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“Little Home Market”: The Connecticut Company Accused of Fueling an Execution Spree

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Thursday, April 25, 2024

The Intercept has uncovered new details about the small family business in Connecticut identified as having sold a lethal drug to the Federal Bureau of Prisons for use in the Trump administration’s unprecedented execution spree. Beginning in July 2020, the administration killed 13 people in the federal death chamber in Terre Haute, Indiana, over the course of six months. Absolute Standards Inc., located on the outskirts of New Haven, produces and sells materials used to calibrate laboratory and research instruments. The company is registered with Connecticut as a “manufacturer of drugs, cosmetics, and medical devices” and employed just 21 people in the lead-up to the executions, records show. John Criscio, the company’s owner, has denied that Absolute Standards played a role in supplying pentobarbital, a barbiturate used for lethal injection. But according to a source The Intercept interviewed last year, Criscio and the company’s director, Stephen Arpie, acknowledged in a meeting that Absolute Standards produced the active ingredient for pentobarbital for use in the federal executions. The person, who met with Criscio and Arpie about the possibility of obtaining lethal injection drugs, asked that their name be withheld because they were not authorized to speak about the interaction. A separate unnamed pharmacy then used the active ingredient, or API, to make an injectable drug that would stop prisoners’ hearts. “They went about explaining to us how they produce the chemical,” the person said of Criscio and Arpie. “They’d been reading about it in the papers. And they saw that people couldn’t get it. They were like, ‘Well, we make the standard, so we know how to make it. So we can just make it.’ They basically bragged about how they built this little home market.” A second person interviewed by The Intercept said they were also told by Arpie and Criscio that Absolute Standards made drugs for executions. Like many of the 27 states capable of carrying out death sentences, the federal government has fought to keep the identity of its supplier hidden from the public. Earlier this month, the comedy news program “Last Week Tonight With John Oliver” named Absolute Standards as the Bureau of Prisons’ drug supplier, citing an anonymous source. The segment echoed reporting by Reuters, which noted in 2020 that the House Oversight Committee had sent a letter to Absolute Standards suspecting the business was the source of the drugs. At the time, Arpie told Reuters that he did not always keep track of the final use of his products and couldn’t rule out involvement. Interviews conducted by The Intercept and documents obtained under public records laws bolster evidence that Absolute Standards, located in a state that abolished the death penalty in 2012, helped the Trump administration resume federal executions after a 17-year hiatus. A Connecticut congressional staffer raised concerns about the company’s role in the executions as early as April 2021, suggesting that states might be looking to follow the federal government’s lead. “As Absolute Standards has been identified as the only possible supplier of pentobarbital ingredients for executions,” the staffer warned, “the risk that Connecticut medicines will imminently fuel the death penalty in executing states across the country is high.” When asked about pentobarbital, Criscio told The Intercept, “We don’t make that material.” Arpie did not respond to multiple requests for comment, and the BOP declined to comment. The federal prison complex in Terre Haute, Ind., on Aug. 28, 2020. Photo: Michael Conroy/AP In August 2018, Absolute Standards applied to the Drug Enforcement Administration to become a bulk manufacturer of pentobarbital, according to a notice in the Federal Register. The designation allows for the production of chemicals “by means of chemical synthesis or by extraction from other substances.” A few months later, in October, the BOP received its first batch of the API for pentobarbital, according to a declaration by Raul Campos, then-associate warden of the BOP’s Federal Medical Center Carswell in Fort Worth, Texas. The declaration was submitted as part of litigation over the Trump administration’s lethal injection protocol. (The Intercept requested Absolute Standards’ applications to become a bulk manufacturer of pentobarbital in August 2023. On Monday, the DEA declined to hand over those records, stating that they were exempt from disclosure, in part because they included “information that is classified to protect national security.”) For years, pharmaceutical companies refused to sell pentobarbital for use in capital punishment, creating shortages that halted executions in some states that relied on the drug. Acquiring the API marked the end of a yearslong search for the BOP. “We were looking for the drugs domestically and internationally,” a former BOP official with knowledge of the situation told The Intercept last year. The official asked that their name be withheld because they were not authorized to speak about the procurement of execution drugs. “There were a number of leads that looked promising and then ended up being dry.” Read our complete coverage Out for Blood Eager to restart executions, the Trump administration had prioritized locating lethal drugs. But U.S. manufacturers did not want their products to be associated with killing people because they feared it would hurt their bottom line. “There’s such a lobby against the death penalty that any company who becomes identified as providing the drugs gets boycotted,” the BOP official said. “Those companies make more money from legitimate uses of the drug than they do from executions.” It was equally difficult to find drugs internationally, the official added, because of “shady characters” and issues confirming the legitimacy of suppliers. A team within the BOP general counsel’s office, led by then-general counsel Kenneth Hyle, was in charge of vetting potential suppliers. “More often than not, the companies they identified turned out to be nonviable,” the official said. Hyle did not respond to requests for comment. The former official did not remember how the BOP identified Absolute Standards but said there was a team of people calling suppliers off a list. “I know that we had people that were just calling every company that they could to find out if they were able and willing to produce it.” Only a small group of people knew the name of the API supplier, according to the official, who was only aware that it was a small company based in Connecticut. “I had no reason to ask for the name,” the official said. The API failed its first quality assurance test in October 2018, according to the declaration submitted by Campos. Another batch of the pentobarbital ingredient passed testing in February 2019 and was sent to a compounding pharmacy to be made into an injectable solution. The BOP has not revealed the identity of the compounding pharmacy. The former BOP official told The Intercept that they did not remember the name of the pharmacy, only that it was located somewhere in the South. “The fear was that publicity would result in this company no longer wanting … to do business.” Typically, the government logs payments to vendors in an online database, but there is no public record of any BOP payments to Absolute Standards. “I don’t recall how it was done. It was probably not done through their normal payments process,” the former BOP official said. “Everything was done discreetly, because again, the fear was that publicity would result in this company no longer wanting to be willing to do business.” After learning that the BOP had secured execution drugs, officials from other states started inquiring about whether they could buy from the same company. An official from Nebraska, which was prevented in 2015 from importing drugs from India, asked the BOP about its source. The Nebraska Department of Correctional Services did not respond to questions about the communication. In April 2019, an attorney adviser from the Justice Department’s Office of Legislative Affairs emailed colleagues to notify them that a staffer from South Carolina Rep. William Timmons’s office had asked about the federal government’s execution drugs. “Specifically, they ask 1. Does the Federal Government have the ‘cocktail’? 2. Could they transfer it to states under existing law?” the email read. Timmons’s deputy chief of staff, Heather Smith, told The Intercept that the employee who inquired with the BOP no longer worked for the representative. Smith did not know whether the employee ever talked to Absolute Standards. South Carolina has not conducted an execution since May 2011 due to drug shortages. But last September, officials announced that the state had secured pentobarbital. After The Intercept requested records detailing communications between the South Carolina Department of Corrections and Absolute Standards, the corrections team replied that such information was exempt from disclosure, citing in part a state secrecy law that shields records disclosing the identity of people and companies involved in executions. The corrections department did not comment when asked whether its response meant that Absolute Standards was providing the state with execution drugs. In the summer of 2020, as the federal executions got underway, Reps. Ayanna Pressley, D-Mass., and Jamie Raskin, D-Md., started to raise questions about Absolute Standards’ involvement. They sent a letter to the company on July 14, the same day the government killed Daniel Lewis Lee, the first person to die in the execution spree, stating that they’d seen redacted testing reports “indicating that your company has assisted DOJ in securing and/or testing pentobarbital for death penalty executions.” The lawmakers posed a list of 11 questions to Absolute Standards about its work in the executions. The company did not reply, emails obtained by The Intercept show. There is no public record of further investigation by the lawmakers into Absolute Standards. Pressley’s office did not return multiple requests for comment, and Raskin’s press secretary told The Intercept to contact the House Oversight Committee. Nelly Decker, the communications director for Oversight Committee Democrats, wrote in an email that she had “nothing more to add” on the inquiry. “The risk that Connecticut medicines will imminently fuel the death penalty in executing states across the country is high.” In April 2021, Jennifer Lamb, the district director for Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn., brought Absolute Standards to the attention of state Attorney General William Tong. “It appears the company may have supplied the US Department of Justice with ingredients used to make pentobarbital for use in federal executions,” Lamb wrote. “There are several states that are now actively looking to follow the federal government’s lead in acquiring this drug and resuming executions,” she continued. Describing Absolute Standards as the only possible supplier of pentobarbital ingredients for capital punishment, Lamb warned that Connecticut could be complicit in clearing the way for executions across the country. The following month, Tong sent a letter to Absolute Standards informing its owners that “Connecticut has a strong public policy against executions.” Providing drugs to carry them out, he wrote, “is contrary to the values and policies of this state.” Tong requested details about the company’s activities, expressing concern that the business might “also be providing pentobarbital, or contemplating providing the drug, for use by individual states in their attempts to execute human beings.” Connecticut Assistant Attorney General Joshua Perry, named in the letter as the point of contact for future correspondence, declined to comment. After John Oliver named Absolute Standards as the BOP’s source, a spokesperson for Tong told CT Insider that the attorney general was reviewing the company but had not launched an investigation. The outlet also reported that state lawmakers are now exploring legislation to ban Connecticut companies from selling lethal injection drugs. Abe Bonowitz of Death Penalty Action protests near the federal prison complex in Terre Haute, Ind., on July 15, 2020. Photo: Jeremy Hogan/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images Absolute Standards is known for its flexibility in the scientific industry. “They can pivot pretty easily as far as what the needs are of whatever industries,” said Meredith Millay, director of product management at Emerald Scientific, a company focused on cannabis science that has worked with Absolute Standards for a decade and sells products made by the Connecticut business. “If you need something and you can’t find what you need … they are small enough to where you can put in a special request and get custom standards made.” Absolute Standards has boasted about the “world class manufacturing” and “internationally recognized quality” of its analytical reference materials and performance evaluation samples, compounds used to calibrate lab equipment and increase the precision of scientific analysis conducted by a wide range of entities. Criscio started the business in 1990, later employing his son and daughter. The company is registered with the DEA to manufacture Schedule II through V drugs, according to documents filed with the Connecticut Department of Consumer Protection. When asked about Absolute Standards and the API for pentobarbital, the DEA said it “does not comment on specific registrants.” In recent years, the company netted contracts with the U.S. Department of the Interior and the Environmental Protection Agency, contracts and invoices obtained through records requests show. In 2017, for example, the company sold the Interior Department $88,500 worth of analytes in substances such as ethanol and soil. State agencies such as the California State Water Resources Control Board and the New York Office of Cannabis Management list Absolute Standards as one of a handful of vendors approved to conduct testing to ensure the quality of lab results. Criscio has vehemently denied his company’s role in executions. Last October, The Intercept visited the Absolute Standards office, a small one-story building covered in weathered aluminum siding. When The Intercept inquired about Criscio at the reception desk, a woman said that he was out for the rest of the week. But later in the afternoon, Criscio arrived at the office, wearing a sweatshirt emblazoned with the NASA logo. “I have no idea what you’re talking about. Nothing to talk about,” Criscio told The Intercept in the parking lot after being asked whether his company supplied execution drugs. “You’re on private property. If I have to, I’ll call the police. Is that what you want me to do?” He then went inside. After The Intercept approached another man outside to ask about pentobarbital, Criscio reemerged and called the police, telling the operator, “I have two people on my property refusing to leave, harassing my employees.” “I’m ready to have a fucking heart attack right now. Get off my fucking property,” he said, growing increasingly agitated. “I do not know what you’re talking about. That’s all I have to say. I’m not gonna say no more.” The Intercept left a note at an address listed for Arpie, the company’s director. He did not reply and has not answered subsequent phone calls, text messages, or emails. In early April, after the John Oliver segment, Criscio maintained that his company did not supply drugs for the federal executions. “Yeah, no, we don’t make that material,” he told The Intercept. “I’m the owner of the company. I’m telling you there’s no comment. Thank you, goodbye.” This story was supported by a grant from Columbia University’s Ira A. Lipman Center for Journalism and Civil and Human Rights, in conjunction with Arnold Ventures. The post “Little Home Market”: The Connecticut Company Accused of Fueling an Execution Spree appeared first on The Intercept.

