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How to build data centers without raising grid costs — and emissions

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Wednesday, February 26, 2025

This is the third article in our four-part series ​“Boon or bane: What will data centers do to the grid?” The world’s wealthiest tech companies want to build giant data centers across the United States to feed their AI ambitions, and they want to do it fast. Each data center can use as much electricity as a small city and cost more than $1 billion to construct. If built, these data centers would unleash a torrent of demand for electricity on the country’s power grids. Utilities, regulators, and policymakers are scrambling to keep pace. If they mismanage their response, it could lead to higher utility bills for customers and far more carbon emissions. But this mad dash for power could also push the U.S. toward a cleaner and cheaper grid — if tech giants and other data center developers decide to treat the looming power crunch as a clean-power opportunity. Utilities from Virginia to Texas are planning to build large numbers of new fossil-gas-fired power plants and to extend the life of coal plants. To justify this, they point to staggering — but dubious — forecasts of how much electricity data centers will gobble up in the coming years, mostly to power the AI efforts of the world’s largest tech companies. Most of the tech giants in question have set ambitious clean energy goals. They’ve also built and procured more clean power than any other corporations in the country, and they’re active investors in or partners of startups working on next-generation carbon-free energy sources like advanced geothermal. But some climate activists and energy analysts believe that given the current frenzy to build AI data centers, these firms have been too passive — too willing to accept the carbon-intensive plans that utilities have laid out on their behalf. It’s time, these critics say, for everyone involved — tech giants, utilities, regulators, and policymakers — to ​“demand better.” That’s how the Sierra Club put it in a recent report urging action from Amazon, Google, Meta, Microsoft, and other tech firms driving data center growth across the country. “I’m concerned the gold rush — to the extent there’s a true gold rush around AI — is trumping climate commitments,” said Laurie Williams, director of the Sierra Club’s Beyond Coal campaign and one of the report’s authors. Williams isn’t alone. Climate activists, energy analysts, and policymakers in states with fast-growing data center markets fear that data center developers are prioritizing expediency over solving cost and climate challenges. “I think what we’re seeing is a culture clash,” she said. ​“You have the tech industry, which is used to moving fast and making deals, and a highly regulated utility space.” Some tech firms intend to rely on unproven technologies like small modular nuclear reactors to build emissions-free data centers, an approach that analysts say is needlessly unreliable. Others want to divert electricity from existing nuclear plants — as Amazon hopes to do in Pennsylvania — which simply shifts clean power from utility grids to tech companies. Yet others are simply embracing new gas construction as the best path forward for now, albeit with promises to use cleaner energy down the road, as Meta is doing in Louisiana. Meanwhile, several fossil fuel companies are hoping to convince tech firms and data center developers to largely avoid the power grid by building fossil-gas-fired plants that solely serve data centers — an idea that’s both antithetical to climate goals and, according to industry analysts, impractical. But a number of tech firms and independent data center developers are pursuing more realistic strategies that are both affordable and clean in order to meet their climate goals.  These projects should be the model, clean power advocates say, if we want to ensure the predicted AI-fueled boom in energy demand doesn’t hurt utility customers or climate goals. And ideally, the companies involved would go even further, Williams said, by engaging in utility proceedings to demand a clean energy transition, by bringing their own grid-friendly ​“demand management” and clean power and batteries to the table, and by looking beyond the country’s crowded data center hubs to places with space to build more solar and wind farms. Getting utilities and data centers on the same page The basic mandate of utilities is to provide reliable and affordable energy to all customers. Many utilities also have mandates — issued by either their own executives or state