Cookies help us run our site more efficiently.

By clicking “Accept”, you agree to the storing of cookies on your device to enhance site navigation, analyze site usage, and assist in our marketing efforts. View our Privacy Policy for more information or to customize your cookie preferences.

Join us! Candidates Discuss Environmental Concerns

Trish Riley
News Feed
Tuesday, August 16, 2022

Please join us to discuss local environmental concerns and solutions with Florida candidates in the upcoming election. We’ll meet 7 p.m. to 9 p.m. Wednesday, Aug. 17 at Cypress and Grove Brewery, 1001 NW 4th St. In Gainesville. We look forward to a thoughtful discussion about your future and your children’s health!

Discuss environmental concerns

Cinema Verde is pleased to present another live film screening focused on local environmental concerns and sustainable solutions. Since those solutions depend on good governance and solid science, we invite all whose names are on the Alachua County ballot for our August elections to join us and share your thoughts and positions on environmental topics affecting our community.  

Environmental issues affect the health and well-being of all citizens and all living creatures on Earth, regardless of religion, skin color, geographic region, language or economic status. While some entities have used these issues to divide and manipulate us, their motivations are about profit, not health.  

We need competent leadership to guide us into a healthy future. Cinema Verde is here to bring you knowledge about our environmental concerns and the solutions we need at www.CinemaVerde.org, where you'll find environmental news each day as well as films we've curated over the years.

Please join us to discuss local environmental concerns and solutions with Florida candidates in the upcoming election. We’ll meet 7 p.m. to 9 p.m. Wednesday, Aug. 17 at Cypress and Grove Brewery, 1001 NW 4th St. In Gainesville. We look forward to a thoughtful discussion about your future and your children’s health!

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of
Trish Riley

Trish is founding director of Cinema Verde, an environmental film and arts festival held in Gainesville, Florida, since 2010. She has been dedicated to helping the world understand environmental issues and sustainable solutions since childhood, when she had the good fortune to grow up playing in the forest, then watching it torn down to make way for houses and pavement.

Trish is a national award-winning investigative and environmental journalist and author, with work published in major newspapers and national and international magazines. Her books include The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Greening Your Business (with Heather Gadonniex, Penguin 2009); The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Green Living (2007); Palm Beach, Miami, and The Florida Keys: A Great Destination (Norton 2009); and The Explorer’s Guide to South Florida (with Sandra Friend, Norton 2009).

She is a past board member of the American Society of Journalists and Authors, a member of the Society of Environmental Journalists, and an honorary member of the Golden Key International Honour Society.

She is the founder of GoGreenNation.org, a website designed to promote green jobs, resources, and businesses; and GoGreenGift.com, an eco-starter kit. She also founded Green Drinks Gainesville, a local chapter of an international networking group open to anyone interested in sustainability issues.  

Denver Residents Fight Proposal to Drill for Oil and Gas Under Their Homes

Vanguard among the institutional investors that dominate fossil-fuel financing. The post Denver Residents Fight Proposal to Drill for Oil and Gas Under Their Homes appeared first on .

Welcome to “Feet to the Fire: Big Oil and the Climate Crisis,” a newsletter in which we share our latest reporting on how the fossil fuel industry drives climate change and influences climate policy in five of the nation’s most important oil and gas-producing states. In addition, we shine a spotlight on the financing of the fossil fuel industry, holding banks and other financial institutions accountable for their role and providing you with updates on their activities. Click here to subscribe to the newsletter on Substack. New Proposal to Drill Wells in Denver Region Could Make Colorado’s ‘Ozone Season’ Even Worse Despite the fact that emissions from energy industry operations and traffic have caused the metropolitan Denver area to fail federal air quality standards in recent decades, state regulators are mulling proposals to drill new wells in the region. On July 30, a hearing is scheduled regarding the 156-well Lowry Ranch proposal, which would involve drilling along the southeastern edge of Denver, underneath a reservoir for the region’s drinking water. According to a consultant hired by the operator behind the proposal, the project would emit “hundreds of tons of smog-forming compounds per year, as well as tens of thousands of tons of climate warming gases,” reports Capital & Main’s Jennifer Oldham. New Mexico’s Ability to Enforce Its Oil and Gas Regulations Is Under Threat, Say Environmentalists New Mexico, which has some of the toughest oil and gas industry rules in the country, keeps finding clean air violations that could lead to health problems and exacerbate the climate crisis. Most recently, an inspection sweep by state regulators and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency found that at the most productive oil field in the nation, 75 out of 124 facilities were emitting volatile organic compounds, which contribute to the formation of ozone, reports Capital & Main’s Jerry Redfern. State regulators expect to see an increase in the number of facilities committing violations, but they are underfunded and lack the staff to enforce rules. Beyond Protests, Here’s How to Stop Banks Funding of Fossil Fuels Climate activism usually involves street protests, shareholder resolutions and sometimes throwing paint at art masterpieces. But the Paris-based nonprofit Reclaim Finance takes a different approach — closely tracking major banks and financial institutions and their financing of fossil fuel production. “We focus more on financial flows and less on the exposure of financial institutions to fossil fuels because what they have in their book is really the result of past financial services and what is done is done,” the group’s founder and director Lucie Pinson tells Bloomberg. How Australia’s Big Banks Offer ‘Backdoor Finance’ to Fossil Fuels Despite making major commitments to climate goals, Australia’s biggest banks — ANZ, Commonwealth Bank, NAB and Westpac — loaned $2.43 billion to indirectly finance fossil fuel projects in 2023, according to a new report by the nonprofit Market Forces. The lending is done with  general-purpose corporate loans and bonds, rather than direct project loans — making them more difficult to tie to specific activities — according to the group, which found that the banks have loaned up to $61 billion to finance fossil-fuel activity since the Paris climate agreement in 2015. Last year marked the first time that those banks stopped directly financing or expanding oil, gas and coal projects since 2015. “Customers are very concerned that big banks are pouring billions of dollars into companies expanding coal, oil and gas when we must accelerate efforts to limit climate change and deadly disasters,” said Kyle Robertson, author of the report. Canadian Bank Execs Questioned Over Fossil-Fuel Financing Top execs at Canadian banks were grilled by members of Parliament about their failure to show how they plan to reach their net-zero goals by 2050. A greater share of their financing goes to oil and gas production versus clean energy solutions when compared to their global peers, according to Bloomberg research cited by the nonprofit Corporate Knights. “When will you stop the greenwashing and doublespeak with climate plans when really you’re the companies pouring fuel on the fire?” asked one parliamentarian. When another member of Parliament, Leah Taylor Roy, asked Bank of Montreal’s CEO if he would commit to investing only in oil and gas projects that reduce emissions, he responded that he was “committing to continuing to finance our clients.” Vanguard Leads Institutional Investors That Dominate Investment in Fossil Fuels When it comes to the financing of fossil fuel production, most of the focus is on banks — but a new report reveals the giant role played by institutional investors, which collectively hold $4.3 trillion in bonds and shares of fossil fuel companies, according to the new Investing in Climate Chaos report published by German environmental nonprofit Urgewald. The report examined the holdings of more than 7,500 pension funds, insurance companies, asset managers, hedge funds, sovereign wealth funds and the asset management arms of commercial banks. U.S. institutional investors dominate such financing, holding more than $2.8 trillion in fossil fuel companies in 62 countries, which equals 65% of the total global institutional investments in the sector. The world’s biggest fossil fuel investor is American asset management giant Vanguard, which holds assets of oil, gas and coal companies worth $413 billion. Private Credit Helping Finance Non-ESG-Aligned Companies As more banks pull away from financing the fossil fuel sector, players such as private credit funds are filling the gap. Balmain Corporation, an Australian private credit provider, recently announced that it is raising money to finance companies — such as those that sell equipment to coal miners — that are not aligned with environmental, social and governance (ESG) principles. “[Some private credit providers] are trying to appeal to investors with a contrarian view on climate change — that investments in fossil fuels could be valuable if the transition is slower than generally expected,” Rory Simington, a resources analyst at Wood Mackenzie, told the Australian Financial Review.

