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Revealed: Tories failed to do impact check before approving banned pesticide

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Wednesday, July 24, 2024

The Conservative government did not carry out a legally required assessment of how green-lighting the use of a banned pesticide, described as a “death blow to wildlife”, would affect some of the most important nature sites, documents have revealed.The previous government gave emergency approval this year for sugar beet farmers to use Cruiser SB for the fourth year in a row.A single teaspoon of this pesticide is enough to deliver a lethal dose to 1.25 billion bees. In granting approval, the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) went against the advice of the Health and Safety Executive and the UK expert committee on pesticides.The decision was criticised at the time as a “death blow for wildlife” by the Wildlife Trusts, because of the neonicotinoid pesticide’s toxic impact on bees and the way the chemical makes its way from fields into waterways.It has now emerged that officials chose not to carry out a legally required assessment of how the decision would affect protected sites, on the basis that doing so would be too difficult.In a briefing document given to the former farming minister Mark Spencer to inform his decision-making, obtained by the Ends Report through a freedom of information request, it said: “We have considered for the current decision whether it would be possible to carry out a meaningful assessment of impacts on protected areas. Our conclusion is that this is not possible.“It is not known where the treated seed will be used in relation to protected sites and [sites of special scientific interest] SSSIs,” it said, adding that “there are many hundreds of protected areas in the part of England where sugar beet is grown”.A protest in Bury St Edmunds against the government’s approval of neonicotinoid pesticides. Photograph: Martin Pope/Getty ImagesWeeks earlier, the green watchdog, the Office for Environmental Protection (OEP), said it had opened an investigation into Defra in relation to the approval.The OEP said it was considering whether there had been “serious failures” by Defra to comply with nature conservation law, specifically regarding its duty to carry out just such an assessment on how the pesticide approval would affect the country’s most ecologically important sites.In the briefing, officials explicitly acknowledged this requirement existed in law, stating “any decision to give emergency authorisation for the use of Cruiser should include an assessment of impacts on sites designated as SSSIs under the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981 and on sites designated as special protection areas and special areas of conservation under the conservation of habitats and species regulations 2017”.Kyle Lischak, the UK head of the environmental charity Client Earth, which initiated the complaint to the OEP that led to its investigation, said: “The way I read it is they seem to think that it’s all just too complicated.“The law is there for a reason. The point is, in these circumstances, they have to go through the legal processes to be clear on what is at stake. And if they don’t do that because it is too expensive, or too complicated, or too much of an inconvenience, then that is not a legal defence. That’s just being sloppy.”In the document, Defra officials briefed the minister that were Cruiser SB to be used in a SSSI, the nature regulator Natural England would have to consent to it, and that as this would be unlikely to happen, “the risks will be mitigated to a certain extent in areas where the risks to animals may be highest”.This justification has been met with scorn by Lischak and wildlife campaigners, with most protected sites in England failing to be classed as healthy, not because of pollution within them but because of pollution coming in from outside heir boundaries.“It’s misinformed and it’s quite frankly disappointing,” he said, adding that there were multiple impending biodiversity targets that the government was legally accountable for, the biggest being the goal to halt the decline of biodiversity by 2030.A harvester moves through a field of sugar beet. Neonicotinoids are toxic to all pollinators and insect life, on which most crops and plant life rely. Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty ImagesElliot Chapman-Jones, the head of public affairs at the Wildlife Trusts, said it was “completely unacceptable that no assessment was made on the harm this could cause some of the country’s most important sites for nature”.Before coming to power, Labour promised to end the use of Cruiser SB but the promise did not make it into the party’s manifesto.Chapman-Jones said: “The new UK government should learn from its predecessor’s mistakes and uphold its promise to rule out authorising these pesticides again.He added that the country urgently needed an ambitious action plan for pesticide reduction to protect the environment and human health.Cruiser SB is a neonicotinoid pesticide that has been banned in the EU and the UK since 2018, after evidence emerged of how toxic it is to all pollinators and insect life, on which most crops and plant life rely.For the past four years, the UK has overridden this ban through emergency approvals so sugar beet farmers can use the pesticide against the beet yellows virus, which damages crops.However, according to Dave Goulson, a professor of biology at the University of Sussex, about 95% of the product does not get taken up by the plant and instead moves into the environment.He said: “It goes to the soil and the soil water, where it then gently leaches into ditches, streams, rivers, lakes. By contaminating the soil, it means that any flowers that are grown near a treated crop, or in the following year in the same soil as a treated crop, are contaminated. So the pollen and nectar become contaminated.”Research has repeatedly shown high levels of neonicotinoids in British waterways. Analysis of water-quality data by nature NGOs last year found the highest concentrations of the chemical were detected in areas where sugar beet is grown, including the east of England, the south-east and the West Midlands.In 2017, a report by the NGO Buglife showed a section of the River Wensum in Norfolk, classified as a special area of conservation for its river life, was found to be “chronically polluted” with neonicotinoids.Research has shown high levels of neonicotinoids in British waterways. Photograph: Loop Images Ltd/AlamyGoulson said the rest of Europe was managing without the use of the pesticides, and farmers in northern France – which had a similar climate and soil to East Anglia – were growing sugar beet “perfectly well without this chemical”.Campaigners are concerned that if a protected site assessment was not carried out for the use of Cruiser SB, which has attracted an increasing amount of public attention, the same could be true for other chemical approvals.NFU Sugar and British Sugar have confirmed that they have applied again for emergency approval to use Cruiser SB for next year’s sugar beet crop.In a joint statement, the chair of the NFU Sugar board, Michael Sly, and British Sugar’s agriculture director, Daniel Green, said: “The British sugar beet crop continues to be threatened by virus yellows disease. In recent years, the disease has caused crop losses of up to 80%. If authorisation is granted, the seed treatment will only be used if a specified threshold, set each year by Defra, is met.“Growers must also follow a strict stewardship programme to ensure best practice, and that the conditions of the emergency authorisation are met on farms. In addition, the industry has jointly funded residue monitoring over the past couple of years.”The OEP is investigating whether there were a number of failures to comply with environmental law when making the decision on Cruiser SB.Helen Venn, the OEP’s chief regulatory officer, said as the investigation was ongoing “it would be inappropriate to comment at this time”.Defra said it would “work constructively” with the OEP as it took forward its investigation. It emphasised that the emergency authorisation process was “highly regulated”, with the previous use of Cruiser SB having had to meet a number of conditions to mitigate risks to the environment, including potential risks to pollinators.The spokesperson restated Labour’s election comittment to ban the use of bee-killing pesticides.