policymakers — to build clean energy and cut carbon emissions. But the scale and urgency of the data center boom has put these priorities on a collision course. As the primary drivers of that conflict, data centers have a responsibility to help out. That’s Brian Janous’ philosophy. He’s the cofounder of Cloverleaf Infrastructure, a developer of sites for large power users, including data centers. Cloverleaf is planning a flagship data center project in Port Washington, a city about 25 miles north of Milwaukee. Cloverleaf aims to build a data center campus that will draw up to 3.5 gigawatts of power from the grid when it reaches full capacity by the end of 2030, ​“which we think could be one of the biggest data center projects in the country,” Janous said. That’s equivalent to the power used by more than 2.5 million homes and a major increase in load for the region’s utility, We Energies, to try to serve. Together with We Energies and its parent company, WEC Energy, Cloverleaf is working on a plan that, the companies hope, will avoid exposing utility customers to increased cost and climate risks. “The utility has done a great job of building a very sustainable path,” Janous said. WEC Energy and Cloverleaf are in discussions to build enough solar, wind, and battery storage to meet more than half the site’s estimated energy needs. The campus may also be able to tap into zero-carbon electricity from the Point Beach nuclear power plant, which is now undergoing a federal relicensing process, he said. The key mechanism of the deal is what Janous called a ​“ring-fenced, bespoke tariff.” That structure is meant to shield other utility customers from paying more than their fair share for infrastructure built to meet data centers’ demand. “This tariff puts it completely in the hands of the buyer what energy mix they’re going to rely on,” he said. That allows Cloverleaf — and whatever customer or customers end up at the site it’s developing — to tap into the wind, solar, and battery storage capacity WEC Energy plans to build to meet its clean energy goals. To be clear, this tariff structure is still being finalized and hasn’t yet been submitted to state utility regulators, said Dan Krueger, WEC Energy’s executive vice president of infrastructure and generation planning. But its fundamental structure is based on what he called a ​“simple, just not easy,” premise: ​“If you come here and you say you’ll pay your own way”— covering the cost of the energy and the transmission grid you’ll use — ​“we invest in power plants” to provide firm and reliable power. “We make sure we can get power to the site, we make sure we have enough capacity to give you firm power, and then we start lining up the resources that can help make you green,” he said. WEC Energy’s broader plans to serve its customers’ growing demand for power haven’t won the backing of environmental advocates. The Sierra Club is protesting the utility’s proposal to build or repower 3 GW of gas-fired power plants in the next several years, and has pressed Microsoft, which is planning its own $3.3 billion data center in We Energies territory, to engage in the state-regulated planning process to demand cleaner options. Krueger said that the gas buildout is part of a larger $28 billion five-year capital plan that includes about $9.1 billion to add 4.3 GW of wind, solar, and battery capacity through 2029. That plan encompasses meeting new demand from a host of large customers including Microsoft, but it doesn’t include the resources being developed for Cloverleaf. Janous said he agreed with the Sierra Club’s proposition that ​“the biggest customers should be using their influence to affect policy.” At the same time, Cloverleaf is building its data center for an eventual customer, and ​“our customers are looking for speed, scale, and sustainability,” in that order. Cementing a tariff with a host utility is a more direct path to achieving this objective, he said. A ​“clean tariff” model for sustainable data center development? Similar developer partnerships between utilities and data centers are popping up nationwide. In Georgia, the Clean Energy Buyers Association and utility Georgia Power are negotiating to give tech companies more freedom to contract for clean energy supplies. In North Carolina, Duke Energy is working with Amazon, Google, Microsoft, and steelmaker Nucor to create tariffs for long-duration energy storage, modular nuclear reactors, and other ​“clean firm” resources. In Nevada, utility NV Energy and Google have proposed a ​“clean transition tariff,” which would commit both companies to securing power from an advanced geothermal plant that Fervo Energy is planning.

