more capital to these nonprofits and to these charities that are doing amazing work every day,” he said. “We're trying to build that model that drives impact through charitable dollars.”Associated Press coverage of philanthropy and nonprofits receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content. For all of AP’s philanthropy coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/philanthropy.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

EU's Von Der Leyen Says Private Sector Deals Could Unlock 4 Billion Euros for Western Balkans

TIRANA (Reuters) -European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Monday private sector deals signed or in the pipeline could unlock...

TIRANA (Reuters) -European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Monday private sector deals signed or in the pipeline could unlock about 4 billion euros ($4.63 billion) in new investment as part of an EU growth plan for the Western Balkans region.During a summit in the Albanian capital Tirana between the EU and the Western Balkans countries, Von der Leyen invited investors to take part in the growth plan that aims to double the size of the region's economies in the next decade.She said that 10 important business deals will be signed in Tirana on Monday, and 24 other potential investments will be discussed on Tuesday."Together they could bring more than 4 billion euros in new investments in the region," Von der Leyen said at the summit. "The time to invest in the Western Balkans is now."The EU has pledged 6 billion euros to help the six Western Balkans nations form a regional common market and join the European common market in areas such as free movement of goods and services, transport and energy.But in order for payments to be made, Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia must implement reforms and resolve outstanding issues with their neighbours.Von der Leyen identified artificial intelligence, clean energy and industrial value chains as three strategic sectors that would integrate local industries into EU supply chains.She cautioned that regulatory integration and industrial alliances are key to this effort.The six countries were promised EU membership years ago but the accession process has slowed to a crawl.The delay is partly due to reluctance among the EU's 27 members and a lack of reforms required to meet EU standards - including those concerning the economy, judiciary, legal systems, environmental protection and media freedoms.Serbia and Montenegro were the first in the region to launch EU membership talks, and Albania and North Macedonia began talks with Brussels in 2022. Bosnia and Kosovo lag far behind.(Reporting by Daria Sito-SucicEditing by Ros Russell)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

Offshore oil plan was 'primed for cash flow,' but then it hit California regulators

A Texas company wants to drill for oil off Santa Barbara County's coast. Experts say its path to oil sales is looking more and more challenging.