Ballot battles, lawsuits and a ticked off millionaire: What’s behind Eureka’s parking lot war?

City officials in Eureka the plan to turn public parking lots into affordable housing would be easy. Now they’re facing a ballot measure campaign funded by one of the city’s richest men.

In summary City officials in Eureka the plan to turn public parking lots into affordable housing would be easy. Now they’re facing a ballot measure campaign funded by one of the city’s richest men. Long before irate local business owners began descending on public meetings, before opponents filed four environmental lawsuits warning of snarled traffic and rampant crime, and before a local finance tycoon with a penchant for political controversy decided to fund a ballot measure campaign that would upend everything, city officials in Eureka thought their proposal was a real no-brainer: Turn some city-owned parking lots into affordable housing.  Hugging Humboldt County’s Lost Coast some 280 miles north of San Francisco and 150 miles west of Redding, Eureka is strapped for places to live. The county has more homeless people per capita than anywhere else in the state, with a disproportionate share living on the street — a problem that’s especially conspicuous in downtown Eureka. Like every California city and county, Eureka is also on the hook under state law to scrounge up space for new housing. The downtown economy could use a little goosing too.  The parking lot-to-affordable-housing plan was supposed to tackle all those problems at once. More housing. More foot traffic downtown. A satisfied California Housing and Community Development Department. Yes, the planned developments would leave the area with more people, more cars and fewer spaces to park, but that, city officials have said, is a worthwhile trade-off. “Truth be told, I would rather deal with a parking shortage than a housing shortage,” said current City Council member G. Mario Fernandez. Not everyone sees it that way. A group of ticked off locals with concerns that ranged from traffic congestion to business viability to public safety to state overreach launched “Citizens for a Better Eureka.” They did so with the financial backing of magnate Robin P. Arkley II, whose company, Security National, manages property and trades in real estate debt and is one of the city’s largest employers. Shortly thereafter, many of the same activists qualified a local measure for the November ballot to scrap the city’s plan and replace it with one that would require any new housing to preserve all existing parking. Developers and the city say such a costly requirement is tantamount to a development ban. The initiative would also backfill any lost city center housing by rezoning a dilapidated former middle school on the other side of town. The parking lot wars on California’s Lost Coast are part of a statewide trend of voters taking their gripes with state housing mandates to the ballot. Over the last half decade, state lawmakers have passed dozens of new laws requiring local elected officials to plan for more housing, whether they want to or not.  When these conflicts wind up in court — and they often do — courts have generally sided with state agencies.  But in Eureka, the political stars are aligned a bit differently. This is not a wealthy suburb in which elected officials are vowing to resist what they see as overreaching state bureaucrats. Eureka city officials are on the same page as the state housing department in wanting to see more dense housing downtown, parking be damned. It’s the voters, this November, who will have the opportunity to slam on the brakes.  Whether the ballot initiative, called Measure F, would actually put the city at odds with state law is an unsettled debate, one that’s now playing out as dueling political soundbites as the election approaches.  That makes the local ballot fight more than a mere turf battle over a few lots. In a spat between business and property owners, current and former elected officials, environmentalists, state regulators and a human lightning rod in the form of a local loan mogul, it’s also a story about who has the ultimate say over what a town looks like. “I think that a lot of this is maybe not about parking lots,” said Tom Wheeler, who runs the Environmental Protection Information Center in nearby Arcata and who supports the city’s housing plan. “Parking lots are a proxy for a larger kind of identity politics issue for what Eureka is.” Eureka’s big idea The fate of Eureka’s parking lots hinges on a promise that the city made to the State of California in 2019.  Once every decade, cities and counties are required to lay out plans for new housing to accommodate local population growth. In the case of Eureka, a city with some 26,000 people, officials were tasked with laying the ground for 952 new units, 378 of which have to be affordable for people earning less than $46,200. To boost the chances of actually meeting those goals, officials opted to lease or sell city-owned land to developers. They went all in on the idea, putting nearly 90% of their state affordable unit quota on 14 public parking lots. Supporters viewed such lots as abundant and dispensable. The Coalition for Responsible Transportation Priorities, a local environmental nonprofit, estimated that 34% of the “developable land” in Eureka’s downtown is set aside for off-street parking. Initially, City Manager Miles Slattery said his office didn’t hear much pushback. In 2019, staff held a series of public meetings to find out what locals want future development in the city to look like. Most participants favored the dense, high-rise, pedestrian-centric layout common to the city’s Old Town neighborhood along the waterfront. “It was very clear that people wanted Eureka to look like what you see in Old Town,” said Slattery. “When that happened, I didn’t see any potential for anything to be a problem.” The parking lot on 3rd Street between G and H Streets in Eureka on June 17, 2024. The lot is the site of a proposed Humboldt Transit Authority Hub that would include housing. Photo by Mark McKenna for CalMatters The old Jacobs School site in Eureka on June 17, 2024. Eureka City Schools recently sold the school site. Photos by Mark McKenna for CalMatters Slattery was wrong. The backlash began as soon as the city started taking solicitations for development and downtown business owners were suddenly facing the prospect of losing parking at specific sites. The city invited property owners and tenants surrounding the lots to attend a series of initial public meetings. They were, in Slattery’s words, “a shitshow.” The loss of parking would mean the eradication of local businesses that cater to a car-driving clientele, some said. Eurekans accessing downtown services, employees who work in adjacent Old Town and people with physical disabilities would be inconvenienced.  Some said the idea of the “15-minute city” —  the urban planning concept that housing, necessary businesses and services should all be reachable by foot within a quarter of an hour — was a poor fit for Humboldt County. Others claimed affordable housing would lead to more crime, a common complaint that lacks evidence.  