Exclusive: UK campaigners say it is ‘unacceptable’ no nature assessments were made on bee-killing Cruiser SBThe Conservative government did not carry out a legally required assessment of how greenlighting the use of a banned pesticide, described as a “death blow to wildlife”, would affect some of the most important nature sites, documents have revealed.The previous government gave emergency approval this year for sugar beet farmers to use Cruiser SB for the fourth year in a row. Continue reading...

The Conservative government did not carry out a legally required assessment of how green-lighting the use of a banned pesticide, described as a “death blow to wildlife”, would affect some of the most important nature sites, documents have revealed.

The previous government gave emergency approval this year for sugar beet farmers to use Cruiser SB for the fourth year in a row.

A single teaspoon of this pesticide is enough to deliver a lethal dose to 1.25 billion bees. In granting approval, the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) went against the advice of the Health and Safety Executive and the UK expert committee on pesticides.

The decision was criticised at the time as a “death blow for wildlife” by the Wildlife Trusts, because of the neonicotinoid pesticide’s toxic impact on bees and the way the chemical makes its way from fields into waterways.

It has now emerged that officials chose not to carry out a legally required assessment of how the decision would affect protected sites, on the basis that doing so would be too difficult.

In a briefing document given to the former farming minister Mark Spencer to inform his decision-making, obtained by the Ends Report through a freedom of information request, it said: “We have considered for the current decision whether it would be possible to carry out a meaningful assessment of impacts on protected areas. Our conclusion is that this is not possible.

“It is not known where the treated seed will be used in relation to protected sites and [sites of special scientific interest] SSSIs,” it said, adding that “there are many hundreds of protected areas in the part of England where sugar beet is grown”.