When a Texas oil company first announced controversial plans to reactivate three drilling rigs off the coast of Santa Barbara County, investor presentations boasted that the venture had “massive resource potential” and was “primed for cash flow generation.” But now, less than two years later, mounting legal setbacks and regulatory issues are casting increasing doubt on the project’s future.Most recently, the California attorney general filed suit against Houston-based Sable Offshore Corp., accusing it of repeatedly putting “profits over environmental protections.” The lawsuit, filed last week in Santa Barbara County Superor Court, accuses Sable of continually failing to follow state laws and regulations intended to protect water resources. Sable, the lawsuit claims, “was at best misinformed, incompetent and incorrect” when it came to understanding and adhering to the California Water Code. “At worst, Sable was simply bamboozling the Regional Water Board to meet a critical deadline,” according to the lawsuit.The action comes less than a month after the Santa Barbara County district attorney’s office filed criminal charges against the company, accusing it of knowingly violating state environmental laws while working on repairs to oil pipelines that have sat idle since a major spill in 2015. The company also faces legal challenges from the California Coastal Commission, environmental groups and even its own investors. These developments now threaten the company’s ability to push forward on what has become an increasingly expensive and complicated project, according to some experts.Clark Williams-Derry, an analyst for the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, said there are still ways Sable could get off the ground and begin oil sales, but the repeated setbacks have become what he called “cumulative risk” for investors, who are key to funding the restart. “Sable is at risk of burning through its cash, and lenders are going to have to make a decision about whether or not this is a good investment,” Williams-Derry said. Ongoing pushback from the public, the state and in lawsuits makes that increasingly a hard argument to make, he said. Sable, however, said it remains steadfast in its goal of reactivating the Santa Ynez Unit — a complex of three offshore platforms, onshore processing facilities and connecting pipelines. The unit was shuttered by a different company a decade ago after a corroded section of pipeline ruptured near Refugio State Beach, creating one of the state’s worst oil spills. The company denies that it has broken any laws and insists that it has followed all necessary regulations. Recently, however, company officials have promoted a new restart plan that could avoid California oversight. Company officials say the new plan would keep the project entirely within federal waters — pivoting away from using the contentious pipelines and from what company officials called California’s “crumbling energy complex.”Jim Flores, the company’s chief executive, said Sable is working with the Trump administration’s National Energy Dominance Council on the plan to use an offshore storage and treatment vessel to transport crude from its offshore wells instead of the pipeline system. Although the company reports that pipeline repairs are complete, the lines have not yet been approved for restart by state regulators. “California has to make a decision soon on the pipeline before Sable signs an agreement for the [offshore vessel] and goes all in on the offshore federal-only option,” Flores said in a statement. The company acknowledges that transporting oil by ship instead of pipeline would dramatically extend the company’s timeline and increase its costs. In a June Securities and Exchange Commission report, Sable said there was “substantial doubt ... about the company’s ability to continue,” given ongoing negative cash flow and stalled regulatory approvals. However, the company says it continues to seek approvals to restart the pipelines from the California Office of the State Fire Marshal. The state fire marshal has said the plans remain under review, but the office has made clear that the pipelines will be approved for operation only “once all compliance and safety requirements, including ... approvals from other state, federal and local agencies, are met.”Deborah Sivas, a professor of environmental law at Stanford’s Law School, said it’s getting harder to see a successful path forward for Sable.“It’s pretty rare that an entity would have all these agencies lined up concerned about their impacts,” Sivas said of state regulators. “These agencies don’t very lightly go to litigation or enforcement actions. ... and the public is strongly against offshore drilling. So those are a whole bunch of reasons that I think are going to be hard obstacles for that company.”But even if Sable can pivot to federal-only oversight under a friendly Trump administration, Williams-Derry said there’s no clear-cut path. “This is an environment where some of the best, most profitable oil companies in the U.S. have cut drilling this year because profits are too low,” Williams-Derry said. Sable has enough money in the bank right now to have a “little bit of running room,” he said, “...but you can imagine that [investors] are going to start running out of patience.”The new lawsuit filed by the California attorney general lays out a year’s worth of instances in which Sable either ignored or defied the California Water Code during the firm’s pipeline repair work. The attorney general’s office called Sable’s evasion of regulatory oversight “egregious,” warranting “substantial penalties.” It’s not immediately clear how much will be demanded, but violations of the California Water Code are subject to a civil liability of up to $5,000 for each day a violation occurs. Despite repeated reminders and warnings from the California Regional Water Quality Control Board, Central Coast region, Sable did not comply with the water code, preventing the board “from assuring best management practices ... to avoid, minimize and mitigate impacts to water quality,” the lawsuit said. “No corporation should gain a business advantage by ignoring the law and harming the environment,” Jane Gray, chair of the Central Coast Water Board, said in a statement. “Entities that discharge waste are required to obtain permits from the state to protect water quality. Sable Offshore Corp. is no different.”The case comes months after the California Coastal Commission similarly found that Sable failed to adhere to the state’s Coastal Act despite repeated warnings and fined the company $18 million.

Work Advice: How to avoid ‘workslop’ and other AI pitfalls

AI at work has drawbacks such as ‘workslop,’ which can hinder productivity. Strategic AI use and transparency are top solutions.