This is the third article in our four-part series “ Boon or bane: What will data centers do to the grid? ” The world’s wealthiest tech companies want to build giant data centers across the United States to feed their AI ambitions, and they want to do it fast. Each data center can use as much electricity as a small…

This is the third article in our four-part series Boon or bane: What will data centers do to the grid?

The world’s wealthiest tech companies want to build giant data centers across the United States to feed their AI ambitions, and they want to do it fast. Each data center can use as much electricity as a small city and cost more than $1 billion to construct.

If built, these data centers would unleash a torrent of demand for electricity on the country’s power grids. Utilities, regulators, and policymakers are scrambling to keep pace. If they mismanage their response, it could lead to higher utility bills for customers and far more carbon emissions. But this mad dash for power could also push the U.S. toward a cleaner and cheaper grid — if tech giants and other data center developers decide to treat the looming power crunch as a clean-power opportunity.

Utilities from Virginia to Texas are planning to build large numbers of new fossil-gas-fired power plants and to extend the life of coal plants. To justify this, they point to staggering — but dubious — forecasts of how much electricity data centers will gobble up in the coming years, mostly to power the AI efforts of the world’s largest tech companies.

Most of the tech giants in question have set ambitious clean energy goals. They’ve also built and procured more clean power than any other corporations in the country, and they’re active investors in or partners of startups working on next-generation carbon-free energy sources like advanced geothermal.

But some climate activists and energy analysts believe that given the current frenzy to build AI data centers, these firms have been too passive — too willing to accept the carbon-intensive plans that utilities have laid out on their behalf.

It’s time, these critics say, for everyone involved — tech giants, utilities, regulators, and policymakers — to demand better.” That’s how the Sierra Club put it in a recent report urging action from Amazon, Google, Meta, Microsoft, and other tech firms driving data center growth across the country.

I’m concerned the gold rush — to the extent there’s a true gold rush around AI — is trumping climate commitments,” said Laurie Williams, director of the Sierra Club’s Beyond Coal campaign and one of the report’s authors.

Williams isn’t alone. Climate activists, energy analysts, and policymakers in states with fast-growing data center markets fear that data center developers are prioritizing expediency over solving cost and climate challenges.

I think what we’re seeing is a culture clash,” she said. You have the tech industry, which is used to moving fast and making deals, and a highly regulated utility space.”

Some tech firms intend to rely on unproven technologies like small modular nuclear reactors to build emissions-free data centers, an approach that analysts say is needlessly unreliable. Others want to divert electricity from existing nuclear plants — as Amazon hopes to do in Pennsylvania — which simply shifts clean power from utility grids to tech companies. Yet others are simply embracing new gas construction as the best path forward for now, albeit with promises to use cleaner energy down the road, as Meta is doing in Louisiana.

Meanwhile, several fossil fuel companies are hoping to convince tech firms and data center developers to largely avoid the power grid by building fossil-gas-fired plants that solely serve data centers — an idea that’s both antithetical to climate goals and, according to industry analysts, impractical.

But a number of tech firms and independent data center developers are pursuing more realistic strategies that are both affordable and clean in order to meet their climate goals. 

These projects should be the model, clean power advocates say, if we want to ensure the predicted AI-fueled boom in energy demand doesn’t hurt utility customers or climate goals.

And ideally, the companies involved would go even further, Williams said, by engaging in utility proceedings to demand a clean energy transition, by bringing their own grid-friendly demand management” and clean power and batteries to the table, and by looking beyond the country’s crowded data center hubs to places with space to build more solar and wind farms.

Getting utilities and data centers on the same page

The basic mandate of utilities is to provide reliable and affordable energy to all customers. Many utilities also have mandates — issued by either their own executives or state policymakers — to build clean energy and cut carbon emissions.

But the scale and urgency of the data center boom has put these priorities on a collision course.

As the primary drivers of that conflict, data centers have a responsibility to help out. That’s Brian Janous’ philosophy. He’s the cofounder of Cloverleaf Infrastructure, a developer of sites for large power users, including data centers. Cloverleaf is planning a flagship data center project in Port Washington, a city about 25 miles north of Milwaukee.

Cloverleaf aims to build a data center campus that will draw up to 3.5 gigawatts of power from the grid when it reaches full capacity by the end of 2030, which we think could be one of the biggest data center projects in the country,” Janous said. That’s equivalent to the power used by more than 2.5 million homes and a major increase in load for the region’s utility, We Energies, to try to serve.

Together with We Energies and its parent company, WEC Energy, Cloverleaf is working on a plan that, the companies hope, will avoid exposing utility customers to increased cost and climate risks.

The utility has done a great job of building a very sustainable path,” Janous said. WEC Energy and Cloverleaf are in discussions to build enough solar, wind, and battery storage to meet more than half the site’s estimated energy needs. The campus may also be able to tap into zero-carbon electricity from the Point Beach nuclear power plant, which is now undergoing a federal relicensing process, he said.

The key mechanism of the deal is what Janous called a ring-fenced, bespoke tariff.” That structure is meant to shield other utility customers from paying more than their fair share for infrastructure built to meet data centers’ demand.

This tariff puts it completely in the hands of the buyer what energy mix they’re going to rely on,” he said. That allows Cloverleaf — and whatever customer or customers end up at the site it’s developing — to tap into the wind, solar, and battery storage capacity WEC Energy plans to build to meet its clean energy goals.