A protest in Bury St Edmunds against the government’s approval of neonicotinoid pesticides. Photograph: Martin Pope/Getty Images

Weeks earlier, the green watchdog, the Office for Environmental Protection (OEP), said it had opened an investigation into Defra in relation to the approval.

The OEP said it was considering whether there had been “serious failures” by Defra to comply with nature conservation law, specifically regarding its duty to carry out just such an assessment on how the pesticide approval would affect the country’s most ecologically important sites.

In the briefing, officials explicitly acknowledged this requirement existed in law, stating “any decision to give emergency authorisation for the use of Cruiser should include an assessment of impacts on sites designated as SSSIs under the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981 and on sites designated as special protection areas and special areas of conservation under the conservation of habitats and species regulations 2017”.

Kyle Lischak, the UK head of the environmental charity Client Earth, which initiated the complaint to the OEP that led to its investigation, said: “The way I read it is they seem to think that it’s all just too complicated.

“The law is there for a reason. The point is, in these circumstances, they have to go through the legal processes to be clear on what is at stake. And if they don’t do that because it is too expensive, or too complicated, or too much of an inconvenience, then that is not a legal defence. That’s just being sloppy.”

In the document, Defra officials briefed the minister that were Cruiser SB to be used in a SSSI, the nature regulator Natural England would have to consent to it, and that as this would be unlikely to happen, “the risks will be mitigated to a certain extent in areas where the risks to animals may be highest”.

This justification has been met with scorn by Lischak and wildlife campaigners, with most protected sites in England failing to be classed as healthy, not because of pollution within them but because of pollution coming in from outside heir boundaries.

“It’s misinformed and it’s quite frankly disappointing,” he said, adding that there were multiple impending biodiversity targets that the government was legally accountable for, the biggest being the goal to halt the decline of biodiversity by 2030.

A harvester moves through a field of sugar beet. Neonicotinoids are toxic to all pollinators and insect life, on which most crops and plant life rely. Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

Elliot Chapman-Jones, the head of public affairs at the Wildlife Trusts, said it was “completely unacceptable that no assessment was made on the harm this could cause some of the country’s most important sites for nature”.

Before coming to power, Labour promised to end the use of Cruiser SB but the promise did not make it into the party’s manifesto.

Chapman-Jones said: “The new UK government should learn from its predecessor’s mistakes and uphold its promise to rule out authorising these pesticides again.

He added that the country urgently needed an ambitious action plan for pesticide reduction to protect the environment and human health.

Cruiser SB is a neonicotinoid pesticide that has been banned in the EU and the UK since 2018, after evidence emerged of how toxic it is to all pollinators and insect life, on which most crops and plant life rely.

For the past four years, the UK has overridden this ban through emergency approvals so sugar beet farmers can use the pesticide against the beet yellows virus, which damages crops.

However, according to Dave Goulson, a professor of biology at the University of Sussex, about 95% of the product does not get taken up by the plant and instead moves into the environment.

He said: “It goes to the soil and the soil water, where it then gently leaches into ditches, streams, rivers, lakes. By contaminating the soil, it means that any flowers that are grown near a treated crop, or in the following year in the same soil as a treated crop, are contaminated. So the pollen and nectar become contaminated.”

Research has repeatedly shown high levels of neonicotinoids in British waterways. Analysis of water-quality data by nature NGOs last year found the highest concentrations of the chemical were detected in areas where sugar beet is grown, including the east of England, the south-east and the West Midlands.

In 2017, a report by the NGO Buglife showed a section of the River Wensum in Norfolk, classified as a special area of conservation for its river life, was found to be “chronically polluted” with neonicotinoids.

Research has shown high levels of neonicotinoids in British waterways. Photograph: Loop Images Ltd/Alamy

Goulson said the rest of Europe was managing without the use of the pesticides, and farmers in northern France – which had a similar climate and soil to East Anglia – were growing sugar beet “perfectly well without this chemical”.

Campaigners are concerned that if a protected site assessment was not carried out for the use of Cruiser SB, which has attracted an increasing amount of public attention, the same could be true for other chemical approvals.

NFU Sugar and British Sugar have confirmed that they have applied again for emergency approval to use Cruiser SB for next year’s sugar beet crop.