Following my response to a reader who’s resisting a push to adopt artificial intelligence tools at work, readers shared their thoughts and experiences — pro, con and resigned — on using AI.The consensus was that some interaction with AI is unavoidable for anyone who works with technology, and that refusing to engage with it — even for principled reasons, such as the environmental harm it causes — could be career-limiting.But there’s reason to believe that generative AI in the office may not be living up to its fundamental value proposition of making us more productive.A September article in Harvard Business Review (free registration required) warns that indiscriminate AI use can result in what the article dubs “workslop”: “AI-generated work content that masquerades as good work but lacks the substance to meaningfully advance a given task.”Examples of workslop include AI-generated reports, code and emails that take more time to correct and decipher than if they had been created from scratch by a human. They’re destructive and wasteful — not only of water or electricity, but of people’s time, productivity and goodwill.“The insidious effect of workslop is that it shifts the burden of the work downstream,” the HBR researchers said.Of course, workslop existed before AI. We’ve all had our time wasted and productivity bogged down by people who dominate meetings talking about nothing, send rambling emails without reviewing them for clarity or pass half-hearted work down the line for someone else to fix. AI just allows them to do more of it, faster. And just like disinformation, once workslop enters the system, it risks polluting the pool of knowledge everyone draws from.In addition to the literal environment, AI workslop can also damage the workplace environment. The HBR researchers found that receiving workslop caused approximately half of recipients to view the sender as “less creative, capable and reliable” — even less trustworthy or intelligent.But, as mentioned above, it’s probably not wise — or feasible — to avoid using AI. “AI is embedded in your everyday tasks, from your email client, grammar checkers, type-ahead, social media clients suggesting the next emoji,” said Dean Grant from Port Angeles, Washington, whose technology career has spanned 50 years. The proper question, he said, is not how to avoid using it, but what it can do for you and how it can give you a competitive advantage.But even readers who said they use AI appropriately acknowledged its flaws and limitations, including that its implementation sometimes takes more effort than simply performing the task themselves.“[H]ow much time should I spend trying to get the AI to work? If I can do the task [without AI] in an hour, should I spend 30 minutes fumbling with the artificial stupid?” asked Matt Deter of Rocklin, California. “At what point should I cut my losses?”So it seems an unwinnable struggle. If you can’t avoid or opt out of AI altogether, how do you make sure you’re not just adding to the workslop, generating resentment and killing productivity?Don’t make AI a solution in search of a problem. This one’s for the leaders. Noting that “indiscriminate imperatives yield indiscriminate usage,” the HBR article urges leaders encouraging AI use to provide guidelines for using it “in ways that best align to the organization’s strategy, values, and vision.” As with return-to-office mandates, if leaders can articulate a purpose, and workers have autonomy to push back when the mandate doesn’t meet that purpose, the result is more likely to add value.Don’t let AI have the last word. Generating a raw summary of a meeting for your own reference is one thing; if you’re sharing it with someone else, take the time to trim the irrelevant portions, highlight the important items, and add context where needed. If you use AI to generate ideas, take time to identify the best ones and shape them to your needs.Be transparent about using AI. If you’re worried about being judged for using AI, just know that the judgment will be even harsher if you try to pass it off as your own work, or if you knowingly pass along unvetted information with no warning.Weigh convenience against conservation. If we can get in the habit of separating recyclables and programming thermostats, we can be equally mindful about our AI usage. An AI-generated 100-word email uses the equivalent of a single-use bottle of water to cool and power the data centers processing that query. Knowing that, do you need a transcript of every meeting you attend, or are you requesting one out of habit? Do you need ChatGPT to draft an email, or can you get results just as quickly over the phone? (Note to platform and software developers: Providing a giant, easy-to-find AI “off” switch wouldn’t hurt.)Step out of the loop once in a while. Try an AI detox every so often where you do your job without it, just to keep your brain limber.“I can’t deny how useful [AI has] been for research, brainstorming, and managing workloads,” said Danial Qureshi, who runs a virtual marketing and social media management agency in Islamabad, Pakistan. “But lately, I’ve also started to feel like we’re losing something important — our own creativity. Because we rely on AI so much now, I’ve noticed we don’t spend as much time thinking or exploring original ideas from scratch.”Artificial intelligence may be a fact of modern life, but there’s still nothing like the real thing.Pro Tip: Having trouble getting started with AI? Check out Post Tech at Work reporter Danielle Abril’s brilliant articles on developing AI literacy.

Richard Tice has 15-year record of supporting ‘net stupid zero’ initiatives

Firms led by deputy Reform UK leader since 2011 have shown commitment to saving energy and cutting CO2 emissionsUK politics live – latest updatesHe never seems to tire of deriding “net stupid zero”, but Reform UK’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, has a 15-year business record of support for sustainability and green energy initiatives.The Reform party has made opposition to green energy and net zero part of its policy platform. Its founder, Nigel Farage, has called net zero policies a “lunacy”; the party has called to lift the ban on fracking for fossil gas; and one of the first Reform-led councils, Kent, rescinded last month its declaration of a climate emergency. Continue reading...