To be clear, this tariff structure is still being finalized and hasn’t yet been submitted to state utility regulators, said Dan Krueger, WEC Energy’s executive vice president of infrastructure and generation planning. But its fundamental structure is based on what he called a simple, just not easy,” premise: If you come here and you say you’ll pay your own way”— covering the cost of the energy and the transmission grid you’ll use — we invest in power plants” to provide firm and reliable power.

We make sure we can get power to the site, we make sure we have enough capacity to give you firm power, and then we start lining up the resources that can help make you green,” he said.

WEC Energy’s broader plans to serve its customers’ growing demand for power haven’t won the backing of environmental advocates. The Sierra Club is protesting the utility’s proposal to build or repower 3 GW of gas-fired power plants in the next several years, and has pressed Microsoft, which is planning its own $3.3 billion data center in We Energies territory, to engage in the state-regulated planning process to demand cleaner options.

Krueger said that the gas buildout is part of a larger $28 billion five-year capital plan that includes about $9.1 billion to add 4.3 GW of wind, solar, and battery capacity through 2029. That plan encompasses meeting new demand from a host of large customers including Microsoft, but it doesn’t include the resources being developed for Cloverleaf.

Janous said he agreed with the Sierra Club’s proposition that the biggest customers should be using their influence to affect policy.” At the same time, Cloverleaf is building its data center for an eventual customer, and our customers are looking for speed, scale, and sustainability,” in that order. Cementing a tariff with a host utility is a more direct path to achieving this objective, he said.

A clean tariff” model for sustainable data center development?

Similar developer partnerships between utilities and data centers are popping up nationwide.

In Georgia, the Clean Energy Buyers Association and utility Georgia Power are negotiating to give tech companies more freedom to contract for clean energy supplies. In North Carolina, Duke Energy is working with Amazon, Google, Microsoft, and steelmaker Nucor to create tariffs for long-duration energy storage, modular nuclear reactors, and other clean firm” resources. In Nevada, utility NV Energy and Google have proposed a clean transition tariff,” which would commit both companies to securing power from an advanced geothermal plant that Fervo Energy is planning.

Read the full story here.
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This massive power line was supposed to help Oregon residents. Now it'll likely serve a data center

The 300-mile B2H transmission project was approved to benefit hundreds of thousands of Oregon residents but will now will likely serve a data center