In a joint statement, the chair of the NFU Sugar board, Michael Sly, and British Sugar’s agriculture director, Daniel Green, said: “The British sugar beet crop continues to be threatened by virus yellows disease. In recent years, the disease has caused crop losses of up to 80%. If authorisation is granted, the seed treatment will only be used if a specified threshold, set each year by Defra, is met.

“Growers must also follow a strict stewardship programme to ensure best practice, and that the conditions of the emergency authorisation are met on farms. In addition, the industry has jointly funded residue monitoring over the past couple of years.”

The OEP is investigating whether there were a number of failures to comply with environmental law when making the decision on Cruiser SB.

Helen Venn, the OEP’s chief regulatory officer, said as the investigation was ongoing “it would be inappropriate to comment at this time”.

Defra said it would “work constructively” with the OEP as it took forward its investigation. It emphasised that the emergency authorisation process was “highly regulated”, with the previous use of Cruiser SB having had to meet a number of conditions to mitigate risks to the environment, including potential risks to pollinators.

The spokesperson restated Labour’s election comittment to ban the use of bee-killing pesticides.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Roads can become more dangerous on hot days – especially for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists

We tend to adapt quickly to rain. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat.

Munbaik Cycling Clothing/UnsplashDuring heatwaves, everyday life tends to feel more difficult than on an average day. Travel and daily movement are no exception. But while most of us know rain, fog and storms can make driving conditions challenging, not many people realise heat also changes transport risk. In particular, research evidence consistently suggests roads, trips and daily commutes can become more dangerous on very hot days compared with an average day. The key questions are how much more dangerous, who is most affected, whether the risk is short-lived or lingers and how this information can be used to better manage road safety during extreme heat. Who is most at risk? The clearest picture comes from a recent multi-city study in tropical and subtropical Taiwan. Using injury data across six large cities, researchers examined how road injury risk changes as temperatures rise, and how this differs by mode of travel. The results show what researchers call a sharp, non-linear increase in risk on very hot days. It’s non-linear because road injury risk rises much more steeply once temperatures move into the 30–40°C range. It is also within this range that different travel modes begin to clearly separate in terms of their susceptibility to heat-related risk. This Taiwan study found injury risk for pedestrians more than doubled during extreme heat. Cyclist injuries soared by around 80%, and motorcyclist injuries by about 50%. In contrast, the increase for car drivers is much smaller. The pattern is clear: the more exposed the road user, the bigger the heat-related risk. The pattern is also not exclusive to a single geographical region and has been observed in other countries too. A long-running national study from Spain drew on two decades of crash data covering nearly 2 million incidents and showed crash risk increases steadily as temperatures rise. At very high temperatures, overall crash risk is about 15% higher than on cool days. Importantly, the increase is even larger for crashes linked to driver fatigue, distraction or illness. A nationwide study in the United States found a 3.4% increase in fatal traffic crashes on heatwave days versus non-heatwave days. The increase is not evenly distributed. Fatal crash risk rises more strongly: on rural roads among middle-aged and older drivers, and on hot, dry days with high UV radiation. This shows extreme heat does not just increase crash likelihood, but also the chance that crashes result in death. That’s particularly true in settings with higher speeds and less forgiving road environments. Taken together, the international evidence base is consistent: the likelihood of crashes, injury risk and fatal outcomes all increase during hot days. Why heat increases road risk, and why the effects can linger Across the three studies, the evidence points to a combination of exposure and human performance effects. The Taiwan study shows that risk increases most sharply for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists. These are groups that are physically exposed to ambient heat and, in some cases, exertion. In contrast, occupants of enclosed vehicles show smaller increases in risk. This suggests that direct exposure to heat plays a role in shaping who is most affected. The Spanish study suggests that the largest heat-related increases occur in crashes involving driver fatigue, distraction, sleepiness or illness. This indicates that heat affects road safety not only through environmental conditions, but through changes in human performance that make errors more likely. Importantly, the Spanish data also show that these effects are not always confined to the hottest day itself. They can persist for several days following extreme heat, consistent with cumulative impacts such as sleep disruption and prolonged fatigue. High solar radiation refers to days with intense, direct sunlight and little cloud cover. In the US study, heat-related increases in fatal crashes were strongest under these conditions. Although visibility was not directly examined, these are also conditions associated with greater glare, which may make things even less safe. How can the extra risk be managed? The empirical evidence does not point to a single solution, but it does indicate where risk is elevated and where things become less safe. That knowledge alone can be used to manage risk. First, reducing exposure matters. Fewer trips mean less risk, and flexible work arrangements during heatwaves can indirectly reduce road exposure altogether. Second, risk awareness matters. Simply recognising that heatwaves are higher-risk travel days can help us be more cautious, especially for those travelling without the protection of an enclosed vehicle. We tend to adapt quickly to rain. As soon as the first drops hit the windscreen, we reduce speed almost subconsciously and increase distance to other vehicles. This, in fact, is a key reason traffic jams often start to develop shortly after roads become wet. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat. Milad Haghani receives funding from the Australian government (the Office of Road Safety).Zahra Shahhoseini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