Evidence points to Absolute Standards as the source of a lethal drug the Trump administration used to restart federal executions after 17 years. The post “Little Home Market”: The Connecticut Company Accused of Fueling an Execution Spree appeared first on The Intercept.

The Intercept has uncovered new details about the small family business in Connecticut identified as having sold a lethal drug to the Federal Bureau of Prisons for use in the Trump administration’s unprecedented execution spree. Beginning in July 2020, the administration killed 13 people in the federal death chamber in Terre Haute, Indiana, over the course of six months.

Absolute Standards Inc., located on the outskirts of New Haven, produces and sells materials used to calibrate laboratory and research instruments. The company is registered with Connecticut as a “manufacturer of drugs, cosmetics, and medical devices” and employed just 21 people in the lead-up to the executions, records show.

John Criscio, the company’s owner, has denied that Absolute Standards played a role in supplying pentobarbital, a barbiturate used for lethal injection.

But according to a source The Intercept interviewed last year, Criscio and the company’s director, Stephen Arpie, acknowledged in a meeting that Absolute Standards produced the active ingredient for pentobarbital for use in the federal executions. The person, who met with Criscio and Arpie about the possibility of obtaining lethal injection drugs, asked that their name be withheld because they were not authorized to speak about the interaction. A separate unnamed pharmacy then used the active ingredient, or API, to make an injectable drug that would stop prisoners’ hearts.

“They went about explaining to us how they produce the chemical,” the person said of Criscio and Arpie. “They’d been reading about it in the papers. And they saw that people couldn’t get it. They were like, ‘Well, we make the standard, so we know how to make it. So we can just make it.’ They basically bragged about how they built this little home market.”

A second person interviewed by The Intercept said they were also told by Arpie and Criscio that Absolute Standards made drugs for executions.

Like many of the 27 states capable of carrying out death sentences, the federal government has fought to keep the identity of its supplier hidden from the public. Earlier this month, the comedy news program “Last Week Tonight With John Oliver” named Absolute Standards as the Bureau of Prisons’ drug supplier, citing an anonymous source. The segment echoed reporting by Reuters, which noted in 2020 that the House Oversight Committee had sent a letter to Absolute Standards suspecting the business was the source of the drugs. At the time, Arpie told Reuters that he did not always keep track of the final use of his products and couldn’t rule out involvement.

Interviews conducted by The Intercept and documents obtained under public records laws bolster evidence that Absolute Standards, located in a state that abolished the death penalty in 2012, helped the Trump administration resume federal executions after a 17-year hiatus. A Connecticut congressional staffer raised concerns about the company’s role in the executions as early as April 2021, suggesting that states might be looking to follow the federal government’s lead. “As Absolute Standards has been identified as the only possible supplier of pentobarbital ingredients for executions,” the staffer warned, “the risk that Connecticut medicines will imminently fuel the death penalty in executing states across the country is high.”

When asked about pentobarbital, Criscio told The Intercept, “We don’t make that material.” Arpie did not respond to multiple requests for comment, and the BOP declined to comment.

The federal prison complex in Terre Haute, Ind., is shown Friday, Aug. 28, 2020. The scheduled federal execution at the facility of Keith Nelson, who was convicted in the killing of a 10-year-old Kansas girl,  was back on track Friday after an appellate panel tossed a lower court's ruling that would have required the government to get a drug prescription before it could use pentobarbital to kill the inmate.  (AP Photo/Michael Conroy)
The federal prison complex in Terre Haute, Ind., on Aug. 28, 2020. Photo: Michael Conroy/AP

In August 2018, Absolute Standards applied to the Drug Enforcement Administration to become a bulk manufacturer of pentobarbital, according to a notice in the Federal Register. The designation allows for the production of chemicals “by means of chemical synthesis or by extraction from other substances.” A few months later, in October, the BOP received its first batch of the API for pentobarbital, according to a declaration by Raul Campos, then-associate warden of the BOP’s Federal Medical Center Carswell in Fort Worth, Texas. The declaration was submitted as part of litigation over the Trump administration’s lethal injection protocol.

(The Intercept requested Absolute Standards’ applications to become a bulk manufacturer of pentobarbital in August 2023. On Monday, the DEA declined to hand over those records, stating that they were exempt from disclosure, in part because they included “information that is classified to protect national security.”)

For years, pharmaceutical companies refused to sell pentobarbital for use in capital punishment, creating shortages that halted executions in some states that relied on the drug. Acquiring the API marked the end of a yearslong search for the BOP.

“We were looking for the drugs domestically and internationally,” a former BOP official with knowledge of the situation told The Intercept last year. The official asked that their name be withheld because they were not authorized to speak about the procurement of execution drugs. “There were a number of leads that looked promising and then ended up being dry.”

