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Pentagon tries to dodge PFAS lawsuits over a product it helped invent

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Tuesday, March 12, 2024

The United States government said it is immune to 27 lawsuits filed by local and state governments, businesses, and property owners over the military’s role in contaminating the country with deadly PFAS, also known as “forever chemicals.” The lawsuits are a small fraction of the thousands of cases brought by plaintiffs all over the country against a slew of entities that manufactured, sold, and used a product called aqueous film-forming foam, or AFFF — an ultra-effective fire suppressant that leached into drinking water supplies and soil across the U.S. over the course of decades. The Department of Justice asked a U.S. district judge in South Carolina to dismiss the lawsuits last month, arguing that the government can’t be held liable for PFAS contamination. Lawyers for the plaintiffs called the move “misguided” and said that dismissing the lawsuits would extend an ongoing environmental catastrophe the Pentagon helped create.  Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, commonly known by the acronym PFAS (pronounced PEA’-fass), were invented by the chemical giant DuPont in the 1940s. DuPont trademarked the chemical as “Teflon,” which many Americans came to know and love for its use in nonstick cookware in the back half of the 20th century. 3M, another industry behemoth, quickly surpassed DuPont as the world’s largest manufacturer of PFAS, which have also been used in makeup, food packaging, clothing, and many industrial applications such as plastics, lubricants, and coolants.  Unfortunately, PFAS cause a host of health problems. PFAS have been linked to testicular, kidney and thyroid cancers; cardiovascular disease; and immune deficiencies. The Department of Defense became involved in PFAS development in the 1960s. In response to a number of deadly infernos on military ship decks, the Navy’s research arm, the Naval Research Laboratory, collaborated with 3M on a new kind of firefighting foam that could put out high-temperature fires. The foam’s active ingredient was “fluorinated surfactant,” otherwise known as perfluorooctane sulfonic acid or PFOS — one of thousands of chemicals under the PFAS umbrella. Internal studies and memos show that 3M became aware that its PFAS products could be harmful to animal test subjects not long after the foam was patented.   Starting in the 1970s, every Navy ship — and, soon, almost every U.S. military base, civilian airport, local fire training facility, and firefighting station — had AFFF on site in the event of a fire and to use for training. Year after year, the foam was dumped into the ocean and on the bare ground at these sites, where it contaminated the earth and migrated into nearby waterways. The chemicals, which do not break down naturally in the environment, are still there today. According to the nonprofit Environmental Working Group, there are 710 military sites with known or suspected PFAS contamination across the country, including Guam, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands.  Absorbent booms used to contain aqueous film-forming foam near a scene of a fire in Pennsylvania in 2019. Bastiaan Slabbers / NurPhoto The Department of Defense, or DOD, has been under growing pressure from states and Congress to clean up these contaminated sites. But it has been slow to do so, or even to acknowledge that PFAS, which has been found in the blood of thousands of military service members, pose a threat to human health. Instead, the DOD, which is required by Congress to phase out AFFF in some of its systems, doubled down on the usefulness of the chemicals as recently as 2023. “Losing access to PFAS due to overly broad regulations or severe market contractions would greatly impact national security and DOD’s ability to fulfill its mission,” defense officials wrote in a report to Congress last year.  Meanwhile, people living near military bases — and members of the military — have been getting sick. The lawsuits filed in the U.S. District Court in South Carolina, which were brought by farmers and several states, seek to make the government pay for the water and property contamination the DOD allegedly caused.  Even if these lawsuits are allowed to proceed, experts told Grist they are not likely to be successful. That’s because they rely on the 1946 Federal Tort Claims Act, a law that allows individuals to sue the federal government for wrongful acts committed by people working on behalf of the U.S. if the government has breached specific, compulsory policies. But the Federal Tort Claims Act has loopholes. One of these loopholes, called the “discretionary function” exemption, states that federal personnel using their own personal judgment to make decisions should not be held liable for harms caused. The U.S. government is arguing that members of the military were using their discretion when they began requiring the use of AFFF and that no “mandatory or specific” restrictions on the foam were violated. “For decades military policy encouraged — rather than prohibited — the use of AFFF,” the Department of Justice wrote in its motion to dismiss the cases.  “Every decision has some discretion to it,” said Carl Tobias, a professor at the University of Richmond School of Law, noting that the discretionary function exemption could be applied to virtually any decision made by a federal employee. “But I don’t think anyone, except maybe the manufacturers of PFAS, had much of an inkling that it was so harmful,” he said. 3M and DuPont did not reply to Grist’s requests for comment. A maintanence worker at the Peterson Air Force Base in Colorado Springs gives a thumbs up to crew on a C-130 aircraft. Andy Cross / The Denver Post via Getty Images In its motion to dismiss, the government made another argument that experts told Grist is likely to be successful. The Pentagon has the authority under the 1980 Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act — better known as the Superfund Act — to clean up its own contaminated sites. The Environmental Protection Agency hasn’t classified PFAS contamination as “hazardous contamination” yet, but the DOD says it is already spending billions to investigate and control PFAS at some of its bases. Because the military is voluntarily exercising its cleanup authority under the Superfund Act, its lawyers said in the motion, it should not be held liable for PFAS contamination.  Lawyers for the plaintiffs and the defendants declined requests for comment, citing the ongoing legal proceedings.  The U.S. government is the only defendant involved in the PFAS lawsuits that is likely to enjoy immunity. Already, 3M, DuPont, and other chemical companies, faced with the threat of high-profile trials, have opted to pay out historic, multi-billion-dollar settlements to water providers that alleged the companies knowingly contaminated public drinking water supplies with forever chemicals. And the judge presiding over the enormous group of AFFF lawsuits has hundreds of other cases to get through that were not brought by water providers. These include personal injury and property damage cases, as well as those seeking to make PFAS manufacturers pay for medical monitoring for exposed populations.  The scale of the litigation is a clear indication that communities around the U.S. are desperate to find the money to pay for PFAS cleanup — the full cost of which is not yet clear, but could be as much as $400 billion. “We can’t even imagine what it would cost,” Tobias said. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Pentagon tries to dodge PFAS lawsuits over a product it helped invent on Mar 12, 2024.

