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Mexico’s Next President Is a Climate Scientist—and a Fossil Fuel Supporter

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Saturday, June 8, 2024

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Mexico’s President-elect, Claudia Sheinbaum, an energy engineer and physicist by training, has published widely on the energy transition and greenhouse gas emissions as an environmental scientist. She has co-authored a UN climate report, and as Mexico City mayor, she installed solar power on a city market and electrified public transportation routes. Now, the country waits to see whether her environmental pedigree will translate into action as president. Sheinbaum’s predecessor, outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, cut funding for environmental agencies and let Mexico’s international climate commitments languish. He backed more domestic oil production and the construction of a new refinery.  Sheinbaum remained his loyal ally; López Obrador paved the way for her to ascend to Mexico’s highest office. But on energy and climate issues, while his protegé strikes a different tone, she remains committed to continued use of fossil fuels. Will Sheinbaum follow “the agenda she inherited from Andrés Manuel López Obrador” or “the agenda of a well-informed scientist”? Sheinbaum’s campaign platform commits to the nation’s energy transition, electrifying transport and reducing Mexico’s greenhouse gas emissions. Yet she also supports a recently constructed oil refinery, natural gas pipelines and petrochemical plants. She champions domestic oil production but is largely silent on natural gas, for which Mexico is highly dependent on the United States. Sheinbaum will have to thread the needle between continuing López Obrador’s legacy—leading the party he founded—and crafting her own political identity.  “Which side of her is going to win?” said Claudia Campero, a long-time environmental activist in Mexico City who works with the organization Conexiones Climáticas. “The agenda she inherited from Andrés Manuel López Obrador? Or the agenda of the well-informed scientist who understands the climate crisis perfectly?  “It’s still up in the air.” Sheinbaum was born in Mexico City in 1962. Her Jewish grandparents fled Lithuania and Bulgaria. But she was raised in a secular household, more concerned with left-wing politics than religion. She earned undergraduate, masters and doctorate degrees from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) in energy engineering and physics. Sheinbaum also completed coursework at Stanford and the University of California, Berkeley, and worked as a researcher at the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory in the early 1990s.  Before ascending to the presidency six years ago, López Obrador was elected Mexico City mayor in 2000, representing the PRD party. He named Sheinbaum his secretary of the environment, a post she held until 2006.  Sheinbaum later continued her research at UNAM, including papers on electrical sector reform and carbon dioxide emissions and energy consumption in the Mexican industrial sector. She also authored contributions to the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Fourth and Fifth Assessment Reports. “Very little has been done to make progress” on Mexico’s climate change law’s goals. In 2018, López Obrador ran for president representing the MORENA party he had founded after leaving the PRD. Sheinbaum ran for Mexico City mayor that same year with MORENA. They both won and worked together closely over the coming years.  As mayor, Sheinbaum led the electrification of much of the bus system and new cable-car routes were built. But she faced pushback for building a bridge through wetlands in the historic Xochimilco borough.  Campero, the advocate, pointed to a rainwater capture program in low-income neighborhoods as emblematic of Sheinbaum’s approach to environmental issues. The project had environmental benefits but prioritized improving quality of life in marginalized neighborhoods. “She prioritizes social policy,” Campero said. “The environmental side is there, but the motive of economic growth has more weight in her decision making.” López Obrador was elected president in his third run for the top office. He took office intent on undoing reforms, passed in 2013, that he thought undermined Mexico’s sovereignty by allowing increased foreign investment in the energy sector.  Some of López Obrador’s most contentious projects had vast environmental impacts: the Mayan Train across the biodiverse Yucatan Peninsula; a costly refinery at Dos Bocas; the Trans-Isthmus Corridor logistics route.  Despite López Obrador’s rhetoric of energy sovereignty, Mexico’s dependence on natural gas from the United States deepened during his administration. Northern Mexico’s proximity to the prolific oilfields of Texas, paired with the 2013 energy reforms, allowed a vast network of pipelines to expand across the border into Mexico.  By 2022, imports from the US provided 69 percent of Mexico’s natural gas, according to Mexico’s Secretary of Energy. In 2023, natural gas accounted for about 58 percent of Mexico’s electricity use. Even more pipelines have been proposed recently to transport natural gas from the US to Mexico’s coasts for liquefaction and re-export. In 2022, the US exported a record high $55.8 billion worth of petroleum products and natural gas to Mexico. Mexico’s General Climate Change Law set a goal of 35 percent of electricity from clean energy sources by 2024. Progress toward this goal stalled during López Obrador’s administration. Renewables provided 23 percent of electricity in 2023, according to clean energy think tank Ember. The administration’s biggest investment in renewables was the 1,000-megawatt Puerto Peñasco solar farm in Sonora. Mexico’s climate policy went backwards under López Obrador, according to Carlos Asúnsolo, director of public policy and research at the Mexican Center for Environmental Law (CEMDA). Mexico updated its Nationally Determined Contribution under the Paris Agreement in 2022 to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 35 percent by 2030.  “Today, we know that very little has been done to make progress on these commitments,” Asúnsolo said.  The federal government has largely rejected CEMDA’s requests for documentation of progress toward these commitments. The organization Climate Action Tracker ranks Mexico’s progress on its targets as “critically insufficient.”  While López Obrador promoted the state oil company PEMEX, the firm’s emissions and pollution seemed to be an afterthought. “The discussion of hydrocarbons [in Mexico] is who reaps the benefits,” Conexiones Climáticas’ Campero said. “There hasn’t been much discussion of environmental protection.” PEMEX is one of the top 10 firms globally that have contributed to global carbon emissions, according to the Guardian. Mexico has also promised to reduce methane emissions by at least 30 percent by 2030 under the Global Methane Pledge. But satellites have repeatedly detected massive methane releases from PEMEX’s offshore platforms.  In a debate, Sheinbaum said Mexico will use renewable energy while “at same time having a foundation with [natural] gas.” “[Mexico] has an above average, by far, methane emissions intensity,” said Diego Rivera Rivota, a senior research associate at Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy. “It’s a massive challenge, one of the many challenges that PEMEX has in their list of challenges to be resolved.” Meanwhile the impacts of climate change became ever more apparent in Mexico. Hurricane Otis barreled into Acapulco last year, killing 52 people. Warm ocean surface water likely caused the storm to intensify rapidly, catching forecasters off guard. Extreme heat this May pushed electricity demand to record high levels. Drought has diminished the water supplies for major cities, including Mexico City and Monterrey.  Some Mexican scientists bemoan what they call a “lost administration” to address the worst impacts of climate change. Nonetheless, López Obrador’s social and labor policies were wildly popular and lifted many Mexicans out of poverty. His promise to put the poor first resonated in a country with entrenched poverty. Coasting on high approval ratings, MORENA was poised to hold on to the presidency in 2024. Sheinbaum’s main opponent in the presidential race was Xóchitl Gálvez, who represented a coalition of the PRI, PAN and PRD parties. Both Sheinbaum and Gálvez promoted renewable energy in their platforms, while Gálvez put a stronger emphasis on private investment. By the time polling places began reporting on Sunday night, it was clear Sheinbaum had a commanding lead. She won almost 60 percent of the vote and several million more votes than López Obrador captured in 2018. MORENA also won a majority in both houses of congress. Sheinbaum will enter office on Oct. 1 for a six-year term. Sheinbaum’s campaign platform states that energy policy will “redirect the sector toward an authentically sustainable future.” But Sheinbaum has also promised to “consolidate” the Dos Bocas refinery and increase domestic oil production. Throughout, Sheinbaum has emphasized central roles for PEMEX and the state electric utility CFE. Her platform also commits to engaging in the UN climate change Conference of the Parties. Her energy sector plans include wind, solar, hydropower, green hydrogen and geothermal. In an event with business leaders, Sheinbaum proposed dedicating $13.6 billion to these new energy generation projects.  In a presidential debate, Sheinbaum said Mexico will use renewable energy while “at same time having a foundation with [natural] gas.” She also voiced support for a new gas pipeline to the Yucatan Peninsula.  “We have six years to do something significant to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fulfill international climate commitments.” While international media headlines celebrated Mexico’s first elected woman president and her environmental credentials, Mexico is expected to continue to rely on imports of US petroleum products and gas. Energy industry publications reassured their readers that Sheinbaum will “stay the course” and demand for Texas gas will “stay robust.” Adrian Duhalt of Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy expects Mexico to increase imports of US natural gas in the near term. Some of MORENA’s projects, like industrial parks planned in Southern Mexico, will require increased gas imports. In Northern Mexico, companies are relocating from Asia to be closer to the US market, a trend called near-shoring, which is also driving gas demand.  But Duhalt sees a path for Mexico to invest in renewables, storage capacity, batteries and energy efficiency to gradually reduce dependence on natural gas from the United States. Duhalt said Mexico’s state-owned energy companies could be important tools to help speed the energy transition.  Columbia’s Rivera Rivota said recent heat waves have emphasized the importance of shoring up Mexico’s electrical grid and diversifying power sources. Mexico had to implement rolling blackouts during a heat wave last month. “The main driver of this is an increase in temperatures. Those are the effects of climate change on the demand side,” he said. “This trend is here to stay.” Sheinbaum rode the wave of López Obrador’s popularity to secure a second presidential administration for the MORENA party, which is just a decade old. While climate change was a marginal issue for López Obrador, Sheinbaum could turn a new page.  Environmental advocates will be watching who Sheinbaum appoints to key cabinet positions like the Secretariat of Energy and the Secretariat of the Environment. They also say that budget allocations will prove whether her renewable energy ideas can be effectively implemented.  CEMDA’s Asúnsolo said Sheinbaum’s administration can make up for “errors and mistakes” of the outgoing president.  “We have six years to do something significant to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fulfill international climate commitments,” he said. “I think this government still has time to do so. This is a very important moment.”