Some locals also felt caught off guard. In April 2021, the planning commissioner offered his surprise resignation in the middle of a Zoom hearing, saying that he could not abide the city’s “minimized” public outreach efforts which amounted to “tyranny.”   “I think that a lot of this is maybe not just about parking lots”Tom Wheeler, Environmental Protection Information Center A spokesperson for Linc Housing, the affordable developer that stepped up to develop the first round of lots, said it held two community meetings in 2021, conducted a survey and has since held 19 small group information sessions.   “Many, many, many, many meetings happened for this,” said Slattery. “A lot of them were commandeered by a local business owner to get their employees to come and express their concerns.” That local business owner is Rob Arkley. Arkley initially agreed to be interviewed for this story, but then bowed out, offering no explanation. He did not respond to further questions. But in both public comments and private conversation with elected officials and developers, Arkley expressed particular concern about the development of one lot that, he has said, more than two dozen of his Security National employees use. When Citizens for a Better Eureka popped up to push back against the city parking lot plan, it did so with “startup funding” from Security National, according to the group’s website. Describing itself as a coalition of roughly 50 downtown businesses and property owners, the group filed four lawsuits challenging various aspects of the parking lot plan. (A fifth suit challenging a city decision to put the measure up for a vote in the November election rather than on the earlier March ballot was dismissed and the group has appealed). Each suit alleged violations of California’s signature environmental protection law, the California Environmental Quality Act.  In its case challenging the city’s overall general plan, the group, through its lawyer Bradley Johnson, argued that Eureka failed to analyze both “the traffic and transportation impacts associated with eliminating off-street public parking.” But, mirroring Arkley’s public comments, the group also raised safety concerns.  Eliminating the lots used by downtown workers will expose people “to unsafe conditions, including risk of violent crime, associated with traveling longer distances to and from parked vehicles,” the suit claimed. With the lawsuits still pending in Humboldt County Superior Court or pending appeal, many of the same activists behind Citizens for a Better Eureka went out and gathered nearly 2,000 verified signatures to qualify a measure for the ballot. As of the most recent campaign finance report filed at the end of last year, the committee raised $290,000. All but $500 came from Security National.  A new filing is due at the end of July. Gail Rymer, who works as a spokesperson for the ballot measure campaign, Citizens for a Better Eureka and Security National, said “it’s still the case” that Security National is providing the vast majority of the funding for the Yes on Measure F campaign. “We don’t actively solicit other donations,” she said. ‘Our local Scrooge McDuck’ If you have a conversation with anyone in Eureka about the years-long parking lot kerfuffle, it’s only a matter of time before Arkley’s name pops up. Arkley is regularly described as Eureka’s “local billionaire.” It’s difficult to verify his exact net worth and Arkley now lives part time in Louisiana. No matter, he still remains keenly interested in the local affairs of his hometown. Rob Arkley speaks during a meeting of the Rotary Club of Eureka in 2011. Photo via the Rotary Club of Eureka Blogspot His wife, Cherie Arkley is a former City Council member. The two funded a center for the performing arts that towers over downtown and which bears the Arkley name. Arkley money has also funded improvements at the zoo, at Cal Poly Humboldt and along the Eureka waterfront. For a time, he ran his own newspaper to compete with the local Times-Standard. A wealthy benefactor in a post-industrial town where patrons are in short supply,  he is, in the words of the Environmental Protection Information Center’s Wheeler, “our local Scrooge McDuck.”  Critics of the ballot measure campaign are quick to dismiss the entire effort as an Arkley front-group. “I do think that none of this would have gotten as out of control as it has if it weren’t for basically a guy with a huge amount of money throwing a massive temper tantrum,” said Colin Fiske, director of Coalition for Responsible Transportation Priorities.  Supporters of the ballot measure say their coalition is made up of a broad array of downtown business owners. But there’s also nothing unseemly, they argue, about a civically-minded businessman taking an interest in a matter of critical local importance. “If the Arkleys wouldn’t have come in here and pumped the money into the community like they did, I don’t know what it would look like, but it wouldn’t look as good as it does now,” said Mike Munson, co-chair of the November ballot measure campaign, speaking of Arkley’s financial footprint in the area. “A lot of people don’t like it. I don’t know why.” The answer is, mostly, politics. “None of this would have gotten as out of control as it has if it weren’t for basically a guy with a huge amount of money throwing a massive temper tantrum.”Colin Fiske, director, Coalition for Responsible Transportation Priorities A GOP donor of some national importance who has hobnobbed with Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito, Arkley is a poor fit for Eureka’s current political scene. “Everybody’s a Democrat in Humboldt County,” said Slattery, the city manager. “It’s just a matter of how far granola you lean.” Arkley’s past interventions in local land use policy haven’t always endeared him to the left-leaning public, either. After Arkley purchased a defunct, overgrown railyard at the edge of downtown, Security National convinced the City Council in 2010 to put a zoning change necessary for its redevelopment on the ballot . Voters signed off on the change. A decade-and-a-half later the 43-acre “balloon track” remains a defunct, overgrown railyard. In 2015, Eureka’s City Council passed a resolution to cede Tuluwat Island, the site of one of the most infamous massacres of native people by white Californians in state history, back to the Wiyot Tribe. Arkley publicly protested giving the public land back “to the natives” and vowed to buy it from the city first. The city went through with the land transfer to the tribe. Finally, when the city said it planned to repurpose the downtown parking lots, including one where Security National employees regularly park, Arkley was irate. The local press reported on a profanity-laced meeting with city officials.  