The U.S. government is seeking immunity from 27 lawsuits related to a toxic firefighting foam used on military bases.

The United States government said it is immune to 27 lawsuits filed by local and state governments, businesses, and property owners over the military’s role in contaminating the country with deadly PFAS, also known as “forever chemicals.” The lawsuits are a small fraction of the thousands of cases brought by plaintiffs all over the country against a slew of entities that manufactured, sold, and used a product called aqueous film-forming foam, or AFFF — an ultra-effective fire suppressant that leached into drinking water supplies and soil across the U.S. over the course of decades.

The Department of Justice asked a U.S. district judge in South Carolina to dismiss the lawsuits last month, arguing that the government can’t be held liable for PFAS contamination. Lawyers for the plaintiffs called the move “misguided” and said that dismissing the lawsuits would extend an ongoing environmental catastrophe the Pentagon helped create. 

Per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, commonly known by the acronym PFAS (pronounced PEA’-fass), were invented by the chemical giant DuPont in the 1940s. DuPont trademarked the chemical as “Teflon,” which many Americans came to know and love for its use in nonstick cookware in the back half of the 20th century. 3M, another industry behemoth, quickly surpassed DuPont as the world’s largest manufacturer of PFAS, which have also been used in makeup, food packaging, clothing, and many industrial applications such as plastics, lubricants, and coolants. 

Unfortunately, PFAS cause a host of health problems. PFAS have been linked to testicular, kidney and thyroid cancers; cardiovascular disease; and immune deficiencies.

The Department of Defense became involved in PFAS development in the 1960s. In response to a number of deadly infernos on military ship decks, the Navy’s research arm, the Naval Research Laboratory, collaborated with 3M on a new kind of firefighting foam that could put out high-temperature fires. The foam’s active ingredient was “fluorinated surfactant,” otherwise known as perfluorooctane sulfonic acid or PFOS — one of thousands of chemicals under the PFAS umbrella. Internal studies and memos show that 3M became aware that its PFAS products could be harmful to animal test subjects not long after the foam was patented.  