Eager to restart executions, the Trump administration had prioritized locating lethal drugs. But U.S. manufacturers did not want their products to be associated with killing people because they feared it would hurt their bottom line. “There’s such a lobby against the death penalty that any company who becomes identified as providing the drugs gets boycotted,” the BOP official said. “Those companies make more money from legitimate uses of the drug than they do from executions.” It was equally difficult to find drugs internationally, the official added, because of “shady characters” and issues confirming the legitimacy of suppliers.

A team within the BOP general counsel’s office, led by then-general counsel Kenneth Hyle, was in charge of vetting potential suppliers. “More often than not, the companies they identified turned out to be nonviable,” the official said. Hyle did not respond to requests for comment.

The former official did not remember how the BOP identified Absolute Standards but said there was a team of people calling suppliers off a list. “I know that we had people that were just calling every company that they could to find out if they were able and willing to produce it.”

Only a small group of people knew the name of the API supplier, according to the official, who was only aware that it was a small company based in Connecticut. “I had no reason to ask for the name,” the official said.

The API failed its first quality assurance test in October 2018, according to the declaration submitted by Campos. Another batch of the pentobarbital ingredient passed testing in February 2019 and was sent to a compounding pharmacy to be made into an injectable solution. The BOP has not revealed the identity of the compounding pharmacy. The former BOP official told The Intercept that they did not remember the name of the pharmacy, only that it was located somewhere in the South.

“The fear was that publicity would result in this company no longer wanting … to do business.”

Typically, the government logs payments to vendors in an online database, but there is no public record of any BOP payments to Absolute Standards. “I don’t recall how it was done. It was probably not done through their normal payments process,” the former BOP official said. “Everything was done discreetly, because again, the fear was that publicity would result in this company no longer wanting to be willing to do business.”

After learning that the BOP had secured execution drugs, officials from other states started inquiring about whether they could buy from the same company. An official from Nebraska, which was prevented in 2015 from importing drugs from India, asked the BOP about its source. The Nebraska Department of Correctional Services did not respond to questions about the communication.

In April 2019, an attorney adviser from the Justice Department’s Office of Legislative Affairs emailed colleagues to notify them that a staffer from South Carolina Rep. William Timmons’s office had asked about the federal government’s execution drugs. “Specifically, they ask 1. Does the Federal Government have the ‘cocktail’? 2. Could they transfer it to states under existing law?” the email read.

Timmons’s deputy chief of staff, Heather Smith, told The Intercept that the employee who inquired with the BOP no longer worked for the representative. Smith did not know whether the employee ever talked to Absolute Standards.

South Carolina has not conducted an execution since May 2011 due to drug shortages. But last September, officials announced that the state had secured pentobarbital. After The Intercept requested records detailing communications between the South Carolina Department of Corrections and Absolute Standards, the corrections team replied that such information was exempt from disclosure, citing in part a state secrecy law that shields records disclosing the identity of people and companies involved in executions. The corrections department did not comment when asked whether its response meant that Absolute Standards was providing the state with execution drugs.

In the summer of 2020, as the federal executions got underway, Reps. Ayanna Pressley, D-Mass., and Jamie Raskin, D-Md., started to raise questions about Absolute Standards’ involvement. They sent a letter to the company on July 14, the same day the government killed Daniel Lewis Lee, the first person to die in the execution spree, stating that they’d seen redacted testing reports “indicating that your company has assisted DOJ in securing and/or testing pentobarbital for death penalty executions.” The lawmakers posed a list of 11 questions to Absolute Standards about its work in the executions. The company did not reply, emails obtained by The Intercept show.

There is no public record of further investigation by the lawmakers into Absolute Standards.

Pressley’s office did not return multiple requests for comment, and Raskin’s press secretary told The Intercept to contact the House Oversight Committee. Nelly Decker, the communications director for Oversight Committee Democrats, wrote in an email that she had “nothing more to add” on the inquiry.

“The risk that Connecticut medicines will imminently fuel the death penalty in executing states across the country is high.”

In April 2021, Jennifer Lamb, the district director for Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn., brought Absolute Standards to the attention of state Attorney General William Tong. “It appears the company may have supplied the US Department of Justice with ingredients used to make pentobarbital for use in federal executions,” Lamb wrote.

“There are several states that are now actively looking to follow the federal government’s lead in acquiring this drug and resuming executions,” she continued. Describing Absolute Standards as the only possible supplier of pentobarbital ingredients for capital punishment, Lamb warned that Connecticut could be complicit in clearing the way for executions across the country.

The following month, Tong sent a letter to Absolute Standards informing its owners that “Connecticut has a strong public policy against executions.” Providing drugs to carry them out, he wrote, “is contrary to the values and policies of this state.” Tong requested details about the company’s activities, expressing concern that the business might “also be providing pentobarbital, or contemplating providing the drug, for use by individual states in their attempts to execute human beings.” Connecticut Assistant Attorney General Joshua Perry, named in the letter as the point of contact for future correspondence, declined to comment.

After John Oliver named Absolute Standards as the BOP’s source, a spokesperson for Tong told CT Insider that the attorney general was reviewing the company but had not launched an investigation. The outlet also reported that state lawmakers are now exploring legislation to ban Connecticut companies from selling lethal injection drugs.

TERRE HAUTE, INDIANA, UNITED STATES - 2020/07/15: Abe Bonowitz of Death Penalty Action, an execution abolitionist group, protests near the Terre Haute Federal Correctional Complex where death row inmate Wesley Ira Purkey was scheduled to be executed by lethal injection.
Purkey's execution scheduled for 7 p.m., was delayed by a judge. Purkey suffers from Dementia, and Alzheimer's disease. Wesley Ira Purkey was convicted of a gruesome 1998 kidnapping and killing. (Photo by Jeremy Hogan/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)
Abe Bonowitz of Death Penalty Action protests near the federal prison complex in Terre Haute, Ind., on July 15, 2020. Photo: Jeremy Hogan/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

Absolute Standards is known for its flexibility in the scientific industry. “They can pivot pretty easily as far as what the needs are of whatever industries,” said Meredith Millay, director of product management at Emerald Scientific, a company focused on cannabis science that has worked with Absolute Standards for a decade and sells products made by the Connecticut business. “If you need something and you can’t find what you need … they are small enough to where you can put in a special request and get custom standards made.”

Absolute Standards has boasted about the “world class manufacturing” and “internationally recognized quality” of its analytical reference materials and performance evaluation samples, compounds used to calibrate lab equipment and increase the precision of scientific analysis conducted by a wide range of entities. Criscio started the business in 1990, later employing his son and daughter. The company is registered with the DEA to manufacture Schedule II through V drugs, according to documents filed with the Connecticut Department of Consumer Protection. When asked about Absolute Standards and the API for pentobarbital, the DEA said it “does not comment on specific registrants.”

In recent years, the company netted contracts with the U.S. Department of the Interior and the Environmental Protection Agency, contracts and invoices obtained through records requests show. In 2017, for example, the company sold the Interior Department $88,500 worth of analytes in substances such as ethanol and soil. State agencies such as the California State Water Resources Control Board and the New York Office of Cannabis Management list Absolute Standards as one of a handful of vendors approved to conduct testing to ensure the quality of lab results.

Criscio has vehemently denied his company’s role in executions. Last October, The Intercept visited the Absolute Standards office, a small one-story building covered in weathered aluminum siding. When The Intercept inquired about Criscio at the reception desk, a woman said that he was out for the rest of the week. But later in the afternoon, Criscio arrived at the office, wearing a sweatshirt emblazoned with the NASA logo.

“I have no idea what you’re talking about. Nothing to talk about,” Criscio told The Intercept in the parking lot after being asked whether his company supplied execution drugs. “You’re on private property. If I have to, I’ll call the police. Is that what you want me to do?” He then went inside.

After The Intercept approached another man outside to ask about pentobarbital, Criscio reemerged and called the police, telling the operator, “I have two people on my property refusing to leave, harassing my employees.”

“I’m ready to have a fucking heart attack right now. Get off my fucking property,” he said, growing increasingly agitated. “I do not know what you’re talking about. That’s all I have to say. I’m not gonna say no more.”

The Intercept left a note at an address listed for Arpie, the company’s director. He did not reply and has not answered subsequent phone calls, text messages, or emails.

In early April, after the John Oliver segment, Criscio maintained that his company did not supply drugs for the federal executions.

“Yeah, no, we don’t make that material,” he told The Intercept. “I’m the owner of the company. I’m telling you there’s no comment. Thank you, goodbye.”

This story was supported by a grant from Columbia University’s Ira A. Lipman Center for Journalism and Civil and Human Rights, in conjunction with Arnold Ventures.