The Oregon Public Utility Commission has reaffirmed its approval of a nearly 300-mile electrical transmission line that’s set to run from Idaho and carry power across five Oregon counties – despite concerns it will primarily serve a private data center rather than the public.The commission on Thursday declined to rescind a certificate that authorizes Idaho Power, the developer and co-owner of the Boardman-to-Hemingway project – B2H for short – to seize private land via eminent domain. Regulators maintained the line remains in the public interest. The decision came in response to a petition filed this summer by the nonprofit Stop B2H Coalition and its co-chair, Irene Gilbert, a retired government employee who has challenged the project for years over its impact on Oregon’s rural landscapes.The petition said the certificate should be revoked because PacifiCorp, the transmission line’s co-owner, suddenly switched plans and told regulators this spring it no longer intends to sell power from the line to Oregon customers but rather to a private industrial user. The utility has declined to confirm the customer is a data center. But the power-hungry facilities have been expanding rapidly in Eastern Oregon, and few other businesses demand the amount of energy the new transmission line would carry. Gilbert and her coalition argued on Thursday that the change in plans constitutes “the abuse of eminent domain” and that “fundamental public purpose has been abandoned for private gain.” The commission had issued the certificate in 2023 because PacifiCorp – which owns 55% of the Boardman-to-Hemingway transmission line – had demonstrated the line would serve its 805,000 customers – including the 620,000 customers in Oregon, most of them on the west side of the state. It would also boost the utility’s transmission capacity between its eastern and western service regions, which encompass six states.The utility had previously told regulators that the line would decrease customer costs by about $1.7 billion through 2042 by allowing it to move more power with greater efficiency.This spring, however, the utility suddenly announced it had changed course. It told regulators it would not be able to send the power west to its Oregon customers because it was unable to procure firm transmission rights from the Bonneville Power Administration due to delays in that agency’s transmission development process. Instead, it said it would sell the power to an industrial customer. “Allowing a project justified for broad public benefit to proceed primarily for the private commercial gain of a single corporation fundamentally undermines Oregon’s constitutional requirements for eminent domain,” said Jim Kreider, an environmental activist from La Grande who co-chairs the coalition with Gilbert. “This is an unjustified taking of public property under private pretenses.” What’s more, Kreider and Gilbert said, PacifiCorp knew it would not be able to serve Oregon customers with power from the line months before it applied for the certificate from state regulators. They said BPA had notified PacifiCorp in October 2022 about the delays, yet the company failed to disclose that information to regulators and applied for the certificate claiming the line would benefit hundreds of thousands of residents. Other advocacy groups – including the Sierra Club, Mobilizing Climate Action Together, Renewable Northwest and the Northwest Energy Coalition – that support grid expansion in the region to advance the state’s climate goals told regulators they were also frustrated that the B2H line may not be used as it was intended and justified by the state-issued certificate. The line, ​​now under construction after two decades of reviews and lawsuits, will be among the largest and one of the few transmission projects built in the Pacific Northwest in recent years – despite a severe shortage of transmission capacity in the region and a growing backlog of renewable energy projects waiting to connect to the grid. The groups maintain that the certificate was premised upon the transmission line’s “broad public benefits, not the needs of a single private entity.” Allowing PacifiCorp to change course would “violate the spirit and legal framework under which the line was approved by this commission,” Alex Houston, an attorney with the Green Energy Institute who represents the groups, told commissioners. It would also “harm Oregon customers and set a dangerous precedent wherein the justifications supporting issuance of a certificate may summarily be disregarded once the utility gets approval,” he said. Instead of revoking the certificate, Houston asked the commission to enforce it, including by issuing financial penalties of up to $10,000 for each day PacifiCorp fails to comply. The commission did not take up the suggestion. Commissioners said the line was still needed, that the shift in use was part of the planning process, and that the line might still serve more Oregon customers in the future. “A transmission line is built with one vision in mind, and as the world evolves, it gets used in a multitude of ways across the timeframe that it’s on the landscape,” said commission chair Letha Tawney. Kim Herb, the agency’s utility strategy and planning manager, admitted that staff were concerned with PacifiCorp’s lack of transparency, but said that didn’t justify revoking the certificate. The company’s change of plans isn’t conclusive, she added, and “serving even one large customer may still meet the statutory standard for public use.”In addition, Herb said, Idaho Power had shown the need for additional transmission capacity to serve its electricity load and maintain grid reliability, which satisfied the line’s public use criteria. Idaho Power serves only about 20,000 Oregon customers. Those customers live in a part of the state that has seen neither growth in the number of residents nor an increase in their energy demand, aside from the data centers moving in. Gilbert argued the utilities have inflated the energy need and that data center operators might opt for local or on-site energy solutions—such as microgrids capable of operating independently from the traditional grid—rather than relying on costly transmission lines and enduring long interconnection delays. Data centers have already adopted or proposed similar strategies in other states, including battery storage, natural gas turbines and even small modular nuclear reactors.If that were to happen, residential customers would be stuck paying for the cost of B2H, she said. “It’s basically setting up a situation where it’s questionable whether the projections regarding the number of large users are actually going to occur. So who will end up paying for these are the residents” Gilbert said. Idaho Power launched construction on the B2H line this summer, cutting several access roads and laying foundations for 100 of the 1,200-plus transmission towers planned in Morrow and Malheur counties. The plan to finish the line in 2027 is still on track. Jocelyn Pease, an attorney who represents Idaho Power, told commissioners the utility has obtained 95% of the access rights to begin construction. PacifiCorp attorney Zach Rogala said the utility might still serve Oregon customers “if we’re successful in securing transmission rights in the future.”If you purchase a product or register for an account through a link on our site, we may receive compensation. By using this site, you consent to our User Agreement and agree that your clicks, interactions, and personal information may be collected, recorded, and/or stored by us and social media and other third-party partners in accordance with our Privacy Policy.