Starting in the 1970s, every Navy ship — and, soon, almost every U.S. military base, civilian airport, local fire training facility, and firefighting station — had AFFF on site in the event of a fire and to use for training. Year after year, the foam was dumped into the ocean and on the bare ground at these sites, where it contaminated the earth and migrated into nearby waterways. The chemicals, which do not break down naturally in the environment, are still there today. According to the nonprofit Environmental Working Group, there are 710 military sites with known or suspected PFAS contamination across the country, including Guam, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. 

Absorbent booms used to contain aqueous film-forming foam near a scene of a fire in Pennsylvania in 2019. Bastiaan Slabbers / NurPhoto

The Department of Defense, or DOD, has been under growing pressure from states and Congress to clean up these contaminated sites. But it has been slow to do so, or even to acknowledge that PFAS, which has been found in the blood of thousands of military service members, pose a threat to human health. Instead, the DOD, which is required by Congress to phase out AFFF in some of its systems, doubled down on the usefulness of the chemicals as recently as 2023. “Losing access to PFAS due to overly broad regulations or severe market contractions would greatly impact national security and DOD’s ability to fulfill its mission,” defense officials wrote in a report to Congress last year. 

Meanwhile, people living near military bases — and members of the military — have been getting sick. The lawsuits filed in the U.S. District Court in South Carolina, which were brought by farmers and several states, seek to make the government pay for the water and property contamination the DOD allegedly caused. 

Even if these lawsuits are allowed to proceed, experts told Grist they are not likely to be successful. That’s because they rely on the 1946 Federal Tort Claims Act, a law that allows individuals to sue the federal government for wrongful acts committed by people working on behalf of the U.S. if the government has breached specific, compulsory policies.

But the Federal Tort Claims Act has loopholes. One of these loopholes, called the “discretionary function” exemption, states that federal personnel using their own personal judgment to make decisions should not be held liable for harms caused. The U.S. government is arguing that members of the military were using their discretion when they began requiring the use of AFFF and that no “mandatory or specific” restrictions on the foam were violated. “For decades military policy encouraged — rather than prohibited — the use of AFFF,” the Department of Justice wrote in its motion to dismiss the cases. 

“Every decision has some discretion to it,” said Carl Tobias, a professor at the University of Richmond School of Law, noting that the discretionary function exemption could be applied to virtually any decision made by a federal employee. “But I don’t think anyone, except maybe the manufacturers of PFAS, had much of an inkling that it was so harmful,” he said. 3M and DuPont did not reply to Grist’s requests for comment.

A maintanence worker at the Peterson Air Force Base in Colorado Springs gives a thumbs up to crew on a C-130 aircraft.
A maintanence worker at the Peterson Air Force Base in Colorado Springs gives a thumbs up to crew on a C-130 aircraft. Andy Cross / The Denver Post via Getty Images

In its motion to dismiss, the government made another argument that experts told Grist is likely to be successful. The Pentagon has the authority under the 1980 Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act — better known as the Superfund Act — to clean up its own contaminated sites. The Environmental Protection Agency hasn’t classified PFAS contamination as “hazardous contamination” yet, but the DOD says it is already spending billions to investigate and control PFAS at some of its bases. Because the military is voluntarily exercising its cleanup authority under the Superfund Act, its lawyers said in the motion, it should not be held liable for PFAS contamination. 

Lawyers for the plaintiffs and the defendants declined requests for comment, citing the ongoing legal proceedings. 

The U.S. government is the only defendant involved in the PFAS lawsuits that is likely to enjoy immunity. Already, 3M, DuPont, and other chemical companies, faced with the threat of high-profile trials, have opted to pay out historic, multi-billion-dollar settlements to water providers that alleged the companies knowingly contaminated public drinking water supplies with forever chemicals. And the judge presiding over the enormous group of AFFF lawsuits has hundreds of other cases to get through that were not brought by water providers. These include personal injury and property damage cases, as well as those seeking to make PFAS manufacturers pay for medical monitoring for exposed populations. 