The post “Little Home Market”: The Connecticut Company Accused of Fueling an Execution Spree appeared first on The Intercept.

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Editorial endorsement: Elect Splitt, Greene, La Forte and Engelsman to Portland Public Schools board

Christy Splitt, Herman Greene, Virginia La Forte and Stephanie Engelsman emerge as the strongest candidates with the experience, independence and vision to lead the board of Portland Public Schools, the editorial board writes.

Portland Public Schools is decidedly not in the best of times. Roughly half of students are struggling to master reading and math, and enrollment is declining. Mistrust and anger are lingering after the 2023 teachers strike, and additional layoffs loom as expenses outpace funding increases. Yet each of the four seats on the May ballot for the district’s board of directors has attracted multiple candidates. That interest is a testament to Portlanders’ loyalty to the city’s public schools, even when there’s much that needs fixing. Good intentions alone won’t steer PPS through its challenges. The board needs members who can work collaboratively to hold the district accountable for educating students, make tough budget cuts and rekindle civic enthusiasm for the district. It needs members who are individually able to withstand pressure and pushback – from the administration, teachers union, legislators and others – to make decisions that are unequivocally centered on students and opening doors to their future. And it needs members who will advocate for more funding while recognizing the imperative to improve student achievement with the resources Portland already has.For PPS, those candidates best equipped to lead the district are Christy Splitt in Zone 1; Herman Greene in Zone 4; Virginia La Forte in Zone 5; and Stephanie Engelsman in Zone 6.While our endorsements focus just on Portland Public Schools, voters across the state are making similar decisions for their local districts. They should similarly look for candidates who demonstrate a focus on accountability, financial stewardship, commitment to student achievement and growth and, crucially, independence. Zone 1 – Southwest Portland including Wells High SchoolChristy Splitt: Splitt, 47, was appointed by Portland school board members just three months ago after former director Andrew Scott stepped down from his seat due to his move out of the Southwest Portland zone. A former teacher who has been involved in state politics as a lobbyist, staffer and environmental advocate, she works for the Oregon Department of Energy as its governmental relations coordinator. That experience navigating policy through the Legislature will be valuable as districts across the state seek greater funding to address rising labor costs as well as legacy pension contributions that sap money intended to help current students. In her short tenure on the board so far, she helped draft a framework for how the district should explore potential cost savings for the modernization of three high schools in the $1.8 billion school construction bond that’s also on the May ballot. The resolution, developed with departing board members Gary Hollands and Julia Brim-Edwards, reflects the kind of balancing act needed, weighing new high school construction with improving decrepit conditions in many elementary and middle schools.Her opponent, Ken Cavagnolo, works in artificial intelligence and notes his commitment to student-focused initiatives and higher salaries for teachers. But his campaign seems driven more by ideological stances than a deep understanding of what’s happening in PPS schools. He acknowledged in his endorsement interview that he has not volunteered at or worked with any Portland schools, nor does he have children in the system. Splitt has shown her commitment for years as a PPS parent, volunteer and PTA leader and is the clear choice.Zone 4 – Parts of North and Northeast Portland, including Roosevelt High School Herman Greene: The race for the seat representing parts of North and Northeast Portland proved to be the toughest of the four to decide. Both the incumbent, Greene, and his opponent, Rashelle Chase-Miller, are dedicated and qualified candidates who either had or currently have children in PPS.But Greene, 51, has already demonstrated his commitment to keeping students’ needs front and center, even when that means going against conventional wisdom or holding firm in contract negotiations with the powerful teachers union. He was among the first to raise alarms about the proposed cost of the new high schools on the May bond measure, urging the district to review the plans’ expenses.In October 2021, he was one of the three board members opposing the majority’s push to mandate COVID-19 vaccinations for all students 12 and older to attend school – even though health authorities were not recommending such a move. He called out the potential impact of such a policy on pushing away Black students, noting the community’s long history of medical mistreatment. Ultimately, the board agreed, unanimously putting aside the well-intentioned but ill-conceived proposal.He successfully advocated for clarifying district policy to allow high schools to offer a U.S. Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps program, similar to other career and technical education opportunities. Nothing would require high schools to do so, but many community members objected to the idea of a military-affiliated program. But that shows Greene’s focus on serving students – not Portland sensibilities. School districts should not be in the business of shutting down avenues to a student’s future or prescribing which career paths are politically acceptable. The district’s role is to help students explore their interests and gain the knowledge and skills to make informed decisions about their futures. And as one of the three directors at the bargaining table during the 2023 teachers strike, he fulfilled a board member’s toughest role. Despite intense pressure to give teachers concessions the district could not afford, Greene stood firm. He has correctly pointed out that without massive new state funding, the district would have to cut school days and other student services if it were to adopt caps on class sizes – one of the most expensive changes sought by teachers. While Greene has repeatedly called for more state funding, the teachers union has still targeted him for replacement as part of its “Flip the PPS Board” campaign. But had the district agreed to more of the union’s demands, ongoing cuts at PPS would be even deeper.Chase-Miller, 43, is a formidable opponent, with her background as a literacy advocate and program director for SMART Reading. She offers deeper analysis of some of the educational policy questions facing board members than Greene, who often seems to make off-the-cuff statements. She provides greater clarity in her priorities for special education and literacy initiatives in the face of budget cuts. And while she supports class size caps, she would preserve the district’s focus on smaller class sizes in Title 1 schools where such an investment makes a more meaningful difference than in high-income neighborhoods.But as a parent leader who prominently embraced the teachers union’s narrative of the strike despite public information to the contrary and whose campaign has received more than $10,000 from the teachers union, she doesn’t project the independence necessary for a board member whose constituency is students. Greene is quick to admit that he’s not politically polished, but he is comfortable advocating for the diverse needs of a broad student body, even if it goes against conventional wisdom. With the departures of Hollands and Brim-Edwards, the board is losing key accountability-minded members. Greene’s voice is an important one to keep.Zone 5 – Northeast Portland including Grant and McDaniel High SchoolsVirginia La Forte: As the mother of a current PPS high schooler and a 2024 PPS graduate, La Forte has shown up for years as a volunteer, advocate and, when needed, challenger to the district. More than a decade ago, she pressed PPS to clean up hazardous lead paint at schools. She served on the advisory group helping develop the district’s 2017 bond to rebuild three high schools and mitigate environmental hazards, including lead in schools’ drinking water. The 54-year-old marketing strategist most recently has been leading the charge for the district to install lights at the field next to Grant High School, allowing sports teams to hold more games at their home field rather than traveling off-site – missing class time as a result. Proceeds for the bond measure on the May ballot would address this need.Those efforts reflect one of La Forte’s strengths – her ability to identify, create and execute a solution to big problems. She would bring that approach to her top priorities of addressing chronic absenteeism, low literacy rates and the district’s crumbling infrastructure.Among her ideas is to explore how to braid together schools and community partners to provide full-day summer programs that offer high-dosage tutoring as well as sports and recreational opportunities. She noted the importance of trainings for teachers in literacy techniques and the need to target the causes underlying chronic absenteeism as factors in boosting reading proficiency.But she also would strengthen the board with an understanding of what accountability entails. When asked how she would hold the district superintendent accountable, she discussed the components of creating shared goals, establishing a plan, identifying metrics to measure progress and then regularly checking in with multiple groups – an often skipped step.Opponent Jorge Sanchez Bautista, 18, is a senior at McDaniel High School who has experienced first-hand some of the shortcomings of the district and the challenges borne by students as a result of insufficient resources. Part of the teachers union’s “Flip the PPS Board” slate, Bautista has been politically active on a number of social justice issues, picketed regularly with teachers during the 2023 strike and brings an affable and authentic enthusiasm. He identifies himself as a member of the Oregon Board of Education – although in actuality, he has a student advisory role – but his platform lacks the specificity, focus and depth that La Forte brings. While his commitment to engage the community to guide his decisions is a crucial part of representation, he did not show a clear vision of what he would seek to achieve. We look forward to hearing more from Bautista, who plans to attend Portland State University and, possibly, University of Oregon afterwards. But for getting big things done now, La Forte is the stronger choice.Zone 6 – Southeast Portland including Cleveland and Franklin High SchoolsStephanie Engelsman: Few board members have shown the level of rigorous oversight as Zone 6 Director Julia Brim-Edwards, who is finishing her second consecutive term on the school board. Whether they liked it or not, fellow board members knew she would come to meetings armed with specific questions derived from reading board packets and talking with administrators and community members. With Brim-Edwards not running for re-election, the candidate who will best fill her shoes and provide that scrutiny to district policies and decisions is Engelsman.Engelsman, 47, brings her experience not just as a parent of PPS elementary school kids, but also her years as a public defense attorney working with youth in juvenile cases and foster care. She notes the hardships that families face and how they connect with students’ ability to succeed in school – or even to just attend. She identifies how specific policies, such as automatic unenrollment for students who are absent without academic engagement for 10 consecutive school days, can contribute to chronic absenteeism, especially for those without the parental assistance to re-enroll. While she hopes to lower class sizes, she recognizes the necessity of ensuring Title 1 schools’ classrooms get priority in lean budget years. She said she would look for other creative ways to bring in more community resources, from student-teachers to nonprofits that can help provide that assistance and attention that current staffing levels cannot.She emphasizes the importance of doing the reading for board meetings, being prepared and asking the tough questions. She also intends to regularly visit schools – a key component of understanding issues and building trust with school community members. Her two opponents, business owner Rob Galanakis, 40, and disaster resilience consultant Simone Crowe, 37, don’t provide the same education-focused agenda that Engelsman offers. Galanakis often spoke of education as an afterthought, focusing his priorities around housing and transportation policies – areas over which the school board has limited influence and control. Crowe also lacked the familiarity with district budget concerns that are critical to strong oversight. While we did not agree with some of Engelsman’s answers, she has shown that she will bring a critical eye and informed viewpoint that the board needs. -The Oregonian/OregonLive Editorial Board Oregonian editorials Editorials reflect the collective opinion of The Oregonian/OregonLive editorial board, which operates independently of the newsroom. Members of the editorial board are Therese Bottomly, Laura Gunderson, Helen Jung and John Maher. Members of the board meet regularly to determine our institutional stance on issues of the day. We publish editorials when we believe our unique perspective can lend clarity and influence an upcoming decision of great public interest. Editorials are opinion pieces and therefore different from news articles. If you have questions about the opinion section, email Helen Jung, opinion editor, or call 503-294-7621.