A Flotilla Kicks off the People's Summit for Activists at UN Climate Talks

As United Nation climate talks get underway in Belem, a different kind of conference is kicking off: the People’s Summit, a gathering of activists, organizers, environmentalists and Indigenous groups from around the world

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — As United Nations climate talks rolled on Wednesday at the elaborate new venues built for the summit, many of the activists eager to shape the talks took to the water.Carried by scores of boats large and small, a vast group whooped and laughed, smiled and wept. Some splashed canoe paddles through the bay where a northern section of the Amazon rainforest meets the Atlantic Ocean. Others hugged old friends. They pressed their foreheads together or held hands or stood solemnly in moments of prayer and reflection.They were there to celebrate a community from around the world at a gathering of activists, organizers, environmentalists and Indigenous groups, outside the halls where world leaders are discussing climate change for the next two weeks. Their joy came after a brief but tense moment the night before when protesters broke through security barricades at the main conference venue, slightly injuring two security guards, according to the U.N.Many emphasized the importance of making the voice of the people heard after years of these talks being held in countries where civil society is not free to demonstrate.“The Amazon for us is the space of life,” said Jhajayra Machoa, an A'l Kofan First Nation of Ecuador member of A Wisdom Keepers Delegation, who helped paddle one of the canoes. “We carry the feeling and emotions of everything lived in this place, and what we want is to remember. Remember where we are from and where we’re going and what we want." Pressing world leaders to keep those who suffer most in mind The people who are attending the Conference of the Parties, or COP30, have a wide range of hopes for the outcome. This year is different than in past years, because leaders aren't expected to sign one big agreement at the end of it; instead, organizers and analysts have said it's about getting specifics to execute on past promises to act on climate change. “When we’re bridging what’s happening in the mind, when we talk about policy, we need to bridge to the heart, and touch our spirit when we do the work,” said Whaia, another member of A Wisdom Keepers Delegation, a Ngāti Kahungunu woman from New Zealand. “It takes both arms, both branches of the tree to really be strong, to be able to find our resilience in this space.” Activists welcome greater freedom to speak out The ability to express thoughts and feelings freely is a welcome respite for many arriving in Brazil after several years of these talks being held in countries where governments imposed limitations on free speech and demonstrations. The evolution that needs to happen for the world to take action is "not in the halls of the U.N. COP, but it’s in the streets and it is with our people,” said Jacob Johns, an Akimel O'Otham and Hopi member of A Wisdom Keepers Delegation who witnessed the security breach. Now is the time to come together, respect each other and reevaluate the systems that govern the planet, said Pooven Moodley of the Earthrise Collective, which brings together activists from different traditions. For him, the canoes seen in Wednesday's gathering are a metaphor for the situation the world is in with climate change.“The current canoe we’re in is falling apart, it’s leaking, people are being pushed over, and ultimately we’re heading for a massive waterfall. So the question is, what do we do, because we’re in that reality,” Moodley said. “We have to continue to defend the territories and the ecosystems that we can, but while we do that, we launch a new canoe.”The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

China made quiet border advances as ties warmed, Indian critics warn

Buffer zones meant to ease India-China tensions along their shared border have disproportionately restricted Indian forces from patrolling, former officials say.