The Arkley Center for the Performing Arts in Eureka on June 17, 2024. Photo by Mark McKenna for CalMatters More than two years before proponents began circulating the initiative petition, Arkley was publicly considering the idea of floating a ballot measure to stop the city’s lot-to-housing conversion plans and to relocate housing to an old school site. “Low-income housing brings crime, period, end of discussion,” he told local talk radio host Brian Papstein in 2021. “Why don’t we pick an area of one of the schools that’s been closed? They’d have better services, they’d have shopping, the land is there.” Researchers who have looked into the question have consistently found no evidence that affordable housing development leads to more local crime and in some cases have found the opposite. When the city began moving forward with the plan over Arkley’s objections, Security National purchased a lot right next to city hall where city employees regularly park. He then offered to swap that lot in exchange for the one closer to Security National headquarters. The city refused. The lot now sits empty, closed to any would-be parkers by concrete barriers. Humboldt County Supervisor Natalie Arroyo, who sat on the City Council when the parking plan was approved, said she took a meeting with a mad-as-hell Arkley in the months after the vote. “He just wanted to let me know that I’m going to buy the parking lot next to city hall and so and so at the city is going to be sorry,” she said. “I got the sense it was more of an emotional argument and about resistance to change.” The counter proposal November’s ballot initiative wouldn’t ban housing on the parking lots outright. Instead, it would require any developments at any of 21 city-owned lots to preserve whatever parking is already on site and then provide additional parking for incoming residents.  For some proponents of the city’s plan, requiring so much additional parking and banning the proposed housing is a distinction without a difference. Adding a structured parking lot can add an additional $44,865 per unit to a project (in inflation-adjusted terms), according to a UC Berkeley Terner Center study from 2020. California’s Housing and Community Development Department signed off on Eureka’s housing plan in the fall of 2022. If voters ultimately approve the ballot measure, they would be rewriting that contract.  That would require state approval. If the city doesn’t get it, Eureka would lose state funding, open itself up to litigation from the attorney general’s office and lose the ability to apply its own zoning restrictions through a legal quirk known as the “builder’s remedy.” The city would also likely lose the “prohousing” designation it received from the state earlier this year, which gives it first dibs on some state funding.  Measure F supporters say such warnings amount to scare tactics, not only because the initiative doesn’t prohibit downtown development, but because it would also rezone an abandoned middle school for possible housing development. City officials counter that striking the downtown parcels from the city’s new housing plan would still leave Eureka short of the number of designated affordable units required under state law. “If I just submitted this as written I don’t think (the California Housing and Community Development Department) would certify it,” said Cristin Kenyon, Eureka’s Director of Development Services. State housing regulators have so far refused to say how they would react should the measure pass. Competing visions Susan Seaman, Eureka’s former mayor, said she remembers Old Town 30 years ago: “That place was scary.” There are still the old, scruffy dive bars and vacant lots around Old Town. There are still a proliferation of “For Lease” signs and a glut of under-trafficked cannabis stores. There are still plenty of people living in tents, under closed shop awnings and in dinged up RVs. These are the visual reminders of how Eureka has long played the role of economic also-ran to its upmarket northern neighbor, Arcata.   But things have changed in the last decade or two. Boutiques and cafes have sprouted up beside the old Victorian hotels barnacled in historic designation plaques. Expanding businesses consider Eureka in a way they just wouldn’t in years past, said Seaman, who now works as program director with the Arcata Economic Development Corporation. Local politics have changed too. She describes an early “good old boy” culture that pervaded city hall in decades past, back when Eureka was “governed by nostalgia” for an early time when timber and fishing were enough to sustain the proudly out-of-the-way working class town.  A project at the corner of 3rd and G Streets in Eureka on June 17, 2024. The project is slated for mixed commercial and residential use. Photo by Mark McKenna for CalMatters So, no, Seaman wasn’t especially surprised when the city’s plan to turn parking lots into affordable housing sparked a backlash. This was, in her view, more of the same old local divide. Last decade, Eureka pushed through plans to replace car lanes with those reserved for bikes and to build bulbed-out sidewalks at certain intersections to keep cars from quickly cutting around corners. “The same people who are behind this initiative hate the bike lanes, hate the bulb-outs, hate anything that slows down traffic,” she said. They hate it because it makes driving more inconvenient, she said, but also because they represent unwelcome imports of ideas common in California’s bigger cities.  “Everybody wants things to be different, but nobody wants things to change,” she said. “People don’t live in Humboldt County to live in an urban area.”Mike Munson, co-chair, Measure F campaign Just a few blocks away from Seaman’s office near city hall, Munson, co-chair of the ballot measure campaign, works out of a glass-walled office overlooking the harbor in Old Town. A wealth manager who moonlights as a local restaurateur, Munson has been a Eurekan since his mom moved to town when he was a teenager. That, he said, still makes him a newcomer by the standards of some third- or fourth-generation locals. Munson came to the politics of local land use by way of those early fights about bike lanes, which he opposed. The parking lot battle has been a continuation of a theme. “I wouldn’t say the main thing is the parking,” he said of the current ballot battle. “I think it’s more about the whole vitality and the vision of ‘what is Eureka going to be 10 years, 20 years, 30 years from now?’” One version of that vision — Munson’s — is to treat Old Town as an area that prioritizes local businesses and tourists. He has a fantasy about the waterfront. A plaza facing the harbor for farmer’s markets and live music. Mooring for cruise ships that channel into a phalanx of fancy shops. A development to welcome the outside world into Eureka. Old Town already has as much housing as the neighborhood can comfortably accommodate. New housing ought to be built, he said, but in the same places and in the same way that housing has been built in Eureka for the last 80 years: away from the city center. “I can tell you that people don’t live in Humboldt County to live in an urban area,” he said.