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Mexico’s President-elect, Claudia Sheinbaum, an energy engineer and physicist by training, has published widely on the energy transition and greenhouse gas emissions as an environmental scientist. She has co-authored a UN climate report, and as Mexico City mayor, she installed […]

This story was originally published by Inside Climate News and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration.

Mexico’s President-elect, Claudia Sheinbaum, an energy engineer and physicist by training, has published widely on the energy transition and greenhouse gas emissions as an environmental scientist. She has co-authored a UN climate report, and as Mexico City mayor, she installed solar power on a city market and electrified public transportation routes.

Now, the country waits to see whether her environmental pedigree will translate into action as president. Sheinbaum’s predecessor, outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, cut funding for environmental agencies and let Mexico’s international climate commitments languish. He backed more domestic oil production and the construction of a new refinery. 

Sheinbaum remained his loyal ally; López Obrador paved the way for her to ascend to Mexico’s highest office. But on energy and climate issues, while his protegé strikes a different tone, she remains committed to continued use of fossil fuels.

Will Sheinbaum follow “the agenda she inherited from Andrés Manuel López Obrador” or “the agenda of a well-informed scientist”?

Sheinbaum’s campaign platform commits to the nation’s energy transition, electrifying transport and reducing Mexico’s greenhouse gas emissions. Yet she also supports a recently constructed oil refinery, natural gas pipelines and petrochemical plants.

She champions domestic oil production but is largely silent on natural gas, for which Mexico is highly dependent on the United States. Sheinbaum will have to thread the needle between continuing López Obrador’s legacy—leading the party he founded—and crafting her own political identity. 

“Which side of her is going to win?” said Claudia Campero, a long-time environmental activist in Mexico City who works with the organization Conexiones Climáticas. “The agenda she inherited from Andrés Manuel López Obrador? Or the agenda of the well-informed scientist who understands the climate crisis perfectly? 

“It’s still up in the air.”

Sheinbaum was born in Mexico City in 1962. Her Jewish grandparents fled Lithuania and Bulgaria. But she was raised in a secular household, more concerned with left-wing politics than religion.

She earned undergraduate, masters and doctorate degrees from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) in energy engineering and physics. Sheinbaum also completed coursework at Stanford and the University of California, Berkeley, and worked as a researcher at the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory in the early 1990s. 

Before ascending to the presidency six years ago, López Obrador was elected Mexico City mayor in 2000, representing the PRD party. He named Sheinbaum his secretary of the environment, a post she held until 2006. 

Sheinbaum later continued her research at UNAM, including papers on electrical sector reform and carbon dioxide emissions and energy consumption in the Mexican industrial sector. She also authored contributions to the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Fourth and Fifth Assessment Reports.

“Very little has been done to make progress” on Mexico’s climate change law’s goals.

In 2018, López Obrador ran for president representing the MORENA party he had founded after leaving the PRD. Sheinbaum ran for Mexico City mayor that same year with MORENA. They both won and worked together closely over the coming years. 

As mayor, Sheinbaum led the electrification of much of the bus system and new cable-car routes were built. But she faced pushback for building a bridge through wetlands in the historic Xochimilco borough. 

Campero, the advocate, pointed to a rainwater capture program in low-income neighborhoods as emblematic of Sheinbaum’s approach to environmental issues. The project had environmental benefits but prioritized improving quality of life in marginalized neighborhoods.

“She prioritizes social policy,” Campero said. “The environmental side is there, but the motive of economic growth has more weight in her decision making.”

López Obrador was elected president in his third run for the top office. He took office intent on undoing reforms, passed in 2013, that he thought undermined Mexico’s sovereignty by allowing increased foreign investment in the energy sector. 

Some of López Obrador’s most contentious projects had vast environmental impacts: the Mayan Train across the biodiverse Yucatan Peninsula; a costly refinery at Dos Bocas; the Trans-Isthmus Corridor logistics route. 

Despite López Obrador’s rhetoric of energy sovereignty, Mexico’s dependence on natural gas from the United States deepened during his administration. Northern Mexico’s proximity to the prolific oilfields of Texas, paired with the 2013 energy reforms, allowed a vast network of pipelines to expand across the border into Mexico. 

By 2022, imports from the US provided 69 percent of Mexico’s natural gas, according to Mexico’s Secretary of Energy. In 2023, natural gas accounted for about 58 percent of Mexico’s electricity use. Even more pipelines have been proposed recently to transport natural gas from the US to Mexico’s coasts for liquefaction and re-export. In 2022, the US exported a record high $55.8 billion worth of petroleum products and natural gas to Mexico.

Mexico’s General Climate Change Law set a goal of 35 percent of electricity from clean energy sources by 2024. Progress toward this goal stalled during López Obrador’s administration. Renewables provided 23 percent of electricity in 2023, according to clean energy think tank Ember. The administration’s biggest investment in renewables was the 1,000-megawatt Puerto Peñasco solar farm in Sonora.

Mexico’s climate policy went backwards under López Obrador, according to Carlos Asúnsolo, director of public policy and research at the Mexican Center for Environmental Law (CEMDA). Mexico updated its Nationally Determined Contribution under the Paris Agreement in 2022 to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 35 percent by 2030. 

“Today, we know that very little has been done to make progress on these commitments,” Asúnsolo said. 

The federal government has largely rejected CEMDA’s requests for documentation of progress toward these commitments. The organization Climate Action Tracker ranks Mexico’s progress on its targets as “critically insufficient.” 