The scale of the litigation is a clear indication that communities around the U.S. are desperate to find the money to pay for PFAS cleanup — the full cost of which is not yet clear, but could be as much as $400 billion. “We can’t even imagine what it would cost,” Tobias said.

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Pentagon tries to dodge PFAS lawsuits over a product it helped invent on Mar 12, 2024.

Read the full story here.
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Biden administration bars drilling on millions of acres in Alaska

The Biden administration is restricting drilling on millions of acres of government-owned lands in Alaska — and taking the penultimate step toward blocking a mining access road in the same state. The administration announced on Friday that it would block off oil and gas drilling on 13 million acres in the Western Arctic that are...

The Biden administration is restricting drilling on millions of acres of government-owned lands in Alaska — and taking the penultimate step toward blocking a mining access road in the same state. The administration announced on Friday that it would block off oil and gas drilling on 13 million acres in the Western Arctic that are part of an area known as the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska. The 23-million-acre National Petroleum Reserve, found in Alaska’s North Slope, was set aside in 1923 by then-President Warren G. Harding as an emergency supply of oil for the Navy. The area is also home to caribou herds, threatened and sensitive bird species, and other animals including polar bears.  The administration also issued a document indicating that it would not approve a proposed industrial road through northwestern Alaskan wilderness toward deposits of copper and zinc — disrupting Ambler Metals’ effort to mine there.  The administration cited its finding that the road would significantly restrict activities for more than 30 Alaska Native communities. The Hill previously reported the Biden administration had reached this decision Tuesday. “Today’s historic actions to protect lands and waters in the western Arctic will ensure continued subsistence use by Alaska Native communities while conserving these special places for future generations,”  White House adviser John Podesta said in a statement.  “With these new announcements, the Biden-Harris administration has now protected more than 41 million acres of lands and waters across the country, leaving a huge mark on the history of American conservation,” he added. The Biden administration has a mixed record on energy- and conservation-related issues in Alaska, most notably approving the Willow Project last year — which will allow ConocoPhillips to drill in Alaska for about 30 years.  That move was particularly controversial among progressives, who said the administration should not allow significant new oil infrastructure amid the transition away from fossil fuels. One day prior to that decision, the administration announced its proposed expansion of protections in the petroleum reserve that was finalized on Friday.  It reverses a Trump-era effort to open up significantly more of the area for drilling.  The Biden administration’s move to bar the Ambler road’s construction technically is not final, as the government is required to wait at least 30 days before issuing a formal Record of Decision.   The actions taken by the Biden administration have been opposed by Alaska’s bipartisan congressional delegation, with lawmakers arguing that the move will have negative impacts on the area’s economy, including for Alaska Native Corporations.  The moves were met with praise from many environmental and tribal advocates.  “The Biden Administration's choice to reject the Ambler Road Project is a monumental step forward in the fight for Indigenous rights and environmental justice,” Chief Chair Brian Ridley of the Tanana Chiefs Conference said in a statement.

South Texas farmers are in peril as the Rio Grande Valley runs dry — again

With the hottest days still ahead, local leaders have declared emergencies. And farmers are lobbying for the U.S. government to pressure Mexico to release water.

Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news. MERCEDES — Across the street from a red barn, a 40-acre field once covered by a sea of green sugar cane leaves now sits dry and thirsty. Irrigation water is dangerously elusive for the fields of the Rio Grande Valley. Mike England, who owns England Farms and Cattle Company located 29 miles east of McAllen, raises cattle and has grown several types of crops including cotton, corn and — until recently — sugar cane. Earlier this year, the state’s last sugar mill closed due to a lack of water — effectively ending the decades-old industry. In recent years, the mill yielded 160,000 tons of raw sugar and 60,000 tons of molasses, according to the sugar mill. It also employed about 500 workers in a normal production year. England had no choice but to destroy the 500 acres worth of sugar cane he'd grown. "And now that I don't have any water, what am I going to plant there?" England said. Several factors contribute to the Valley’s water scarcity, including a lack of rainfall and Mexico’s slow delivery of water to the United States under the terms of a 1944 treaty. Levels at the Amistad International and Falcon International reservoirs are dire. And the Rio Grande Basin reached record low levels last fall and has not improved, according to a report from the National Weather Service in Brownsville. Aerial view of farmer and rancher Mike England's land near Mercedes on April 18. Credit: Ben Lowy for The Texas Tribune England lobbied Hidalgo County officials to issue a disaster declaration in hopes of raising awareness on farmers' plight at the state and national level. He's been successful. On Tuesday, Hidalgo County commissioners extended a disaster declaration issued by the county’s highest-elected official, Judge Richard F. Cortez, citing "exceptional drought conditions." The declaration does not impose water restrictions. Those decisions are left up to individual water systems. Cities in South Texas are putting those into place already, ahead of the summer’s hottest days. McAllen, the largest city in Hidalgo County with more than 144,000 residents, is currently under Stage 2 of their Water Conservation and Drought Contingency Plan, which is triggered when water supply from Amistad and Falcon Dam are below 25%. Levels are currently at 22%, according to Mark Vega, general manager of the McAllen Public Utility. The Rio Grande Valley Sugar Growers’ sugar mill in Santa Rosa. Two years of drought and a dwindling water supply forced Texas’ last sugar mill to close after more than 50 years of operation. Credit: Eli Hartman/The Texas Tribune At Stage 2, the city limits the use of water sprinkling systems for residences and businesses. It also limits water for washing vehicles with exceptions for commercial car washes, and restricts the refilling or adding of water to swimming pools. Just east of Hidalgo County, Cameron County Judge Eddie Treviño, Jr., also issued a disaster declaration on Monday. Also in place is Gov. Greg Abbott’s own disaster proclamation stemming from the 2022 drought — the worst in a decade. It applies to dozens of counties including Hidalgo and Cameron counties, authorizing the use of all state resources to reasonably cope with the disaster. Abbott renewed the declaration this month. Brian Jones, a state director for the Texas Farm Bureau and a fourth generation farmer, met with U.S. State Department officials this week to stress the need to pressure Mexico into releasing more water. Under terms of the 1944 treaty, Mexico is required to deliver water to the U.S. from six tributaries that feed into the Rio Grande. In exchange, the U.S. delivers water from the Colorado River to Mexico. Related Story April 12, 2024 The treaty requires the Mexican government to release 1,750,000 acre-feet of water every five years for an average annual amount of 350,000 acre-feet. The current five-year cycle doesn't end until October 2025, so while Mexico hasn't yet violated the terms of the treaty, it is behind on its water deliveries by more than 700,000 acre-feet as of April 6, according to International Boundary & Water Commission, the agency tasked with overseeing the water and boundary treaties. Mexican officials cite their own drought conditions for their inability to deliver water to the U.S. The treaty provides for some flexibility depending on the severity of the drought. But Frank Fisher, public affairs chief for the commission, said there are political factors there that are complicating the situation. Still, he insists the commission is continuing to engage with their Mexican counterparts at the Comisión Internacional de Límites y Aguas Entre México y Estados Unidos. He adds the state department is actively trying to resolve the issue diplomatically, including negotiating a new addition