An Irish hotelier, Qatari royals and a federal lawsuit involving a Beverly Hills hotel

Irish hotelier Patrick McKillen is suing members of the Qatari royal family, accusing them of defrauding him and his company. The family has denied the allegations.

As Irish hotelier Patrick McKillen tells it, he met the former emir of Qatar on a yacht in Doha to discuss a business opportunity in California, more than 8,000 miles away.McKillen and Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani were discussing the purchase of a Beverly Hills hotel, which McKillen said he committed to managing and redeveloping.Now that hotel — the Maybourne Beverly Hills — is at the center of a civil racketeering complaint filed in the Central District of California on Tuesday, in which McKillen accuses Qatari royals of orchestrating “a global scheme” to defraud him and his company of hundreds of millions of dollars for work completed on several luxury properties.In the lawsuit, McKillen, who reportedly co-owns a whiskey distillery with U2 frontman Bono, said he and his team “undertook a massive redevelopment effort” on the Beverly Hills hotel — where rooms go for more than $1,000 a night — over a two-year period, but were not paid millions of dollars allegedly owed for the work done.McKillen, a citizen of Ireland and the United Kingdom, brought the complaint against senior members of the royal family, including Hamad bin Khalifa; and Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani, the former prime minister known as “HBJ”; as well as the family’s agents, representatives and controlled businesses.In the complaint, which encompasses claims already being litigated in courts around the world, McKillen alleges that the schemes against him and his company, Hume Street Management Consultants Limited, “are part of a years’ long pattern of illegal racketeering orchestrated by the Qatari royals and are in line with a history of illicit, lawless actions.”McKillen’s lawyers declined to comment.“This is the latest of many vacuous claims made by Paddy McKillen and associated parties across multiple jurisdictions, all of which are either on-going or have been struck out by the courts,” the Qatari-owned Maybourne Hotel Group said in a statement. “As with the other claims, we will contest this latest claim and prove the allegations to be entirely false.”The federal lawsuit filed in Los Angeles is the latest action taken by McKillen in his long-running legal dispute with the Qatari royal family, a conflict that has made headlines around the world. He has filed actions in the U.S., France and the United Kingdom.The Maybourne Beverly Hills is also the subject of a breach of contract lawsuit that was filed by McKillen’s company in Los Angeles County Superior Court in 2022. That court denied a motion by the company that owns the hotel to force McKillen’s company into arbitration. The decision is under appeal.“It appears that Mr. McKillen would prefer to litigate in the press rather than continue the actions he initiated in the United States, UK, and France and await their outcome,” Jason D. Russell, who is representing Hamad bin Jassim in California actions, said in an email. “Our client remains confident that these claims, like the myriad others he has filed, will be found to lack merit in a court or by an arbitrator.”Earlier this year, the High Court in London set aside McKillen’s company’s permission to serve a claim on Hamad bin Jassim outside of the jurisdiction, finding it had failed to show a real prospect of success, according to court documents. The claim, for around £3.6 million (about $4.8 million), was tied the development of a private home in London for Hamad bin Jassim. The company’s appeal was refused earlier this month, according to British court records.McKillen was also convicted in Paris earlier this year of being physically and verbally aggressive to a bailiff who was in his apartment in the city because of the alleged nonpayment of a loan to the Luxembourg-based Quintet Private Bank.McKillen’s lawyers told the Irish Times that their client “vigorously denies any violence or any wrongdoing” against the bailiff and claimed the allegations against him were “false.” McKillen, who was reportedly fined €10,000 (about $11,377) over the incident, has appealed the conviction.By the time the Qatari royal family approached McKillen about the California hotel in 2019, he said he had been working on projects with them for years.According to the federal complaint filed in California, in 2004, McKillen acquired shares in a group of luxury hotels that came to be known as the Maybourne Hotel Group. Despite later selling his shares in the group to a company owned by Hamad bin Jassim, McKillen said he continued to manage and redevelop the Maybourne Hotel Group and its hotels at the direction of the royals.Hamad bin Khalifa later acquired an interest in the Maybourne Hotel Group, according to the complaint.McKillen said he and his company had been tasked with the management and redevelopment of the refurbishment of a Manhattan mansion owned by Hamad bin Jassim in 2018; the construction and development of a new Parisian hotel on the site of the historic Îlot Saint-Germain building in 2019; and the management and redevelopment of the newly branded Maybourne Beverly Hills hotel in 2019.McKillen alleges that for each of those projects, the Qatari royals told him he would be compensated through fees for services performed, but that at some point, “the Qatari Royals decided, in secret, that they would not, in fact, be compensating Mr. McKillen or HSMC.” McKillen alleged in the complaint that he and his company were strung along “under false representations” that they would be paid.The complaint detailed the October 2019 meeting on a yacht in Doha, Qatar, between McKillen and Hamad bin Khalifa to discuss the opportunity for the royal family to acquire the California hotel, then known as the Montage Beverly Hills.McKillen said he presented a vision for the hotel to Hamad bin Khalifa and “gave his commitment to manage and strategically redevelop” it. A holding company owned by Hamad bin Khalifa purchased the hotel later that year, according to the complaint.In the complaint, McKillen said a representative of the family confirmed that he and his company would be compensated with fees paid for work performed on the hotel. During the next two years, McKillen said he and his team transitioned the hotel to the Maybourne brand and led the hotel’s development and management.In July 2021, according to the complaint, McKillen submitted a fee proposal to an advisor to the Al Thani family, stating that his company was owed $6 million in project management fees on an annual basis, to be paid quarterly, from January 2020 to January 2025. That proposal was “met with stonewalling by the Qatari Royals,” the complaint alleges. After months passed with no payment, McKillen said, he wrote a letter to Hamad bin Khalifa and Hamad bin Jassim telling them about the refusal to pay him fees owed and stating that he could no longer work on the project.McKillen later sent an additional invoice for $12 million in project management fees for work performed in California in 2020 and 2021, according to the complaint. He alleges that none of those fees had been paid.The Qatari royals are facing a separate legal battle over the Maybourne Riviera, after French authorities sued them for allegedly breaching planning and environmental regulations and illegally building on land exposed to “seismic risks,” according to an Irish Times article. The newspaper reported that, at a recent hearing, a representative for the Al Thani family blamed McKillen. McKillen told that news outlet that the alleged breaches occurred two years after he was fired from the project in April 2022. “The damage was done after we left,” he told the outlet. “The French state isn’t suing me, it’s suing the Qataris.”

Meet Portland’s 2025 Rose Festival Court Princesses

Every spring, Portland crowns a queen. Here are the contenders.