The Paris Olympics Are a Lesson in Greenwashing

The Olympics are a sustainability nightmare, and Paris, despite its efforts, is no exception

The Summer Olympics will soon begin in Paris against the backdrop of heat waves and drought throughout much of Southern Europe.The organizers of the games say that in light of climate change, they’ve made sustainability a centerpiece of their enterprise. Channeling their inner Greta Thunberg, they promise that the event will be “historic for the climate” and “revolutionary Games like we’ve never seen before.”Yet in the city where global leaders signed a landmark agreement in 2015 to limit postindustrial global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, we’re getting a recycled version of green capitalism that is oblivious in its incrementalism, vague with its methodology and loose with its accountability. It’s too late for Paris, but if the Olympic organizers truly want to be sustainable, the Games need to reduce their size, limit the number of tourists who travel from afar, thoroughly greenify their capacious supply chains and open up their eco-books for bona fide accountability. Until then, the Olympics are a greenwash, a pale bit of lip service delivered at a time when climatological facts demand a systematic transformation in splendid Technicolor.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Greenwashing is nothing new for the sports world, where a massive chasm exists between sustainable word and deed. Sports mega-events such as the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup have long voiced concern for the environment and claimed to proffer solutions while doing the bare minimum—if anything—to make genuine ecological improvements.Nevertheless, Olympic organizers swear they are scything a fresh path. “We want the legacy to be different,” Tony Estanguet, president of the Paris 2024 Olympics, told Time magazine. “We’ve promised to cut the carbon footprint in half from the London Olympics in 2012.” Those Olympics in London emitted around 3.3 metric tons of CO2. Paris 2024 is aiming for 1.5 metric tons.To be sure, this summer’s Paris Olympics have made significant sustainability strides. But their earnest efforts have raised a broader question: Can the Olympics truly be an environmentally sustainable event? “There is no version of a sustainable Games as of yet,” said Madeleine Orr, author of Warming Up: How Climate Change Is Changing Sport, in an interview with the Real News Network. This sentiment is echoed by many, including Christine O’Bonsawin, an Indigenous sport scholar and member of the Abenaki Nation at Odanak in Quebec, who dubbed such measures an “Olympic sustainability smokescreen.” The modern-day supersized Olympics, with its fossil-fuel-guzzling ways, is simply not compatible with an authentic sustainability agenda.So how has Paris fared?To limit their carbon footprint, organizers have kept venue construction to a minimum by building only two new sports facilities—an aquatic center and a climbing venue—and two additional sites: the Media Village for journalists and the Olympic Village, where athletes will reside during the Games. Organizers have made an effort to deploy bio-sourced materials—especially wood—and to reuse and recycle supplies, such as the seats in the aquatic center, which are constructed exclusively with local plastic waste. Construction of the Olympic Villageaspires to limit carbon intensity—the amount of carbon dioxide released to create a kilowatt-hour of electricity—by expending less than 650 kilograms of carbon dioxide equivalent per meter squared (kgCO2e/m2), half of France’s average for the construction of office structures (1,400 kgCO2e/m2) and multifamily housing (1,300 kgCO2e/m2).The Paris Olympics have a robust action plan for “sustainable catering” that aims for zero food waste. Organizers are curbing carbon emissions by procuring 80 percent of ingredients from local sources—thereby limiting “food miles,” the distance from field to plate. They are planning to compost food, reduce animal products by 50 to 60 percent and double the amount of plant-based products on the menu. Moreover, four of every five Paris 2024 venues sit within a 10-kilometer (6.2-mile) radius and are less than 30 minutes from the Athletes’ Village. Paris organizers also assert that 100 percent of the electricity used at Olympic venues will be renewable.All this is good, but is it enough? Not according to a report by Carbon Market Watch and Éclaircies, the environmental watchdogs that have skewered Paris 2024 organizers for their lack of transparency and precision: “the strategy,” the groups say, “lacks detailed methodologies and comprehensive monitoring, and is not clearly communicated.” Take that 100 percent renewable electricity claim. Turns out not all “renewable electricity certificates” are created equal. This may sound wonky, but a gap can emerge between a renewable energy certificate, which is an accounting tool, and actual procurement of renewable energy. Will the renewable energy be produced and consumed in the same geographical area? Will the certificate actually contribute to additional renewable energy? The New Climate Institute notes that acquiring renewable electricity certificates “has historically contributed very little to the development of additional renewable energy installations in Europe and the United States” because of an “oversupply of certificates and associated low prices, along with implicit double counting.”What this means is that the opacity surrounding which market instruments have been used, Carbon Market Watch and Éclaircies say, “makes it impossible to analyze the true impact of the Olympics’ strategy on climate change.”Paris 2024 organizers’ adoption of deceptive phrases such as “climate-positive” and “carbon-neutral”—which they abandoned after facing public pressure—has also bred credible skepticism from sustainability watchdogs.And the Paris Games are creating straight-up environmental damage. Tahiti, the location of the Olympic surfing competition, is home to a coral reef that was damaged in the process of installing a completely optional tower for the Olympics. Activists in Teahupo’o shared excruciating footage of a construction barge grinding up the delicate coral reef, jump-starting an online petition to jettison the tower that was signed by more than 250,000 people. Olympic officials backpedaled, scaling back the tower plan.The biggest portion of greenhouse gas emissions for major sports events—approximately 85 percent, by some estimates—derives from travel to the event by fans, journalists and athletes. Paris organizers’ reliance on notoriously misleading carbon offsets can enable “carbon colonialism”—offloading dubious projects on the Global South that service the eco-ledgers of the Global North. For instance, an Oakland Institute investigation revealed that a forestry company based in Norway arranged for carbon offsets in Uganda that severely disrupted the lives of locals by ramping up pollution and forcing evictions. The carbon footprint of international travel to attend the Olympics in Paris—let alone Tahiti, which sits a whopping 9,765 miles from Paris—is massive, yet Games organizers have generally offered vague platitudes rather than concrete action plans.Speaking of concrete, Paris 2024 chose to build a temporary skate park at the Place de la Concorde that a MediaPart investigation describes as a “concrete avalanche.” The president of a French skate park group called the project “environmental and economic nonsense.” Concrete has been dubbed “the most destructive material on Earth” for its unquenchable thirst for water and knack for choking out natural habitats, and there are obstacles to recycling it.This was a wholly optional move by the Paris 2024 Organizing Committee; they’ve scored an own goal.In theory, the Paris organizers should have been able to look to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) for guidance. After all, the Olympic Charter states that the IOC’s mission is “to encourage and support a responsible concern for environmental issues ... and to require that the Olympic Games are held accordingly.” And yet scholars have concluded that the IOC is “one of the largest culprits of greenwashing in the sporting world.” One IOC sponsor, Coca-Cola, is the world’s biggest producer of branded plastic waste. Another sponsor, Toyota, was hit with a $180-million fine for consistently violating the Clean Air Act. A third, Samsung, was singled out by the New Climate Institute and Carbon Market Watch for its greenwashing.One academic study that investigated the sustainability of 16 different Olympic Games spanning 1992 through 2020 found that environmental follow-through has actually diminished over time. The four least sustainable Olympics—the Sochi 2014, Rio 2016, Tokyo 2020 and London 2012 Games—were all recent.As people descend on Paris over the next several days and the Olympics commence, we can be grateful for the opportunity the Games afford the athletes themselves. The Paris 2024 Olympics may slice slightly against the zeitgeist of the egregious greenwashing of sports mega-events of the past, but a significant fissure between symbolism and substance remains.This is an opinion and analysis article, and the views expressed by the author or authors are not necessarily those of Scientific American.