West Virginia Program That Helped Communities Tackle Abandoned Buildings Is Running Out of Money

A West Virginia program that helped communities demolish abandoned buildings is running out of money, and state lawmakers haven't proposed any new solutions

From their home on Charleston’s, West Virginia's West Side, Tina and Matt Glaspey watched the house on the corner of First Avenue and Fitzgerald Street go downhill fast. A family with a young daughter left because they didn’t feel safe. The next owner died. After that, the police were responding regularly as people broke into the vacant home. The Glaspeys say that in just two years, the small brick house went from occupied to condemned, left without power or water, repeatedly entered by squatters. “One day, we noticed a bright orange sticker on the door saying the building was not safe for habitation,” Tina said. “It shows how quickly things can turn, in just two years, when nothing is done to deal with these properties.” City officials say the house is following the same path as hundreds of other vacant properties across Charleston, which slowly deteriorate until they become unsafe and are added to the city’s priority demolition list, typically including about 30 buildings at a time. Until this year, a state program helped communities tear these buildings down, preventing them from becoming safety hazards for neighborhoods and harming property values. But that money is now depleted. There is no statewide demolition program left, no replacement funding, and no legislation to keep it running, leaving municipalities on their own to absorb the costs or leave vacant buildings standing. Across West Virginia, vacant properties increase while a state program designed to help runs out of money The state’s Demolition Landfill Assistance Program was established in 2021 and was funded a year later with federal COVID-19 recovery funds. Administered through the Department of Environmental Protection, the fund reimbursed local governments for the demolition of abandoned buildings that they couldn’t afford on their own. The state survey was the first step in the program to determine the scope of the need and assess local government capacity to address it. It was distributed to all 55 counties and more than 180 municipalities. However, the need is far greater. Carrie Staton, director of the West Virginia Brownfields Assistance Center, has worked with communities on abandoned buildings for about 14 years. She said most counties don’t have the resources, funding or staffing to manage dilapidated housing on their own. “We’re just so rural and so universally rural. Other states have at least a couple of major metro areas that can support this work,” she said. “We don’t. It just takes longer to do everything.” Charleston has spent millions demolishing hundreds of vacant buildings As the state’s largest city, Charleston has more tools than most local governments, including access to federal funds that smaller communities don’t have. That has allowed the city to spend more than $12 million over the past seven years demolishing over 700 unsafe and dilapidated structures.But John Butterworth, a planner for the city, said Charleston still relied on state demolition funding to help cover those costs, which averaged about $10,000 per property, including any environmental cleanup. “It’s a real cost,” he said. “It’s a necessary one to keep neighbors safe, but it is very expensive.”He said the city received $500,000 from the state program during its last round of funding to help tear down properties that drew repeated complaints from neighbors. “I think people are really relieved when we can say that the house that’s been boarded up for a year or more is coming down,” he said. “Where the concern often comes from neighbors is, what comes next?”One vacant home on Grant Street had fallen into disrepair before being demolished in May of last year. Cracks filled the walls. Dirt and moldy debris were caked on the floors. Broken glass and boarded-up windows littered the property as plants overtook the roof and yard. Eventually, the city was able to get the owner to donate the property, which was then given to Habitat for Humanity as part of its home-building program. Now, the property is being rebuilt from scratch. Construction crews have already built the foundation, porch and frame, and it is expected to be finished within the year after its groundbreaking last October. Andrew Blackwood, executive director of Habitat for Humanity of Kanawha and Putnam counties, said the property stood for at least five years, deteriorating. The home had signs of vandalism and water damage and was completely unsalvageable. He said that of the 190 homes the organization has built in both counties, nearly 90% of them have been complete rebuilds after the previous structure was demolished. A statewide problem without a statewide plan Lawmakers have said they recognize the scale of the problem, but none have proposed other ways for tearing down dangerous structures. Fayette County used state demolition money as it was intended, which was to tear down unsafe buildings that had become public safety hazards to nearby residents. With help from the state program, the county tore down 75 dilapidated structures, officials said, removing some of the most dangerous properties while continuing to track the progress of others through a countywide system. County leaders hoped to expand their demolition efforts on their own this year, but those plans have been put on hold. The county had to take over operations of a local humane society after it faced closure and will need to fundraise, said John Breneman, president of the Fayette County Commission. Former Sen. Chandler Swope, R-Mercer, said that kind of budget pressure is exactly why he pushed for state involvement in demolition funding. Swope, who helped create the state fund for the demolition of dilapidated buildings in 2021, said the idea grew from what he saw in places where population loss left empty homes, which local governments had no way to tear down.“They didn’t have any money to tear down the dilapidated properties, so I decided that that should be a state obligation because the state has more flexibility and more access to funding,” he said.Swope said he’d always viewed the need as ongoing, even as state budgets shift from year to year.“I visualized it as a permanent need. I didn’t think you would ever get to the point where it was done,” he said. “I felt like the success of the program would carry its own priority.” But four years later, that funding is gone, and lawmakers haven’t found a replacement. Other states, meanwhile, have created long-term funding for demolition and redevelopment.Ohio, for example, operates a statewide program that provides counties with annual demolition funding. Funds are appropriated from the state budget by lawmakers. Staton said West Virginia’s lack of a plan leaves communities stuck.“Abandoned buildings are in every community, and every legislator has constituents who are dealing with this,” she said. “They know it’s just a matter of finding the funding.”And back on the West Side, the Glaspeys are left staring at boarded windows and an overgrown yard across the street. Matt said, “Sometimes you think, what’s the point of fixing up your own place if everything around you is collapsing?” This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