Every spring, Portland crowns a queen.That is, of course, the Rose Festival Queen, a local high school girl chosen from the Rose Festival Court.Last June, Jefferson High School senior Kobi Flowers was crowned the 110th Portland Rose Festival Queen.This year, at 11 a.m. on Friday, June 6, a new queen will take her place. Who will it be this year? One of 15 area high school students who were selected as princesses earlier this spring.After a month of orientation, princesses spend May traveling to community events. Each receives “a $3,500 scholarship provided by The Randall Group valid for any accredited college, university or trade program, a wardrobe including shoes and accessories, and a lifetime of enduring friendships with their Rose Festival Court sisters.”Here are the 2025 princesses. All information is provided by the Portland Rose Festival.Kathy Nguyen, Leodis McDaniel High School Kathy Nguyen, a junior at Leodis McDaniel High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Nguyen plans to study law and work in medicine in law.Activities: Nguyen participates in dance, Key Club, tennis and National Honor Society, among many other things. She also runs and teaches pickleball to elementary school kids. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Portland’s scenery is unparalleled, and I enjoy biking up to Mount Tabor on bright summer days, where the journey through tree-lined streets, local shops, and public art makes the effort worthwhile. I’ve been going there since I learned to ride a bike, and it remains a special place where I make lasting memories with friends, watching sunsets and enjoying sports and nature.”Eleanor Isles, Ulysses S. Grant High School Eleanor Isles, a junior at Ulysses S. Grant High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Four-year university and a career in law, specifically patent litigation.Activities: Isles takes part in mock trial, cross country and National Honor Society, among many other things. She developed an AI cyberbullying detection algorithm during an internship at PSU. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is Powell’s Books. Every time I’m downtown, I find myself drawn to its endless shelves of stories and knowledge.”Sabrina Johnson, Cleveland High School Sabrina Johnson, a junior at Cleveland High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Four-year university and then graduate school studying counseling psychology or environmental justice.Activities: Johnson is part of the cheer team and student council. She is also an active member of the youth group at St. Luke’s Lutheran Church.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? "My favorite place in Portland is Sellwood Riverfront Park, or ‘the docks,’ which holds special memories of joy, friendship, and beauty. Surrounded by greenery, sparkling water, and a stunning city skyline, it’s where I find peace and happiness while spending time with friends and family."Brenda Martinez De Jesus, Benson Polytechnic High SchoolBrenda Martinez De Jesus, a junior at Benson Polytechnic High School was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: University and a career as a pediatric nurse.Activities: Martinez De Jesus is her junior class vice president and vice president of HOSA-Future Health Professionals. She is also a cheerleader, swimmer and tennis player.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit is Mount Tabor because of how much you can see. You can see how our city is truly beautiful. From the top you can see our beautiful buildings, the trees being so big and so green, and the light through the city that light it up.”Janiya Thompson, Jefferson High School Janiya Thompson, a senior at Jefferson High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: University, majoring in graphic design then working in illustration/animation or marketing/media design.Activities: Thompson participates in mock trial, choir and theater, among many other things, and loves to make art in her free time.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “I love visiting Mississippi Street for its vibrant mix of experiences, entertainment, and great food. Whether I’m with friends or exploring on my own, it always offers new adventures and feels like a perfect representation of Portland.”Gloria Zawadi, Roosevelt High School Gloria Zawadi, a senior at Roosevelt High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose Festival Year in school: SeniorFuture plans: Major in Psychology at a university and then work as a clinical psychologist. Activities: Zawadi plays tennis and is president of Roosevelt’s Black Student Union. She participates in African Club and Upward Bound, along with many other activities, and loves dancing and writing.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Columbia Park because it is a place where I hold a lot of memories and is very dear to me. I learned how to swim for the first time at Columbia Pool and frequently spent time on the swings and play structure when we would visit the park in elementary school on walking field trips.”Ava Rathi, Lincoln High School Ava Rathi, a senior at Lincoln High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Study international affairs, political science, or business at a university and pursue a career in international relations or public policy.Activities: Rathi is the captain of Speech and Debate and participates in mock trial and National Honor Society, among other things. She likes to ski and make art. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is the Japanese Gardens. It has a calm atmosphere and beautiful design. It was one of the first places I visited after moving to this city and I have been enamored with the architecture and nature since I was a kid.”Meerali Patel, Central Catholic High School Meerali Patel, a senior at Central Catholic High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Study law and be either a business lawyer, financial consultant or economics consultant.Activities: Patel is a varsity lacrosse player and a member of mock trial and constitutional debate, among other things. She is also the leader of the Women’s Coalition and a member of the Asian American Hotelier Owners Association What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Even before the amazing renovations, the PDX airport has always been the most representative of a city’s spirit in my opinion. With the kind staff that have always made my family feel welcome, the wide variety of art that showcases our beautiful city and of course the amazing food that I am not afraid to eat before a long-haul flight I genuinely look forward to going to the airport before a flight.”Sivan Safran, Ida B. Wells High School Sivan Safran, a senior at Ida B. Wells High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Major in urban studies and Jewish history and then pursue a career in documentary filmmaking. Activities: Safran participates in theater, track, yearbook and is the co-president of the Jewish Student Union, among other things. She plays drums and loves to take photos.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Forest Park – All my life I’ve loved nature. I was born into a family of park rangers, backroads bike trip leaders, and commune members who worshiped Mother Earth.”Isa Halle, Franklin High School Isa Halle, a junior at Franklin High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Major in international relations and minor in French at a university and potentially a career in international relations focusing on environmental advocacy.Activities: Halle is the president and co-founder of Franklin’s Harm Reduction Club and is on the ski and cheer team, among other things. She loves to thrift shop and is a vendor at Portland Vintage Market. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is Sellwood Riverfront Park. Since my birthday is at the beginning of summer, I often spend it at the docks in Sellwood. I have had my birthday party there for the last four years, and for this reason, I have very fond memories of laying in the sun and swimming with my friends. My happiest memories of summer and sunshine are in Sellwood Riverfront Park, and I look forward to dock days every year.”Jayden Rendon-Ramirez, David Douglas High School Jayden Rendon-Ramirez, a junior at David Douglas High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture education plans: University and then a career as a pediatrician or nurse.Activities: Rendon-Ramirez participates in Red Cross, College Possible Club and dance team, among other things. She volunteers every weekend at her church and loves hike in Portland.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place in Portland, Oregon, would be SW downtown because of the busy city environment and all the restaurants and shops that they have there. Also, its diverse culture and views make it a vibrant and exciting place to explore.”Ivette Hernandez, Parkrose High School Ivette Hernandez, a senior at Parkrose High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Attend a university and enter the pediatric field.Activities: Hernandez manages the Parkrose wrestling team, leads the Finance Club and plays tennis, among other things. She likes to solve puzzles and play video games. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is Rocky Butte Natural Area. I love this place! It has greenery, knowledge, and a beautiful view of the city.”Esther Lian, St. Mary AcademyEsther Lian, a senior at St. Mary Academy, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Attend university and go into business, marketing and management.Activities: Lian participates in robotics, volleyball and the South Asian Student Association, among many other things. She likes to cook, craft and dance.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Grotto, it’s one of the most breathtaking places that I have visited. It’s both spiritual healing and connecting with nature. The view is spectacular and so beautiful as well as the Church inside the Grotto.” Addie Glem, Century High School (Metro West)Addie Glem, a junior at Century High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Study nursing and become either a labor and delivery nurse or ICU nurseActivities: Glem does cross country and track and is an officer in the National Honor Society, among other things. She likes baking and volunteering in the Labor & Delivery unit at Kaiser Westside Hospital.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Arlene Schnitzer Concert Hall. This building holds so many memories that I treasure in my heart.” Avari Brocker, La Salle Catholic (Metro East)Avari Brocker, a senior at La Salle Catholic, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Study biomedical engineering with a minor in business, and later get a master’s degree in prosthetics engineering so she can start a prosthetics company.Activities: Brocker is part of student council and the captain of the speech and debate and volleyball teams, among other things. She works at Mathnasium and likes poetry and photography.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Rose Garden, because of all the memories I have shared there. One of my favorite memories is my parents’ impromptu vow renewal.”– Lizzy Acker covers life and culture and writes the advice column Why Tho? Reach her at 503-221-8052, lacker@oregonian.com.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