Scientists find ‘dark oxygen’ being produced from metals on the seafloor

Organisms normally need light to produce oxygen through a process known as photosynthesis.

Scientists have found evidence that metals naturally occurring on the ocean floor may be able to produce oxygen — a potential “game changer” they say could change our understanding of the origins of life on Earth.The researchers, whose study was published Monday in the journal Nature Geoscience, found that through a newly discovered process, masses made of minerals such as manganese and iron, often used to make batteries, can produce oxygen even in complete darkness. Organisms normally need light to produce oxygen through a process known as photosynthesis, but researchers believe electrochemical activity produced by these masses — called polymetallic nodules — can extract oxygen from water. The masses formed over millions of years and can be about the size of a potato.Bo Barker Jørgensen, a marine biogeochemistry expert who was not involved in the research but peer-reviewed the study, said in an interview that it was a “very unusual finding.”The findings could have implications for the deep-sea mining industry, whose players have sought to be allowed to explore the depths of the ocean and retrieve minerals like those that make up polymetallic nodules. Such minerals are seen as crucial for the green energy transition. Environmental activists and many scientists believe deep-sea mining is dangerous because it can destabilize ecosystems in unpredictable ways and could affect the ocean’s ability to help contain climate change. The study received funding from companies active in seabed mining exploration.When Andrew Sweetman, the lead author of the study, first recorded unusual oxygen readings coming from the bottom of the Pacific Ocean in 2013, he thought his research equipment had malfunctioned.“I basically told my students, just put the sensors back in the box. We’ll ship them back to the manufacturer and get them tested because they’re just giving us gibberish,” Sweetman, head of the seafloor ecology and biogeochemistry research group at the Scottish Association for Marine Science, told CNN. “And every single time the manufacturer came back: ‘They’re working. They’re calibrated.’ ”In 2021 and 2022, Sweetman and his team returned to the Clarion-Clipperton Zone, an area under the central Pacific known for having large quantities of polymetallic nodules. Confident that their sensors worked, they lowered a device more than 13,000 feet below the surface that placed small boxes into the sediment. The boxes stayed in place for 47 hours, conducting experiments and measuring levels of oxygen consumed by the microorganisms that live there.Instead of oxygen levels going down, they went up — suggesting that more oxygen was being produced than consumed.The researchers hypothesized that the electrochemical activity of the different metals that make up polymetallic nodules were responsible for the oxygen production measured by the sensors — like a battery in which electrons flow from one electrode to another, creating an electric current, said Tobias Hahn, one of the co-authors of the study, in an interview.This hypothesis would add a layer to our understanding of how organisms came to exist under the sea, said Hahn, who focused specifically on the sensors used in the study experiments. “We thought that life began on Earth when photosynthesis kicked in, as oxygen was brought to Earth through photosynthesis. It could be that actually, this process of electrochemically dividing water into oxygen and hydrogen supplied oxygen to the ocean,” he said.“This could be a kind of game changer in the story about how life started,” he added.A news release about the study said its findings challenge “long-held assumptions that only photosynthetic organisms, such as plants and algae, generate Earth’s oxygen.”But if that finding is borne out, “we need to rethink how to mine” materials like cobalt, nickel, copper, lithium and manganese underwater, “so that we do not deplete the oxygen source for deep-sea life,” said Franz Geiger, a professor of chemistry at Northwestern University and one of the co-authors of the study, in the release.Mining conducted under the sea in the 1980s serves as a cautionary tail, Geiger said. When marine biologists visited such sites decades later, they “found not even bacteria had recovered.” But in areas that were not mined, “marine life flourished.”“Why such ‘dead zones’ persist for decades is still unknown,” he said. But the fact that they do suggests that mining the seafloor in areas with plenty of polymetallic nodules could be especially harmful, because those areas tend to have more faunal diversity than “the most diverse tropical rainforests,” he said.Though the study has pointed to an interesting new pathway for sustaining life deep under the ocean, many questions remain, Hahn said. “We just don’t know” how much “dark oxygen” can be created through this process, how it affects the polymetallic nodules or what quantities of nodules are needed to enable oxygen production, he said.While the study methodology is solid, “what is lacking is an understanding of what is going on, what kind of process this is,” said Barker Jørgensen.