While López Obrador promoted the state oil company PEMEX, the firm’s emissions and pollution seemed to be an afterthought.

“The discussion of hydrocarbons [in Mexico] is who reaps the benefits,” Conexiones Climáticas’ Campero said. “There hasn’t been much discussion of environmental protection.”

PEMEX is one of the top 10 firms globally that have contributed to global carbon emissions, according to the Guardian. Mexico has also promised to reduce methane emissions by at least 30 percent by 2030 under the Global Methane Pledge. But satellites have repeatedly detected massive methane releases from PEMEX’s offshore platforms. 

In a debate, Sheinbaum said Mexico will use renewable energy while “at same time having a foundation with [natural] gas.”

“[Mexico] has an above average, by far, methane emissions intensity,” said Diego Rivera Rivota, a senior research associate at Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy. “It’s a massive challenge, one of the many challenges that PEMEX has in their list of challenges to be resolved.”

Meanwhile the impacts of climate change became ever more apparent in Mexico. Hurricane Otis barreled into Acapulco last year, killing 52 people. Warm ocean surface water likely caused the storm to intensify rapidly, catching forecasters off guard. Extreme heat this May pushed electricity demand to record high levels. Drought has diminished the water supplies for major cities, including Mexico City and Monterrey. 

Some Mexican scientists bemoan what they call a “lost administration” to address the worst impacts of climate change. Nonetheless, López Obrador’s social and labor policies were wildly popular and lifted many Mexicans out of poverty. His promise to put the poor first resonated in a country with entrenched poverty. Coasting on high approval ratings, MORENA was poised to hold on to the presidency in 2024.

Sheinbaum’s main opponent in the presidential race was Xóchitl Gálvez, who represented a coalition of the PRI, PAN and PRD parties. Both Sheinbaum and Gálvez promoted renewable energy in their platforms, while Gálvez put a stronger emphasis on private investment.

By the time polling places began reporting on Sunday night, it was clear Sheinbaum had a commanding lead. She won almost 60 percent of the vote and several million more votes than López Obrador captured in 2018. MORENA also won a majority in both houses of congress. Sheinbaum will enter office on Oct. 1 for a six-year term.

Sheinbaum’s campaign platform states that energy policy will “redirect the sector toward an authentically sustainable future.” But Sheinbaum has also promised to “consolidate” the Dos Bocas refinery and increase domestic oil production. Throughout, Sheinbaum has emphasized central roles for PEMEX and the state electric utility CFE. Her platform also commits to engaging in the UN climate change Conference of the Parties.

Her energy sector plans include wind, solar, hydropower, green hydrogen and geothermal. In an event with business leaders, Sheinbaum proposed dedicating $13.6 billion to these new energy generation projects. 

In a presidential debate, Sheinbaum said Mexico will use renewable energy while “at same time having a foundation with [natural] gas.” She also voiced support for a new gas pipeline to the Yucatan Peninsula. 

“We have six years to do something significant to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fulfill international climate commitments.”

While international media headlines celebrated Mexico’s first elected woman president and her environmental credentials, Mexico is expected to continue to rely on imports of US petroleum products and gas. Energy industry publications reassured their readers that Sheinbaum will “stay the course” and demand for Texas gas will “stay robust.”

Adrian Duhalt of Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy expects Mexico to increase imports of US natural gas in the near term. Some of MORENA’s projects, like industrial parks planned in Southern Mexico, will require increased gas imports. In Northern Mexico, companies are relocating from Asia to be closer to the US market, a trend called near-shoring, which is also driving gas demand. 

But Duhalt sees a path for Mexico to invest in renewables, storage capacity, batteries and energy efficiency to gradually reduce dependence on natural gas from the United States. Duhalt said Mexico’s state-owned energy companies could be important tools to help speed the energy transition. 

Columbia’s Rivera Rivota said recent heat waves have emphasized the importance of shoring up Mexico’s electrical grid and diversifying power sources. Mexico had to implement rolling blackouts during a heat wave last month.

“The main driver of this is an increase in temperatures. Those are the effects of climate change on the demand side,” he said. “This trend is here to stay.”

Sheinbaum rode the wave of López Obrador’s popularity to secure a second presidential administration for the MORENA party, which is just a decade old. While climate change was a marginal issue for López Obrador, Sheinbaum could turn a new page. 

Environmental advocates will be watching who Sheinbaum appoints to key cabinet positions like the Secretariat of Energy and the Secretariat of the Environment. They also say that budget allocations will prove whether her renewable energy ideas can be effectively implemented. 

CEMDA’s Asúnsolo said Sheinbaum’s administration can make up for “errors and mistakes” of the outgoing president. 

“We have six years to do something significant to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fulfill international climate commitments,” he said. “I think this government still has time to do so. This is a very important moment.”