Luxury yacht owners are throwing scientists a lifeline

Francesco Ferretti had a problem. His research expedition to track white sharks in the Mediterranean was suddenly adrift—the boat he’d arranged had vanished into the pandemic’s chaos of canceled plans and family emergencies. With scientific equipment packed and a team of seven researchers ready, the marine biologist found himself scanning the horizon for solutions. It was then that Ferretti turned to six-year-old Yachts for Science, a matchmaking service linking wealthy boat owners with cash-strapped researchers. Soon, an owner of a private yacht offered to help. Though weather conditions limited their time on the water and forced a relocation between countries, the expedition pressed on, with the yacht’s crew eagerly assisting with scientific operations. The unusual collaboration—luxury yacht meets marine research—proved successful despite the compromise of working on a vessel not specifically designed for scientific work. “Whenever the crew was there, and we were actually doing science, they were available to help,” says Ferretti. “Sometimes you need hands, or you need other people to do stuff for you, to facilitate even the most trivial things, like organizing buckets or helping with sampling.” A dive during an expedition last year to Silver Banks, a whale sanctuary in the Dominican Republic, organized by Bering Yachts. [Photo: Max Bello] Ferretti’s experience represents a growing movement in marine research, where luxury meets necessity. There are dozens of research vessels registered in the U.S., far more than any other country, including NOAA’s fleet of 15 research and survey ships, but availiablity can be scarce, and they aren’t cheap. Renting one of those vessels for an oceanographic expedition like this can cost upwards of $50,000 per day, according to Ferretti, a huge sum to raise for many scientists facing budget constraints. Meanwhile, the world’s ultra-wealthy use their multimillion-dollar yachts just a few weeks each year, with vessels sitting idle while still incurring substantial crew and maintenance costs.  Organizations like Yachts for Science, the International SeaKeepers Society, and the Pink Flamingo Society aim to bridge this gap, turning underutilized pleasure craft into platforms for discovery, whether by donating full research expeditions or simply collecting ocean data during regular voyages. For scientists, these collaborations provide vital access to remote, understudied regions; for yacht owners, they offer tax benefits, meaningful engagement for crew, and the satisfaction of contributing to ocean conservation without necessarily sacrificing privacy or comfort. Rob McCallum, who helps facilitate these matchmaking arrangements through Yachts for Science, describes his organization as “the Tinder of the seas.” McCallum says they are on track to make about a dozen matches this year—amounting to about $1.4 million in vessel time for researchers—with plans to ramp up to hundreds of collaborations over the next few years, generating about $15 million in vessel time per year. “We’re just approaching some of our funders at the moment asking for $600,000 a year for three years to actually fund taking the brakes off,” says McCallum. “My belief is that it’ll grow almost to an infinite extent, because once you have yachts getting out there and doing science, it will become the thing discussed at cocktail parties.” The yacht owner who answered Ferretti’s call was Frank Peeters, a Belgian businessman whose vessel, Blue Titan, is what he calls “an adventure yacht” built for crossing oceans rather than hosting parties. “The boat is not fit for that many people,” says Peeters of the 27-meter (88-foot) yacht. “Normally we sail with 6 people and the crew, and here we were sometimes 12, 13, 14 people.” Bering Yachts organized a 13-person expedition to Silver Banks aboard the 30-meter Bering 92 Papillon. [Photo: Bering Yachts] The expedition quickly faced challenges. After two days off the Tunisian coast, military officials intercepted the craft, claiming the research team lacked proper permissions. What followed was a bureaucratic struggle that lasted two weeks, with permits granted then mysteriously revoked. At one point, the boat was even briefly confiscated. Despite complications costing Peeters between 10,000 and 20,000 euros (about $11,000 to $22,000) out of pocket, he has no regrets. “Would I do it again? Yes, I would do it again immediately,” he says. “I know they have to work on very small budgets, and we could help there.” The scientists eventually redirected their shark-tracking expedition to Italian waters near Lampedusa, where they continued their research. While the team didn’t directly observe white sharks, they detected white shark environmental DNA (eDNA) at multiple sites, confirming the species’ presence in the area. This helped identify one of the last strongholds of the Mediterranean white shark population and marked a key step in launching a multi-institutional conservation program. Peeters, who describes himself as “kind of retired” and sails Blue Titan with his wife about 16 weeks a year, now follows the researchers on Instagram, occasionally receiving video updates about their work. He was also acknowledged in the scientific paper that resulted from the expedition—a form of compensation he finds “definitely worthwhile.” A North Atlantic humpback whale breaching during the Bering Yachts expedition. [Photo: Max Bello] For researchers like Ferretti, these collaborations involve compromise. Scientists must adapt their methodologies for yacht environments, working carefully in spaces designed for luxury rather than research. But with U.K. research grant success rates dipping below 10% and U.S. government funding for the sciences increasingly uncertain, these adaptations reflect a persistent reality.  Beyond donating entire vessels for expeditions, yacht owners can contribute to science with minimal effort by installing simple data collection technology on their luxury vessels, which often venture into remote, understudied areas where scientific data is scarce. “A lot of these boats are going into data-poor regions where there isn’t a lot of information,” says Roman Chiporukha, who co-runs Roman & Erica, a travel company for ultra-wealthy clients. “They could be mapping ocean floors where it hasn’t been done in the past.” For yacht owners, these donations can also yield financial benefits. “When you’re donating the boat, it acts as a donation from a philanthropic institution,” says Chiporukha. “If I charter my boat for half a million dollars a week, I just wrote off half a million dollars [in taxes].” Yachts are, of course, not typically associated with ocean protection or environmental stewardship: A 2018 study found that the world’s top 20 billionaires emitted around 8,000 metric tons of CO2 annually, compared to the average citizen’s carbon footprint of around 4 tons, or 15 tons in the United States; and that a staggering two-thirds of these emissions were created by their superyachts. And not all ocean inhabitants welcome the presence of luxury vessels: See the Iberian orcas that have taken to ramming yachts off the Spanish coast since 2020. Researchers have used eyewitness reports to study these encounters—another way yacht owners can contribute to marine science—and have speculated that the behavior may be juvenile whales using boat rudders as target practice for bluefin tuna.) The luxury vessels participating in this scientific matchmaking vary widely. Turkey-based international company Bering Yachts found an opportunity not just in donating yacht time but in experiencing extraordinary research firsthand. “I felt very privileged to be there,” says Bering Yachts founder Alexei Mikhailov, who joined an expedition last year to Silver Banks in the Dominican Republic, a whale sanctuary that permits only about 500 visitors annually. “When you’re surrounded by thousands of whales and mothers with babies, action around you 360 degrees, 24/7, it’s insane.” The research trip utilized a customer’s 30-meter steel-and-aluminum yacht, positioning scientists 80 miles offshore in consistently rough seas. Despite 5- to 7-foot waves that would typically cause severe discomfort, the vessel’s dual stabilization systems created a comfortable platform for the researchers and their sensitive equipment. For Mikhailov, whose early career was dedicated to environmental protection, the expedition reconnected him with scientific pursuit in a profound way that he hopes he can help replicate with Yachts for Science again. “It was very interesting to talk to these people and share stories,” says Mikhailov. “I hope we’ll have another chance to visit a place like this in the future.”