Interstate 27 has divided Lubbock for decades. North and east side residents want that to change.

After repeated attempts to convince the City Council to make zoning changes, residents asked the federal government to intervene.

Subscribe to The Y’all — a weekly dispatch about the people, places and policies defining Texas, produced by Texas Tribune journalists living in communities across the state. LUBBOCK — For more than 30 years, Interstate 27 has connected Lubbock in the South Plains to Amarillo in the northern Panhandle. The concrete structure has stood as a key transportation method for residents, businesses and people driving through the area. And yet, some see it as a lasting reminder of segregation, and a physical barrier that has isolated the east and north sides from the rest of Lubbock. Neighborhoods with majority Black and Hispanic residents are stuffed away, surrounded by industrial zoning and factories releasing emissions into the air. People who call the area home say it’s behind a wall — a signal for people to stop while they can. “Anything behind a wall has a negative connotation to it,” said Robert Baxter, a Lubbock native. “But we’re humans on the other side of that. Not the boogeyman or just criminals. There are kids, elderly people, families, business owners behind that wall.” East Lubbock advocates are working on a seemingly never-ending mission — stitching their neighborhoods back into Lubbock’s fabric. As the city grows, communities behind the interstate have been left behind. While the city adds grocery stores to nearly every corner west of I-27, residents on the east side have one supermarket to get fresh food in the area. A few gas stations and corner markets sparsely placed have less fresh, but convenient, options. While crews actively work on repairing streets in the city, East Lubbock roads remain unpaved in some areas. Businesses have closed and not been replaced, leaving empty, decrepit buildings. There isn’t an emergency room or health clinic in sight for the vulnerable neighborhoods. The interstate has cemented their conditions, and advocates say it’s a problem that’s nearly impossible to dismantle. Lubbock is not the only city facing this issue. The construction of the national highway infrastructure in the U.S. deepened segregation for communities of color nationwide. Karen Wolf at the University of Washington’s Infrastructure Planning and Management program, said the nation’s history of highways is not pretty. “These highways cut through neighborhoods and separated them,” said Wolf, interim academic director for the program. “It was traditionally communities of color or poor neighborhoods, and in some cases, those communities were destroyed.” Segregation was deeply-seeded in big cities and quaint towns alike — cities like Lubbock that are now booming and seeing a ripple effect from mistakes of the past. Fixing the problem, however, can be a costly and complicated process. Earlier this year, President Joe Biden announced $3.3 billion in 41 states to reconnect and rebuild communities that were divided by transportation infrastructure. Nearly $235 million was awarded to six projects in Texas. The Texas Tribune is committed to transparency and integrity, especially as new technologies are on the rise.That's why we want to hear your thoughts about how we use artificial intelligence in our work. Take our Survey The projects awarded funds include efforts in Austin to reconnect East Austin to downtown, a project by the Harris County Toll Road Authority to redesign Westpark Tollway and bridge the Alief community back in, a transportation feasibility study in El Paso, a study focusing on equitable solutions to fix disadvantages caused by Interstate 37 to San Antonio’s east side, a project dedicated to walkability and climate-resiliency for two Houston neighborhoods, and construction on pedestrian caps in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. The issue remains unresolved in Lubbock, nearly a year after a group of residents filed a federal civil rights complaint against the city for its zoning policies. Residents are still in an uphill battle on their mission toward environmental justice and fair zoning laws. Meanwhile, advocates worry that if city leaders don’t do something about it now, East Lubbock will suffer more as the city grows away from it. Industrial zoning isolates community  Baxter, who is Black, said living in Lubbock has always been rough for Black and Hispanic residents. When he was growing up, his friends were told by their parents to not go past I-27. As an adult, he advocates for the north and east sides as they are left behind in favor of shiny, new developments on the other side of town. “Other parts of the city have businesses, nice homes are being built, ones with brick,” Baxter said. “In North and East Lubbock, we have matchbox houses. We want to have brick, too.” More than 100 years ago, the Lubbock City Council approved an ordinance that forced Black residents to the east side of town. The ordinance said Black people could not own property or live in other areas of the city, unless they were servants, and would be fined every day they were in violation. The council then created an industrial zone around them. The ordinance was repealed in 2006, but in reality, little has changed, residents say. With few good paying jobs and amenities on the east side, it's difficult to live. And few can afford to move. A Texas Tribune analysis of U.S. Census data shows roughly 24% of the population in East Lubbock is impoverished, which is higher than the 19% rate for the city overall. “These communities are disconnected from economic drivers, the job market, retail, all the benefits coming to our city,” said Joshua Shankles, president of Lubbock Compact, a local advocacy group. Wolf at the University of Washington said industrial zoning attracts industries that come with big buildings and parking lots, and they cause noise and air pollution, which is a concern for residents in Lubbock. According to the North and East Lubbock Coalition’s complaint, 57% of Lubbock’s Black residents and 38% of its Hispanic residents live within one mile of the industrial zone. By comparison, only 17% of white residents live within the same proximity. The industrial buildings have contributed to public perception of the community on the east side. Earlier this year, the city held a public meeting to discuss a new solid waste transfer station on the southwest side of town. Residents were against the location, citing health impacts and property values — the same concerns people in East Lubbock have described for years. One resident said to put it on the east side because it’s “pretty trashy” and to “leave the nicer areas alone.” “Industrial zoning can isolate a community,” Wolf said. “It creates chasms — you can’t walk through it, buses can’t really go there. It disrupts natural travel patterns for communities.” Wolf said highways are important for faster travel and hauling heavy freight. However, she said the highways were built without recognition to the communities they are in, and sometimes, in spite of them. “The most important piece now is to make sure that any new segments don't bisect communities