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Fire Disrupts UN Climate Talks Just as Negotiators Reach Critical Final Days

Fire has disrupted United Nations climate talks, forcing evacuations of several buildings with just two scheduled days left and negotiators yet to announce any major agreements

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — Fire disrupted United Nations climate talks in Brazil on Thursday, forcing evacuations of several buildings with just two scheduled days left and negotiators yet to announce any major agreements. Officials said no one was hurt.The fire was reported in an area of pavilions where sideline events are held during the annual talks, known this year as COP30. Organizers soon announced that the fire was under control, but fire officials ordered the entire site evacuated for safety checks and it wasn't clear when conference business would resume.Viliami Vainga Tone, with the Tonga delegation, had just come out of a high-level ministerial meeting when dozens of people came thundering past him shouting about the fire. He was among people pushed out of the venue by Brazilian and United Nations security forces.Tone called time the most precious resource at COP and said he was disappointed it's even shorter due to the fire.“We have to keep up our optimism. There is always tomorrow, if not the remainder of today. But at least we have a full day tomorrow,” Tone told The Associated Press.A few hours before the fire, U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres urged countries to compromise and “show willingness and flexibility to deliver results,” even if they fall short of the strongest measures some nations want.“We are down to the wire and the world is watching Belem,” Guterres said, asking negotiators to engage in good faith in the last two scheduled days of talks, which already missed a self-imposed deadline Wednesday for progress on a few key issues. The conference, with this year's edition known as COP30, frequently runs longer than its scheduled two weeks.“Communities on the front lines are watching, too — counting flooded homes, failed harvests, lost livelihoods — and asking, ‘how much more must we suffer?’” Guterres said. "They’ve heard enough excuses and demand results.” On contentious issues involving more detailed plans to phase out fossil fuels and financial aid to poorer countries, Guterres said he was “perfectly convinced” that compromise was possible and dismissed the idea that not adopting the strongest measures would be a failure.Guterres was more forceful in what he wanted rich countries to do for poor countries, especially those in need of tens of billions of dollars to adapt to the floods, droughts, storms and heat waves triggered by worsening climate change. He continued calls to triple adaptation finance from $40 billion a year to $120 billion a year.“No delegation will leave Belem with everything it wants, but every delegation has a duty to reach a balanced deal,” Guterres said.“Every country, especially the big emitters, must do more,” Guterres said.Delivering overall financial aid — with an agreed goal of $300 billion a year — is one of four interconnected issues that were initially excluded from the official agenda. The other three are: whether countries should be told to toughen their new climate plans; dealing with trade barriers over climate and improving reporting on transparency and climate progress.More than 80 countries have pushed for a detailed “road map” on how to transition away from fossil fuels, like coal, oil and natural gas, which are the chief cause of warming. That was a general but vague agreement two years ago at the COP in Dubai. Guterres kept referring to it as already being agreed to in Dubai, but did not commit to a detailed plan, which Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva pushed for earlier in a speech.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.This story was produced as part of the 2025 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organized by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and Security.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

Engineered microbes could tackle climate change – if we ensure it’s done safely

Engineering microbes to soak up more carbon, boost crop yields and restore former farmland is appealing. But synthetic biology fixes must be done thoughtfully