to the treaty which would amend how Mexico would meet its water obligations. "We can't give up, it's too crucial for folks of South Texas,” Fisher said. Mexican officials echoed Fisher. Manuel Morales, secretario de la Sección Mexicana for CILA, was adamant that Mexico's intention has always been to comply with its obligations under the treaty. In his 38 years of planting, Jones said 2024 is his first without irrigation water, which affects row crops such as sorghum, cotton and corn as well as specialty crops such as vegetables and citrus. Jones warns they're all on the verge of meeting the same fate as the sugar cane industry. "Right now, we do have a delay in water deliveries, that's the reality this current cycle, but our intention is to mitigate that deficit as much as possible," Morales said. "We want to continue complying with the treaty." Jones believes the citrus industry could fall next given that the industry consists of permanent trees that need additional water to produce a crop on top of the water they need to stay alive. Overall, the Valley stands to lose $495.8 million this year in total crop production, according to a December report from Texas A&M AgriLife Extension. Jones is already feeling those losses –– he only planted half his farm this year. He's had to cut employees entirely and cut back the hours of others. England has resorted to the same measures. "It kills me because these guys are some of the best people I've ever known," England said. "One of them has worked for me for 40-some-odd years. We were just past teenagers when he started here. You think I liked laying him off?" While both farmers hope the state department leans on Mexico to fulfill its water obligations, Jones doesn't believe Mexican officials have any intention of releasing water any time soon. "They're keeping it, they're using it," Jones said. "They're growing products that are competing with our products." Jones, echoing a familiar and drastic refrain, said it would take a hurricane or other major tropical event for them to make up their large deficit by October 2025. "Waiting on the weather is not a great plan, but actually waiting on the weather seems like a better plan than waiting on Mexico," Jones said. Hidalgo County is waiting for neither the weather nor Mexico. In March, the county hired H2O Partners, an Austin-based environmental consulting firm, to help develop a countywide plan to address projected water shortages. As part of that strategy, Cortez, the county judge, requested records from the IBWC and the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality for data on inflows to the Rio Grande. Water marks are seen on the dam gates and concrete at the Falcon Dam in Starr County on Aug. 18, 2022. The reservoir levels are below 25%, triggering some local water restrictions. Credit: Michael Gonzalez for The Texas Tribune Cortez said the county’s analysis suggests that Mexico’s noncompliance with the treaty doesn’t account for all the missing water and believes that the flows from the U.S. side had also dropped. "There could be nothing wrong with it, there could be more demand north from us that are using it more than others," Cortez said. "If that's the case, then that's what it is, but if I don't ask the questions, I don't know the answers." The county’s disaster declaration would enable the county to access state funding if it suffered damages from wildfires such as the historic wildfires that scorched the Texas Panhandle in February and March. Cortez added that affected farmers in the county would be in a position to receive financial relief in the likely scenario of financial losses from the water shortage. The declaration would allow farmers such as Jones and England to apply for loans at a lower interest rate. But without more water, that type of financial assistance won't solve their issues. "Without water, what are we using to grow our crops? What are we able to pay back those loans with?" Jones said. This year, England did what little he could on a few acres of land –– planting hay on land that still had a bit of moisture and planting cotton on their best sandy land. "I just took a chance on a few acres of planting," England said. "But we're in desperate need of a rain right now or it's not going to make anything." Mike England walks across one of the fields on his farm near Mercedes on April 18. Credit: Ben Lowy for The Texas Tribune Reporting in the Rio Grande Valley is supported in part by the Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas. Disclosure: Texas A&M AgriLife and Texas Farm Bureau have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here. Tickets are on sale now for the 2024 Texas Tribune Festival, happening in downtown Austin Sept. 5-7. Get your TribFest tickets before May 1 and save big!