Francesco Ferretti had a problem. His research expedition to track white sharks in the Mediterranean was suddenly adrift—the boat he’d arranged had vanished into the pandemic’s chaos of canceled plans and family emergencies. With scientific equipment packed and a team of seven researchers ready, the marine biologist found himself scanning the horizon for solutions. It was then that Ferretti turned to six-year-old Yachts for Science, a matchmaking service linking wealthy boat owners with cash-strapped researchers. Soon, an owner of a private yacht offered to help. Though weather conditions limited their time on the water and forced a relocation between countries, the expedition pressed on, with the yacht’s crew eagerly assisting with scientific operations. The unusual collaboration—luxury yacht meets marine research—proved successful despite the compromise of working on a vessel not specifically designed for scientific work. “Whenever the crew was there, and we were actually doing science, they were available to help,” says Ferretti. “Sometimes you need hands, or you need other people to do stuff for you, to facilitate even the most trivial things, like organizing buckets or helping with sampling.” A dive during an expedition last year to Silver Banks, a whale sanctuary in the Dominican Republic, organized by Bering Yachts. [Photo: Max Bello] Ferretti’s experience represents a growing movement in marine research, where luxury meets necessity. There are dozens of research vessels registered in the U.S., far more than any other country, including NOAA’s fleet of 15 research and survey ships, but availiablity can be scarce, and they aren’t cheap. Renting one of those vessels for an oceanographic expedition like this can cost upwards of $50,000 per day, according to Ferretti, a huge sum to raise for many scientists facing budget constraints. Meanwhile, the world’s ultra-wealthy use their multimillion-dollar yachts just a few weeks each year, with vessels sitting idle while still incurring substantial crew and maintenance costs.  Organizations like Yachts for Science, the International SeaKeepers Society, and the Pink Flamingo Society aim to bridge this gap, turning underutilized pleasure craft into platforms for discovery, whether by donating full research expeditions or simply collecting ocean data during regular voyages. For scientists, these collaborations provide vital access to remote, understudied regions; for yacht owners, they offer tax benefits, meaningful engagement for crew, and the satisfaction of contributing to ocean conservation without necessarily sacrificing privacy or comfort. Rob McCallum, who helps facilitate these matchmaking arrangements through Yachts for Science, describes his organization as “the Tinder of the seas.” McCallum says they are on track to make about a dozen matches this year—amounting to about $1.4 million in vessel time for researchers—with plans to ramp up to hundreds of collaborations over the next few years, generating about $15 million in vessel time per year. “We’re just approaching some of our funders at the moment asking for $600,000 a year for three years to actually fund taking the brakes off,” says McCallum. “My belief is that it’ll grow almost to an infinite extent, because once you have yachts getting out there and doing science, it will become the thing discussed at cocktail parties.” The yacht owner who answered Ferretti’s call was Frank Peeters, a Belgian businessman whose vessel, Blue Titan, is what he calls “an adventure yacht” built for crossing oceans rather than hosting parties. “The boat is not fit for that many people,” says Peeters of the 27-meter (88-foot) yacht. “Normally we sail with 6 people and the crew, and here we were sometimes 12, 13, 14 people.” Bering Yachts organized a 13-person expedition to Silver Banks aboard the 30-meter Bering 92 Papillon. [Photo: Bering Yachts] The expedition quickly faced challenges. After two days off the Tunisian coast, military officials intercepted the craft, claiming the research team lacked proper permissions. What followed was a bureaucratic struggle that lasted two weeks, with permits granted then mysteriously revoked. At one point, the boat was even briefly confiscated. Despite complications costing Peeters between 10,000 and 20,000 euros (about $11,000 to $22,000) out of pocket, he has no regrets. “Would I do it again? Yes, I would do it again immediately,” he says. “I know they have to work on very small budgets, and we could help there.” The scientists eventually redirected their shark-tracking expedition to Italian waters near Lampedusa, where they continued their research. While the team didn’t directly observe white sharks, they detected white shark environmental DNA (eDNA) at multiple sites, confirming the species’ presence in the area. This helped identify one of the last strongholds of the Mediterranean white shark population and marked a key step in launching a multi-institutional conservation program. Peeters, who describes himself as “kind of retired” and sails Blue Titan with his wife about 16 weeks a year, now follows the researchers on Instagram, occasionally receiving video updates about their work. He was also acknowledged in the scientific paper that resulted from the expedition—a form of compensation he finds “definitely worthwhile.” A North Atlantic humpback whale breaching during the Bering Yachts expedition. [Photo: Max Bello] For researchers like Ferretti, these collaborations involve compromise. Scientists must adapt their methodologies for yacht environments, working carefully in spaces designed for luxury rather than research. But with U.K. research grant success rates dipping below 10% and U.S. government funding for the sciences increasingly uncertain, these adaptations reflect a persistent reality.  Beyond donating entire vessels for expeditions, yacht owners can contribute to science with minimal effort by installing simple data collection technology on their luxury vessels, which often venture into remote, understudied areas where scientific data is scarce. “A lot of these boats are going into data-poor regions where there isn’t a lot of information,” says Roman Chiporukha, who co-runs Roman & Erica, a travel company for ultra-wealthy clients. “They could be mapping ocean floors where it hasn’t been done in the past.” For yacht owners, these donations can also yield financial benefits. “When you’re donating the boat, it acts as a donation from a philanthropic institution,” says Chiporukha. “If I charter my boat for half a million dollars a week, I just wrote off half a million dollars [in taxes].” Yachts are, of course, not typically associated with ocean protection or environmental stewardship: A 2018 study found that the world’s top 20 billionaires emitted around 8,000 metric tons of CO2 annually, compared to the average citizen’s carbon footprint of around 4 tons, or 15 tons in the United States; and that a staggering two-thirds of these emissions were created by their superyachts. And not all ocean inhabitants welcome the presence of luxury vessels: See the Iberian orcas that have taken to ramming yachts off the Spanish coast since 2020. Researchers have used eyewitness reports to study these encounters—another way yacht owners can contribute to marine science—and have speculated that the behavior may be juvenile whales using boat rudders as target practice for bluefin tuna.) The luxury vessels participating in this scientific matchmaking vary widely. Turkey-based international company Bering Yachts found an opportunity not just in donating yacht time but in experiencing extraordinary research firsthand. “I felt very privileged to be there,” says Bering Yachts founder Alexei Mikhailov, who joined an expedition last year to Silver Banks in the Dominican Republic, a whale sanctuary that permits only about 500 visitors annually. “When you’re surrounded by thousands of whales and mothers with babies, action around you 360 degrees, 24/7, it’s insane.” The research trip utilized a customer’s 30-meter steel-and-aluminum yacht, positioning scientists 80 miles offshore in consistently rough seas. Despite 5- to 7-foot waves that would typically cause severe discomfort, the vessel’s dual stabilization systems created a comfortable platform for the researchers and their sensitive equipment. For Mikhailov, whose early career was dedicated to environmental protection, the expedition reconnected him with scientific pursuit in a profound way that he hopes he can help replicate with Yachts for Science again. “It was very interesting to talk to these people and share stories,” says Mikhailov. “I hope we’ll have another chance to visit a place like this in the future.”

Lawmakers Listen to Farmer Concerns During Two-Week Break

April 21, 2025 – Last week, Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-Maryland) met with farmers at Moon Valley Farm in Woodsboro, Maryland, where livestock, vegetable, and grain growers expressed concerns about frozen USDA programs, the impacts of tariffs, and other challenges. Van Hollen said that he set up the roundtable because farmers have been calling and […] The post Lawmakers Listen to Farmer Concerns During Two-Week Break appeared first on Civil Eats.

April 21, 2025 – Last week, Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-Maryland) met with farmers at Moon Valley Farm in Woodsboro, Maryland, where livestock, vegetable, and grain growers expressed concerns about frozen USDA programs, the impacts of tariffs, and other challenges. Van Hollen said that he set up the roundtable because farmers have been calling and writing to his office—especially about tariffs and the cancellation of funding for programs that connect small farms to schools and food banks—and his purpose was to hear more of their stories. “The freeze on payments under the farm-to-school program is outrageous,” he said at the event. “We will fight this in the courts. We will fight this in Congress.” Senator Chris Van Hollen (left) listens to farmer-brewer Tom Barse of Milkhouse Brewery (right) at Stillpoint Farm talk about “trying to find a way to continue to make a living as a small farm.” (Photo credit: Lisa Held) It was one of several agricultural roundtables and town halls that lawmakers are holding across the country during Congress’ two-week recess, which ends later this week. Politico reported that Senators Elissa Slotkin (D-Michigan), Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyoming), Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), and Adam Schiff (D-California) would all be gathering feedback from farmers over the break. One farmer told Civil Eats he attended an invite-only event that Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minnesota) held in her state, where representatives of both the Minnesota Farm Bureau and Minnesota Farmers’ Union were present. He attended to call her attention to the still-frozen Farm Labor Stabilization Program. In Maine, Representative Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) marched alongside farmers protesting USDA cuts to funding and staff. At Moon Valley, farmer-owner Emma Jagoz emphasized the loss of the Local Food for Schools funding, which had helped her get her organic fruits and vegetables into 12 Maryland school districts. In the past, she said, USDA programs also helped her access land and build high tunnels that allow her to grow and sell produce year-round. “These tools help us to stay in business, grow responsibly for the future, and feed a lot more people,” she said. Kelly Dudeck, the executive director of Cultivate & Craft, an organization that helps farmers turn their crops into higher-value products, said that the Mid-Atlantic’s craft wineries and breweries are already struggling in the face of tariffs, since most depend on global supply chains for bottles, barrels, and grain inputs. “Brewers specifically are saying that half of them will likely be out of business within a year,” she told Van Hollen. One farmer expressed concerns over solar development leading to a loss of farmland, a priority of the last administration under Democrats. On the flipside, farmer Elisa Lane, of Two Boots Farm, said she was worried about the USDA eliminating climate change and other environmental terms from its vocabulary and website. “I’m not sure how USDA can support us if we can’t even name the things we’re up against,” she said. (Link to this post.) The post Lawmakers Listen to Farmer Concerns During Two-Week Break appeared first on Civil Eats.

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