Yuji Sakai/GettyAs the climate crisis accelerates, there’s a desperate need to rapidly reduce carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere, both by slashing emissions and by pulling carbon out of the air. Synthetic biology has emerged as a particularly promising approach. Despite the name, synthetic biology isn’t about creating new life from scratch. Rather, it uses engineering principles to build new biological components for existing microorganisms such as bacteria, microbes and fungi to make them better at specific tasks. By one recent estimate, synthetic biology could cut more carbon than emitted by all passenger cars ever made – up to 30 billion tonnes – through methods such as boosting crop yields, restoring agricultural land, cutting livestock methane emissions, reducing the need for fertiliser, producing biofuels and engineering microbes to store more carbon. According to some synthetic biologists, this could be a game-changer. But will it prove to be? Technological efforts to “solve” the climate problem often verge on the improbably utopian. There’s a risk in seeing synthetic biology as a silver bullet for environmental problems. A more realistic approach suggests synthetic biology isn’t a magic fix, but does have real potential worth exploring further. Engineering microorganisms is a controversial practice. To make the most of these technologies, researchers will have to ensure it’s done safely and ethically, as my research points out. What potential does synthetic biology have? Earth’s oceans, forests, soils and other natural processes soak up over half of all carbon emitted by burning fossil fuels. Synthetic biology could make these natural sinks even more effective. Some researchers are exploring ways to modify natural enzymes to rapidly convert carbon dioxide gas into carbon in rocks. Perhaps the best known example is the use of precision fermentation to cut methane emissions from livestock. Because methane is a much more potent greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide, these emissions account for roughly 12% of total warming potential from greenhouse emissions. Bioengineered yeasts could absorb up to 98% of these emissions. After being eaten by cattle or other ruminants these yeasts block production of methane before it can be belched out. Synthetic biology could even drastically reduce how much farmland the world needs by producing food more efficiently. Engineered soil microbes can boost crop yields at least by 10–20%, meaning more food from less land. Precision fermentation can be used to produce clean meat and clean milk with much lower emissions than traditional farming. Engineered microbes have the potential to boost crop yields considerably. Collab Media/Unsplash, CC BY-NC-ND If farms produce more on less land, excess farmland can be returned to nature. Wetlands, forests and native grasslands can store much more carbon than farmland, helping tackle climate change. Synthetic biology can be used to modify microbe and algae species to increase their natural ability to store carbon in wetlands and oceans. This approach is known as natural geoengineering. Engineered crops and soil microbes can also lock away much more carbon in the roots of crops or by increasing soil storage capacity. They can also reduce methane emissions from organic matter and tackle pollutants such as fertiliser runoff and heavy metals. Sounds great – what’s the problem? As researchers have pointed out, using this approach will require a rollout at massive scale. At present, much work has been done at smaller scale. These engineered organisms need to be able to go from Petri dishes to industrial bioreactors and then safely into the environment. To scale, these approaches have to be economically viable, well regulated and socially acceptable. That’s easier said than done. First, engineering organisms comes with the serious risk of unintended consequences. If these customised microbes release their stored carbon all at once during a drought or bushfire, it could worsen climate change. It would be very difficult to control these organisms if a problem emerges after their release, such as if an engineered microbe began outcompeting its rivals or if synthetic genes spread beyond the target species and do unintended damage to other species and ecosystems. It will be essential to tackle these issues head on with robust risk management and forward planning. Second, synthetic biology approaches will likely become products. To make these organisms cheaply and gain market share, biotech companies will have an incentive to focus on immediate profits. This could lead companies to downplay actual risks to protect their profit margins. Regulation will be essential here. Third, some worthwhile approaches may not appeal to companies seeking a return on investment. Instead, governments or public institutions may have to develop them to benefit plants, animals and natural habitats, given human existence rests on healthy ecosystems. Which way forward? These issues shouldn’t stop researchers from testing out these technologies. But these risks must be taken into account, as not all risks are equal. Unchecked climate change would be much worse, as it could lead to societal collapse, large-scale climate migration and mass species extinction. Large scale removal of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere is now essential. In the face of catastrophic risks, it can be ethically justifiable to take the smaller risk of unintended consequences from these organisms. But it’s far less justifiable if these same risks are accepted to secure financial returns for private investors. As time passes and the climate crisis intensifies, these technologies will look more and more appealing. Synthetic biology won’t be the silver bullet many imagine it to be, and it’s unlikely it will be the gold mine many hope for. But the technology has undeniable promise. Used thoughtfully and ethically, it could help us make a healthier planet for all living species. Daniele Fulvi receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence in Synthetic Biology, and his current project investigates the ethical dimensions of synthetic biology for climate mitigation. He also received a small grant from the Advanced Engineering Biology Future Science Platform at CSIRO. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and are not necessarily those of the Australian Government or the Australian Research Council.

Exclusive-Europe Plans Service to Gauge Climate Change Role in Extreme Weather

By Alison Withers and Kate AbnettCOPENHAGEN (Reuters) -The EU is launching a service to measure the role climate change is playing in extreme...

By Alison Withers and Kate AbnettCOPENHAGEN (Reuters) -The EU is launching a service to measure the role climate change is playing in extreme weather events like heatwaves and extreme rain, and experts say this could help governments set climate policy, improve financial risk assessments and provide evidence for use in lawsuits.Scientists with the EU's Copernicus Climate Change Service told Reuters the service can help governments in weighing the physical risks posed by worsening weather and setting policy in response. "It's the demand of understanding when an extreme event happens, how is this related to climate change?" said the new service's technical lead, Freja Vamborg.The European Commission did not immediately respond to a Reuters request for comment.The service will perform attribution science, which involves running computer simulations of how weather systems might have behaved if people had never started pumping greenhouse gases into the air and then comparing those results with what is happening today.Funded for about 2.5 million euros over three years, Copernicus will publish results by the end of next year and offer two assessments a month - each within a week of an extreme weather event.For the first time, "there will be an attribution office operating constantly," said Carlo Buontempo, director of Copernicus Climate Change Service. "Climate policy is unfortunately again a very polarized topic," said Friederike Otto, a climate scientist at Imperial College London who helped to pioneer the scientific approach but is not involved in the new EU service. She welcomed the service's plans to partner with national weather services of EU members along with the UK Met and the Red Cross Red Crescent Climate Centre."From that point of view, it also helps if the governments do it themselves and just see themselves really the evidence from their own weather services," Otto said. Some independent climate scientists and lawyers cheered the EU move. "We want to have the most information available," said senior attorney Erika Lennon at the non-profit Center for International Environmental Law."The more information we have about attribution science, the easier it will be for the most impacted to be able to successfully bring claims to courts."By calculating probabilities of climate change impacting weather patterns, the approach also helps insurance companies and others in the financial sector.In a way, "they're already using it" with in-house teams calculating probabilities for floods or storms, said environmental scientist Johan Rockstroem with the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research."Financial institutions understand risk and risk has to be quantified, and this is one way of quantifying," Rockstroem said.In litigation, attribution science is also being used already in calculating how much a country's or company's emissions may have contributed to climate-fuelled disasters.The International Court of Justice said in July that attribution science is legally viable for linking emissions with climate extremes - but it has yet to fully be tested in court. A German court in May dismissed a Peruvian farmer's lawsuit against German utility RWE for emissions-driven warming causing Andean glaciers to thaw. The case had used attribution science in calculating the damage claim, but the court said the claim amount was too low to take the case forward.So "the court never got to discussing attribution science in detail and going into whether the climate models are good enough, and all of these complex and thorny questions," said Noah Walker-Crawford, a climate litigation researcher at the London School of Economics. (Reporting by Ali Withers in Copenhagen and Kate Abnett in Belem, Brazil; Writing by Katy Daigle; Editing by David Gregorio)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

Billionaire hedge fund founder Tom Steyer is running for governor

Billionaire hedge fund founder, climate change warrior and major Democratic donor Tom Steyer is running for governor. Fossil fuel and migrant detention facility investments will likely draw attacks from his fellow Democrats.