He never seems to tire of deriding “net stupid zero”, but Reform UK’s deputy leader, Richard Tice, has a 15-year business record of support for sustainability and green energy initiatives.The Reform party has made opposition to green energy and net zero part of its policy platform. Its founder, Nigel Farage, has called net zero policies a “lunacy”; the party has called to lift the ban on fracking for fossil gas; and one of the first Reform-led councils, Kent, rescinded last month its declaration of a climate emergency.However, companies led by Tice since 2011 boasted of their commitments to saving energy, cutting CO2 emissions and environmental responsibility. One told investors it had introduced a “green charter” to “mitigate our impact on climate change” and later hired a “full-time sustainability manager” as part of “its focus on energy efficiency and sustainability”.Another said it was “keen to play its part in reducing emissions for cleaner air” and said it had saved “hundreds of tonnes of CO²” by installing solar cells on the rooftops of its properties.A glance at Tice’s account on X reveals contempt for warnings of climate breakdown and efforts to mitigate it. Last year he said: “We are not in climate emergency; nor is there a climate crisis.” In May he stated: “Solar farms are wrong at every level” and insisted they would “destroy food security, destroy jobs [and] destroy property values”.He recently adopted the slogan “net stupid zero”, describing efforts to neutralise the UK’s fossil fuel emissions as “the most costly self-inflicted wound in modern British history”.But Steff Wright, a sustainability entrepreneur and former commercial tenant of Tice, found that statements in the annual reports from CLS Holdings and Quidnet Reit, property companies led by Tice, contradicted his public position.Wright said: “These reports reveal that Tice can clearly see the financial, social and environmental benefits of investing time, money and energy into sustainability focused initiatives.“He is a businessperson, and if he has chosen to be a chief executive of at least two companies who have taken steps to reduce carbon emissions and implement energy-efficient innovations, it’s because there is a business case to do so.”In 2010, the year Tice joined CLS Holdings as deputy chief executive, the company said it was committed to “a responsible and forward-looking approach to environmental issues” by encouraging, among other things, “the use of alternative energy supplies”. The following year, when Tice was promoted to chief executive, the company implemented the green charter and hired a sustainability manager. In 2012, CLS celebrated completing its “zero net emissions” building, adding: “The board acknowledges the group’s impact on society and the environment and … seeks to either both minimise and mitigate them, or to harness them in order to affect positive change.”In the company’s 2013 report, climate change was identified as a “sustainability risk”, requiring “board responsibility”, “dedicated specialist personnel” and “increased due diligence”. The company’s efforts were rewarded in 2014, when it was able to tell shareholders it had exceeded its CO2 emissions reduction targets.Tice launched Quidnet Reit, a property investment company, the following year. When it published its first full accounts, covering 2021, Tice was also chair of Reform UK, and already setting out his stall against “net stupid”. But for his company, fossil fuel emissions remained a priority.The 2021 report stated: “The company is keen to play its part in reducing emissions for cleaner air,” and detailed investments in solar power which “importantly … will reduce CO² emissions by some 70 tonnes per annum”.Quidnet’s emissions reduction efforts continued into 2022 and 2023, with the company stating both years that its solar investments were “saving hundreds of tonnes of CO²” a year. However, after a Guardian report last year covered some of Quidnet’s environmental commitments, no mention was made of them in last year’s report.skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain information about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. If you do not have an account, we will create a guest account for you on theguardian.com to send you this newsletter. You can complete full registration at any time. For more information about how we use your data see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionWright said: “Solar initiatives and other energy efficiency schemes have benefited Tice’s property companies whilst he was in charge, but now … there is a political advantage to gain Tice is all too happy to label these schemes as ‘perilous’ for investors.”Tice said critics were “in danger of confusing apples with pears”, insisting the comparisons revealed no contradiction. “I have never said don’t reduce emissions, be they CO2 or other, and where sensible use technology to do so efficiently,” he said.“Solar panels on roofs, selling electricity to tenant[s] underneath are [an] excellent double use of [a] roof and involve no subsidies. Solar farms on farmland is insane, involves large public subsidies and often include dangerous [battery energy storage] systems.”Tice said that when he ran CLS, net zero was not a legal requirement. “My issue has always been the multibillion subsidies, fact that renewables have driven electricity prices higher, made British industries uncompetitive and destroyed hundreds thousand jobs,.“Also in annual reports, because of [the] madness of ESG, so banks and shareholder became obsessed with emissions so companies felt pressured to report on all this. ESG is also mad, stands for Extremely Stupid Garbage, and is now rapidly sensibly being abandoned by many companies and banks.“So my position has been clear and logical and never involved subsidies. Big difference.”

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