Former lawmaker Brian Clem to spend $1 million to elect moderate Democrats to Oregon Legislature

The contribution is the second largest in Oregon this year.

Former Democratic lawmaker Brian Clem of Salem is preparing to spend $1 million to elect centrist Democrats to the Legislature, campaign finance filings show.He gave that sum Sunday to a political action committee he created in 2022 to carry out that aim. The contribution is the second largest in Oregon this year, behind the $2 million that Nike co-founder Phil Knight gave to a Republican-aligned political action committee last month.Clem, who served in the Oregon House from 2007 to 2021, formed Oregonians Are Ready to elect moderate lawmakers to the Legislature. Five other former lawmakers joined in that effort, but Clem has contributed about 85% of the money the PAC has taken in.Clem told The Oregonian/OregonLive Tuesday that one of the first candidates to receive a portion of the $1 million will be Peter Grabiel, an environmental lawyer and Democrat vying to represent Portland’s west side in the Oregon House.The committee gave Grabiel $5,000 last week, campaign finance filings show, but Clem said in a text, “We are just getting started for Pete. We will definitely be making sure he has the resources he needs to run a competitive race.”The group also gave Rep. Paul Evans, D-Monmouth, $5,000 in February. Clem didn’t say what other candidates the committee intends to support.“Our group will be making decisions in the coming days,” Clem said. “This spending will be focused on candidates in this election cycle and we are looking to support common sense problem solvers.”Grabiel is competing against doctor Brian Duty and health care clinic CEO Shannon Jones Isadore in the May 21 Democratic primary for House District 33, a seat currently held by Rep. Maxine Dexter, who is running for Congress. Whoever wins the primary is expected to coast to victory in November, as registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans more than seven-to-one in the district.As of Tuesday, Duty has raised about $96,000, Grabiel has raised $73,000 and Isadore has brought in $15,100, campaign finance filings show.Grabiel told The Oregonian/OregonLive he was not expecting financial backing from Clem’s political committee, but said it makes sense because he’s “willing to moderate from the standard line of things that far left Democrats want to see.”“I know that [Clem] wants to see more pragmatism come out of Portland,” Grabiel said. “He knows that I’m a pragmatic liberal Democrat that shares that value with him, and he thinks that I can be a breakthrough where others have not been.”For example, Grabiel said, he was the only Democratic candidate in his race who spoke in favor of rolling back Measure 110, Oregon’s landmark drug decriminalization law, before this year’s legislative session.“That was a moderate position, that was a risky position to take,” Grabiel said. “For months, I was alone in this position, which is now a mainstream position in the party. I believe taking this moderate position caused a number of left leaning special interest groups to refuse to endorse me.”— Carlos Fuentes covers state politics and government. Reach him at 503-221-5386 or cfuentes@oregonian.com.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

Contributors to Scientific American’s May 2024 Issue

Writers, artists, photographers and researchers share the stories behind the stories