Billionaire hedge fund founder Tom Steyer announced Wednesday that he is running for governor of California, arguing that he is not beholden to special interests and can take on corporations that are making life unaffordable in the state.“The richest people in America think that they earned everything themselves. Bulls—, man. That’s so ridiculous,” Steyer said in an online video announcing his campaign. “We have a broken government. It’s been bought by corporations and my question is: Who do you think is going to change that? Sacramento politicians are afraid to change up this system. I’m not. They’re going to hate this. Bring it on.” Protesters hold placards and banners during a rally against Whitehaven Coal in Sydney in 2014. Dozens of protesters and activists gathered downtown to protest against the controversial massive Maules Creek coal mine project in northern New South Wales. (Saeed Khan / AFP/Getty Images) Steyer, 68, founded Farallon Capital Management, one of the nation’s largest hedge funds, and left it in 2012 after 26 years. Since his departure, he has become a global environmental activist and a major donor to Democratic candidates and causes. But the hedge firm’s investments — notably a giant coal mine in Australia that cleared 3,700 acres of koala habitat and a company that runs migrant detention centers on the U.S.-Mexico border for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement — will make him susceptible to political attack by his gubernatorial rivals. Steyer has expressed regret for his involvement in such projects, saying it was why he left Farallon and started focusing his energy on fighting climate change. Democratic presidential candidate Tom Steyer addresses a crowd during a presidential primary election-night party in Columbia, S.C. (Sean Rayford / Getty Images) Steyer previously flirted with running for governor and the U.S. Senate but decided against it, instead opting to run for president in 2020. He dropped out after spending nearly $342 million on his campaign, which gained little traction before he ended his run after the South Carolina primary.Next year’s gubernatorial race is in flux, after former Vice President Kamala Harris and Sen. Alex Padilla decided not to run and Proposition 50, the successful Democratic effort to redraw congressional districts, consumed all of the political oxygen during an off-year election.Most voters are undecided about who they would like to replace Gov. Gavin Newsom, who cannot run for reelection because of term limits, according to a poll released this month by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies and co-sponsored by The Times. Steyer had the support of 1% of voters in the survey. In recent years, Steyer has been a longtime benefactor of progressive causes, most recently spending $12 million to support the redistricting ballot measure. But when he was the focus of one of the ads, rumors spiraled that he was considering a run for governor.In prior California ballot initiatives, Steyer successfully supported efforts to close a corporate tax loophole and to raise tobacco taxes, and fought oil-industry-backed efforts to roll back environmental law.His campaign platform is to build 1 million homes in four years, lower energy costs by ending monopolies, make preschool and community college free and ban corporate contributions to political action committees in California elections.Steyer’s brother Jim, the leader of Common Sense Media, and former Biden administration U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy are aiming to put an initiative on next year’s ballot to protect children from social media, specifically the chatbots that have been accused of prompting young people to kill themselves. Newsom recently vetoed a bill aimed at addressing this artificial intelligence issue.

This Ohio County Banned Commercial Wind and Solar. Not So Fast, Residents Said.

This story was originally published by Canary Media and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Restrictions on solar and wind farms are proliferating around the country, with scores of local governments going as far as to forbid large-scale clean-energy developments. Now, residents of an Ohio county are pushing back on one such ban on renewables—a move that […]