or isolate more neighborhoods,” Wolf said. Advocates and residents alike have been determined to improve East Lubbock for decades, but it has not been an easy task. City leaders, Shankles said, have failed to recognize there is inequity. “It’s difficult for people to even hear criticism of anything in Lubbock, they think it’s an insult or personal assault,” Shankles said. “It’s more difficult to be receptive to new ideas than to say ‘Let’s just keep doing what we’ve been doing.’” A resistance to change has been seen over decades as residents and activists alike have advocated for better conditions in East Lubbock. Baxter, who sits on the city’s Urban Renewal Agency and Neighborhood Redevelopment Commission, wants to be an example for future generations to be active in the community. But, he still admits it’s hard talking about a pressing issue with no resolution in sight. “You get tired trying to show someone it’s a problem,” Baxter said. “It’s been a problem for decades. People before me talked about it, now I am, and it’s like no one is listening.” False hopes Natalie Miller was excited to move back to Lubbock in 2013. Her hometown was set for a boom in growth and development. Her excitement waned as she made her way to East Lubbock, where she grew up. “Conditions here got worse,” Miller said. “Growing up, you don’t understand the history behind the conditions here. You start to ask those questions as an adult.” Miller joined other residents as they advocated for better conditions, and called for two practices to be added to Lubbock’s development code. The first was amortization, a process that allows the city to rezone property and prevent businesses from practicing operations that are a nuisance or health hazard after zoning laws have changed. Residents want this used to keep industrial practices away from their homes. The other method is down zoning, which allows the city to change the zoning of an area to a less intensive use, such as going from a commercial land to residential. Residents want this because it would stop new industrial businesses from moving in. For advocates, seeking either option has been a long road full of empty promises. At the end of 2022, the North and East Lubbock Coalition, a group of residents, began emailing city leaders about the impact of its zoning laws. The city’s development code would be reviewed soon, and they wanted to get ahead of the discussion. When the city council passed the code without significant changes, the group filed a federal civil rights complaint last summer against the city with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The council later organized a committee to study the use of amortization and down zoning, and the extent and negative effect of abandoned industrial properties on nearby residents. The committee included industry executives who managed companies near the neighborhoods in question. None of the residents who petitioned Lubbock for the changes were part of the committee. “It’s one of those situations where they give us this to say they did something,” Miller said of the committee’s creation. In January, the committee recommended the city analyze Lubbock’s zoning map to fix areas that need to be rezoned. The committee was against adapting an amortization policy in the city’s code, because the process exists in state law. The committee never answered the question about the negative impact on nearby residents. The city council later accepted the findings without the answer. “They’re not willing to address the issues of how we got here,” Miller said. “We need to talk about that in order to get to the core of our concerns and fix this.” Adam Pirtle, a lawyer with Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas representing the coalition, said down zoning is a good first step. However, he said there’s more to do. “They’re not looking at existing facilities that are operating, that are industrial and causing problems for residents,” Pirtle said. “They’re shying away from that.” There’s other ways Lubbock could improve the situation, including changing the notification process. Currently, Pirtle said, when an industrial business applies to rezone a property, people who live within 400 yards get notified. Pirtle said emailing residents would be easier for the public to get this information. Pirtle also pointed to the environmental commission in Dallas. The group advises the city council on environmental matters and has brought residents affected by industrial facilities to Texas Commission on Environmental Quality public hearings. Federal review ongoing  Residents are now back to square one. According to Pirtle, the HUD’s Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity office in Washington, D.C. is reviewing the North and East Lubbock Coalition's complaint. The coalition is hoping the HUD will make the city remedy the zoning policies for both districts. In the meantime, Pirtle said, his clients are willing to meet with the city at any time to work toward a solution. Baxter said changing the zoning in North and East Lubbock, so it’s not surrounded by industrial buildings near I-27, would help them flourish. As is, he said, zoning is a monster that has hindered the community’s ability to bring in new businesses or housing developments. “No one wants to put up a restaurant or a set of brick condos near a toxic release site,” Baxter said. Baxter also said more members of the community need to get involved, including being placed on city boards that review zoning requests. Miller will continue showing up to meetings and pushing for the city to change. What they have right now — a few Dollar General-type stores, unpaved roads, and no pharmacies — leaves Miller frustrated. “It makes me feel as if we are neglected,” Miller said. “Just as we have been over the last 80 to 100 years here.” Wolf said reconnecting communities that were separated by infrastructure is possible — albeit, expensive. City leaders also have to be willing to learn from past mistakes, and work with the people who are directly affected. “It needs to be done with meaningful involvement from the community members from the very beginning,” Wolf said. “You have to work with them, you have to listen to them, and you have to understand what’s important to them.” In an email from a spokesperson, City Manager Jarrett Atkinson said he does not believe I-27 has had an impact on zoning laws. Mayor Mark McBrayer declined to be interviewed by the Tribune for this story. The HUD is expected to have an answer to the complaint this year. Big news: director and screenwriter Richard Linklater; NPR President and CEO Katherine Maher; U.S. Rep. Pete Aguilar, D-California; and Luci Baines Johnson will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!

Suggested Viewing

Join us to forge
a sustainable future

Our team is always growing.
Become a partner, volunteer, sponsor, or intern today.
Let us know how you would like to get involved!

CONTACT US

sign up for our mailing list to stay informed on the latest films and environmental headlines.

Subscribers receive a free day pass for streaming Cinema Verde.
Thank you! Your submission has been received!
Oops! Something went wrong while submitting the form.