Webinar: Cell Tower Risks 101 - What You Need To Know To Protect Your Community

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Funding bill excludes controversial pesticide provision hated by MAHA

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental...

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Known as Section 453 for its position in a House bill released earlier this year, it has drawn significant ire from MAHA-aligned activists. Opponents of the provision argue that it can be a liability shield for major chemical corporations, preventing them from facing failure-to-warn lawsuits by not disclosing health effects of their products. MAHA figures celebrated the provision’s exclusion from the legislation. “MAHA WE DID IT! Section 453 granting pesticide companies immunity from harm has been removed from the upcoming House spending bill!” MAHA Action, a political action committee affiliated with the movement, wrote on X. The issue is one that has divided Republicans, a party that has traditionally allied itself with big business.  “The language ensures that we do not have a patchwork of state labeling requirements. It ensures that one state is not establishing the label for the rest of the states,” Rep. Mike Simpson (R-Idaho) said earlier this year.  However, the growing MAHA movement has been critical of the chemical industry. The legislation is part of a bicameral deal reached to fund the departments of the Interior, Justice, Commerce, and Energy, as well as the EPA. And while the provision’s exclusion represents a win for the MAHA movement for the moment, the issue is far from settled. Alexandra Muñoz, a toxicologist and activist who is working with the MAHA movement said she’s “happy to see” that the provision was not included in the funding bill. However, she said, “we still have fronts that we’re fighting on because it’s still potentially going to be added in the Farm Bill.” She also noted that similar fights are ongoing at the Supreme Court and state level. The Supreme Court is currently weighing whether to take up a case about whether federal law preempts state pesticide labeling requirements and failure-to-warn lawsuits. The Trump administration said the court should side with the chemical industry. Meanwhile, a similar measure also appeared in a 2024 version of the Farm Bill. —Emily Brooks contributed. Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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