This story was originally published by Canary Media and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Restrictions on solar and wind farms are proliferating around the country, with scores of local governments going as far as to forbid large-scale clean-energy developments. Now, residents of an Ohio county are pushing back on one such ban on renewables—a move that could be a model for other places where clean energy faces severe restrictions. Ohio has become a hotspot for anti-clean-energy rules. As of this fall, more than three dozen counties in the state have outlawed utility-scale solar in at least one of their townships. In Richland County, the ban came this summer, when county commissioners voted to bar economically significant solar and wind projects in 11 of the county’s 18 townships. Almost immediately, residents formed a group called the Richland County Citizens for Property Rights and Job Development to try and reverse the stricture.  ​“To me, it just is bad for the county — the whole county, not just one or two townships.” By September, they’d notched a crucial first victory, collecting enough signatures to put the issue on the ballot. Next May, when Ohioans head to the polls to vote in primary races, residents of Richland County will weigh in on a referendum that could ultimately reverse the ban. It’s the first time a county’s renewable-energy ban will be on the ballot in Ohio. From the very beginning, ​“it was just a whirlwind,” said Christina O’Millian, a leader of the Richland County group. Like most others, she didn’t know a ban was under consideration until shortly before July 17, when the commission voted on it. “We felt as constituents that we just hadn’t been heard,” O’Millian said. She views renewable energy as a way to attract more economic development to the county while reining in planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions. Brian McPeek, another of the group’s leaders and a manager for the local chapter of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, sees solar projects as huge job opportunities for the union’s members. ​“They provide a ton of work, a ton of man-hours.” Many petition signers ​“didn’t want the commissioners to make that decision for them,” said Morgan Carroll, a county resident who helped gather signatures. ​“And there was a lot of respect for farmers having their own property rights” to decide whether to lease their land. While the Ohio Power Siting Board retains general authority over where electricity generation is built, a 2021 state law known as Senate Bill 52 lets counties ban solar and wind farms in all or part of their territories. Meanwhile, Ohio law prevents local governments from blocking fossil-fuel or nuclear projects. The Richland County community group is using a process under SB 52 to challenge the renewable-energy ban via referendum. Under that law, the organization had just 30 days from the commissioners’ vote to collect signatures in support of the ballot measure. All told, more than 4,300 people signed the petition, though after the county Board of Elections rejected hundreds of signatures as invalid, the final count ended up at 3,380—just 60 more than the required threshold of 8 percent of the number of votes in the last governor’s election. Although the Richland County ban came as a surprise to many, it was months in the making. In late January, Sharon Township’s zoning committee asked the county to forbid large wind and solar projects there. After discussion at their February 6 meeting, the county commissioners wrote to all 18 townships in Richland to see if their trustees also wanted a ban. A draft fill-in-the-blanks resolution accompanied the letter. Signed resolutions came back from 11 townships. The commissioners then took up the issue again on July 17. Roughly two dozen residents came to the meeting, and a majority of those who spoke on the proposal were against it. Commissioners deferred to the township trustees. “The township trustees who were in favor of the prohibition strongly believe that they were representing the wishes of their residents, who are farming communities, who are not fans of seeing potential farmland being taken up for large wind and solar,” Commissioner Tony Vero told Canary Media. He pointed out that the ban doesn’t cover the seven remaining townships and all municipal areas. ​“I just thought it was a pretty good compromise,” he said. The concerns over putting solar panels or wind turbines on potential farmland echo land-use arguments that have long dogged rural clean-energy developments—and which have been elevated into federal policy by the Trump administration this year. Groups linked to the fossil-fuel industry have pushed these arguments in Ohio and beyond. “It’s a false narrative that they care about prime farmland,” said Bella Bogin, director of programs for Ohio Citizen Action, which helped the Richland County group collect signatures to petition for the referendum. Income from leasing some land for renewable energy can help farmers keep property in their families, and plenty of acreage currently goes to growing crops for fuel—not food. ​“We can’t eat ethanol corn,” she added. Under Ohio’s SB 52, counties—not townships—have the authority to issue blanket prohibitions over large solar and wind farms, with limited exceptions for projects already in the grid manager’s queue. In Richland County’s case, the commissioners decided to defer to townships even though they didn’t have to. The choice shows how SB 52 has led to ​“an inconsistently applied, informal framework that has created confusion about the roles of counties, townships, and the Ohio Power Siting Board,” said Chris Tavenor, general counsel for the Ohio Environmental Council. Under the law, ​“county commissioners should be carefully considering all the factors at play,” rather than deferring to townships. “I think it’s important for my children to have…the opportunities that go along with having wind and solar.” Even without a restriction in place, SB 52 lets counties nix new solar or wind farms on a case-by-case basis before they’re considered by the Ohio Power Siting Board. And when projects do go to the state regulator, counties and townships appoint two ad hoc decision-makers who vote on cases with the rest of the board. As electricity prices continue to rise across Ohio, Tavenor hopes the state’s General Assembly will reconsider SB 52, which he and other advocates say is unfairly restrictive toward solar and wind—two of the cheapest and quickest energy sources to deploy. “Lawmakers should be looking to repeal it and make a system that actually responds to the problems facing our electric grid right now,” he said. Commissioner Vero, for his part, said he has mixed feelings about the referendum. “It’s America, and if there’s enough signatures to get on the ballot, more power to people,” he said. However, he objects to the fact that SB 52 allows voters countywide to sign the petition, even if they don’t live in one of the townships with a ban, and said he hopes the legislature will amend the law to prevent that from happening elsewhere. Yet referendum supporters say the ban matters for the entire county. “It affects everybody, whether you live in a city, a township, or a village,” McPeek said. As he sees it, restrictions will deter investment from not only companies that build wind and solar but also those that want to be able to access renewable energy. ​“To me, it just is bad for the county—the whole county, not just one or two townships.” Renewable-energy projects also provide substantial amounts of tax revenue or similar PILOT payments for counties, helping fund schools and other local needs. ​“I think it’s important for my children to have more clean electric [energy] and all the opportunities that go along with having wind and solar,” Carroll said. Now that the referendum is on the ballot, the Richland County group will work to build more support and get out the vote next spring. ​“Education and outreach in the community is basically what we’re going to focus on for the campaign coming up in the next few months,” O’Millian said. “So now it goes to a countywide vote, and the population of the county gets to make that decision, instead of three guys,” McPeek said.

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