Contributors to Scientific American’s May 2024 IssueWriters, artists, photographers and researchers share the stories behind the storiesBy Allison ParshallStephen PyneLife in the PyroceneThe summer after his high school graduation, Stephen Pyne filled an empty spot on the Grand Canyon’s North Rim fire crew. The opportunity came through “complete serendipity,” he says, and he went on to serve a total of 15 summers on the crew, 12 as the boss. On a fire crew, “you quickly find that fire organizes your life,” he says, just as it organizes all life on Earth.For this issue, Pyne, an environmental historian, tells a story of the so-called Pyrocene, a term he coined in 2015 in “an attempt to summarize everything I’ve learned” about fire’s intimate relationship with humanity. He has written nearly 30 books on the subject but has struggled throughout his career to find an academic home for his fire-focused work, which didn’t fit cleanly into one department. The subject “was never taught, certainly not at the places where I went to school.” For Pyne’s part, though, he sees fire as an aspect of biology—“a creation of the living world and dependent on the living world.”On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Kevin CooleyLife in the PyroceneIn the 1960s Kevin Cooley’s mother lost her Los Angeles home in a wildfire. “She talked about ‘before the fire’ and ‘after the fire,’” recalls Cooley (above). In that way, fire has always been present in his life—plus, he was “a little bit of a pyromaniac” as a kid. Now a photographer based in L.A., he has made fire one of his central subjects. He began by shooting wildfires, and then, in 2013, he was inspired by the Vatican enclave’s smoke signals to create his own blazes in controlled environments. His work can involve explosions, flares, drones, laser beams and copious amounts of smoke.Cooley is a “big fan” of Stephen Pyne’s books about fire’s relationship to humanity. So when Scientific American asked Cooley whether he would be interested in creating work for Pyne’s feature on the Pyrocene, he thought, “Are you kidding me? Is there anything I’d be more interested in?” For the project, Cooley worked with a fire-breather for the first time, a military veteran named Kavan O’Toole. The experience made him want to incorporate people with this uncommon skill into future projects. “I was like, wow, this is a whole different conversation. I’m going to work with [fire-breathers] some more.”Joanne SilbernerA Healthy Dose of QuietUntil recently, Joanne Silberner lived near a highway in Seattle. “When we bought the house, [the highway] wasn’t that loud,” she says. But as its surface deteriorated, it became “loud enough that we couldn’t have a conversation in the backyard.” So Silberner, a multimedia journalist covering medicine and health policy, moved across Puget Sound to Bainbridge Island, where it’s quiet enough to hear the coyotes and the harbor seals calling at night. “It’s made such a difference in my quality of life,” she says. “I didn’t realize how anxious the sound was making me.”In her article, Silberner covers the deleterious and understudied effects noise can have on our health. Despite clear evidence of the harms of excessive noise—which are borne primarily by disadvantaged communities—noise pollution is barely regulated, leaving people to “suffer without any kind of government intervention,” she says.Throughout her career, Silberner has been guided by a quote from journalist Amy Goodman: “Go where the silence is and say something.” For this story, Silberner found the directive particularly apt: “There’s not much public awareness of the health effects of noise.”Amanda MontañezGraphic ScienceAmanda Montañez has always preferred creating observational art based on the world around her over drawing solely from her imagination. As a studio art major in college, “I always loved figure drawing the most,” she says. After working in the art world for a few years, Montañez decided to go to graduate school for medical illustration. During her master’s research project, which communicated to pregnant people how to navigate midwifery care, she “was just kind of struck by how important data visualization is,” especially in helping people understand their health-care options. That ultimately led Montañez to Scientific American, where she’s been a graphics editor over the past nine years.In this issue’s Graphic Science column, Montañez charts how family sizes are shrinking across the world. The story “hit fairly close to home,” she says. Montañez grew up with her grandparents—who lived on the other side of her family’s duplex—as “built-in babysitters.” Now with a young child of her own, she finds herself without family nearby to help with day care. In coming decades, she says, “a lot more people are going to be where I am.”

Biden administration raises costs to drill on public lands

The Interior Department on Friday finalized a rule making it more expensive for oil and gas producers to drill on federally owned lands. Several of the provisions in the rule — like raising the rent the government charges to oil companies for using its land and increasing the government’s share of the profits from that...

The Interior Department on Friday finalized a rule making it more expensive for oil and gas producers to drill on federally owned lands.  Several of the provisions in the rule — like raising the rent the government charges to oil companies for using its land and increasing the government’s share of the profits from that oil — were set out in law by the Democrats’ Inflation Reduction Act.  The Biden administration will additionally make it more expensive for drillers to abandon their oil wells after use instead of cleaning them up. The administration argues that current bonding rates do not do enough to ensure that companies clean up after themselves.  The administration described the changes as the first “comprehensive update” to the rules around drilling on federal lands since 1988.  “These are the most significant reforms to the federal oil and gas leasing program in decades, and they will cut wasteful speculation, increase returns for the public, and protect taxpayers from being saddled with the costs of environmental cleanups,” Interior Secretary Deb Haaland said in a written statement.  The rule comes one day after the administration moved to cut costs for producing renewable energy on public land. Specifically, the rule raises the royalty rate – the government’s share of the profits of oil and gas produced on public lands -- from 12.5 percent to 16.67 percent.  It also increases rent rates from $1.50 per acre for each of the first five years of a lease and $2 per acre for the next five to $3 per acre for the first two years and $5 per acre for the next six, going up to $15 per acre thereafter.  Further, the rule increases the minimum amount that companies can bid for to lease lands for drilling to $10 per acre, up from $2 per acre, and adjusts the price for inflation.  The move was celebrated by environmental activists.  “These new regulations are the kind of common-sense reforms the federal oil and gas leasing program has needed for decades. The days of oil and gas companies locking up public lands for decades for pennies on the dollar and leaving polluted lands, water, and air in their wake are over,” Athan Manuel, the Sierra Club’s lands protection program director, said in a written statement.  

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