NEW DELHI — In 2020, after Indian and Chinese soldiers brawled with stones and spiked rods in the thin Himalayan air along their countries’ contested border, nationalist fury gripped India.People smashed Chinese televisions and torched effigies of Chinese leader Xi Jinping. The Indian government banned dozens of Chinese apps and vowed it would not mend ties with its geopolitical rival until border issues were resolved.Five years later, India-China commerce has revived and direct flights between the countries have resumed. At a recent summit in Tianjin, China, Xi met his Indian counterpart, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and the leaders pledged to strengthen relations, with the Indian side touting “the maintenance of peace and tranquility along the border areas.”In New Delhi, however, and along the steep mountain passes that divide the countries, a chorus of critics contend that agreed-upon buffer zones meant to ease tensions have, in practice, disproportionately restricted Indian forces from patrolling in areas they once routinely accessed. With India’s quiet acquiescence, they allege, China has been able to effectively push the boundary lines in its favor.“Some of the buffer zones created are mostly in areas previously patrolled by us and on our side,” said a retired lieutenant general who has overseen these parts of the border. “We are supposed to try and get back our territory, but in the foreseeable future, it is a pipe dream,” he added, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss a sensitive topic.Warnings about the shifting boundary lines — from former military officials and ambassadors, as well as sitting members of Parliament and border residents — have grown louder and more frequent. The claims are difficult to prove, since foreign journalists are denied access to the area. But the criticisms present a challenge to the Indian government, analysts said, as it mends ties with Beijing and seeks to rebalance its global relations amid an ongoing diplomatic feud with the United States.The Indian army referred questions from The Washington Post to the External Affairs Ministry, which did not respond to requests for comment. The Indian Defense Ministry, the Chinese Defense Ministry, and the Chinese Foreign Ministry did not respond to requests for comment. Chinese officials have urged India not to let the boundary question “define” the relationship.The Chinese strategy is “two steps forward, one step back,” said Jabin Jacob, an associate professor who teaches Chinese foreign policy at India’s Shiv Nadar University. “Then they still have one step in their possession.”A frozen boundaryIndia and China went to war over the border in 1962. More than half a century later, it remains undefined and bitterly disputed.The nuclear-armed neighbors still have drastically different interpretations of the de facto boundary — known as the Line of Actual Control, or LAC — and the soldiers deployed there have periodically come to blows.The most recent confrontation came in June 2020, in the border territory of Ladakh. At least 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers were killed in the fighting, according to official counts. Tens of thousands of troops were rushed to forward positions, and, even after subsequent pullbacks, both sides have maintained a heightened military presence.Since the conflict, the two sides have struck a series of agreements to prevent flare-ups in the most contentious areas. The new protocols allowed some patrolling to resume, but also gave Chinese troops more favorable positions in several key spots, according to former officials, analysts and local leaders.“Around 450 square kilometers of land was converted into a buffer in my constituency alone,” Konchok Stanzin, an official in Chushul, one of the last villages on India’s eastern border, told The Post. “This land belonged to India but now our soldiers cannot set foot there.”As Indian forces have acceded to the new protocols, they have blocked pastoralists from grazing animals in areas where they once roamed freely. That has stirred anger in Ladakh, a restive Indian territory where locals have campaigned for greater political rights and environmental protections. Four people were killed in late September when police in the regional capital of Leh opened fire on people protesting for statehood, according to Human Rights Watch, and a political office belonging to Modi’s party was torched.In the aftermath, prominent environmental activist Sonam Wangchuk was arrested by Indian authorities under a national security law for allegedly inciting the violence, a claim he denies. Some of his supporters believe he was targeted, in part, for being outspoken about the loss of pasturelands and Chinese encroachment along the border.“It was not sitting well with government narratives that China is not taking our land,” said his wife, Gitanjali J. Angmo. “What Sonam has been fearing for a long time is that we can’t afford as a border state not to address the demands of the Ladakhis who have so far shown India love and passion.”Increasingly, the warnings from border communities are being echoed within the Indian establishment. A 2022 report by a senior police official in Ladakh said Indian forces no longer had a “presence” at 26 of 65 former patrolling points, highlighting what she called her country’s “play safe” strategy.“The Chinese absolutely have come in and established a position that is more advantageous to them than before,” said Ajai Shukla, a defense analyst and former military official, drawing on conversations with contacts on the ground. “The only question is, how much have we lost?”J.S. Bajwa, a former Indian lieutenant general, said “it is not just salami slicing,” referring to previous Chinese tactics that gradually changed the facts on the ground. “They actually took the whole belly of the pork,” he said.Strategic ‘opacity’The Indian government has been careful and sparing in its descriptions of the situation along the border.Last October, the government said it had reached an agreement with China to restore patrolling rights in two key areas, Depsang and Demchok, and that troops on both sides had pulled back slightly along all friction points. In December, however, Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar told Parliament that agreements in areas outside of Depsang and Demchok were “temporary and limited.”The MEA then said there had been a “resolution of the issues that emerged in 2020.” But when pressed by reporters and members of Parliament, Jaishankar and his colleagues have avoided stating categorically that patrolling rights have been restored at all friction points. Responding to similar border questions under the country’s right of information laws, the government has repeatedly called them “vague” and “speculative” and, therefore, not answerable.“The opacity is a way of dealing with the problem,” said Ashok Kanta, the Indian ambassador to China from 2014 to 2016. “If you don’t put it out in the public domain, then you don’t need to defend it publicly.”Some former military officials say Chinese troops have also lost access to previous patrolling points, while others reject the notion that India has surrendered any ground.“In all places, the Chinese have gone back to the original points they were at,” said Manoj Mukund Naravane, the army’s chief general during the 2020 conflict.A pragmatic truceIn late August, amid deteriorating U.S-India relations, Modi visited China for the first time since the clash in Ladakh. Videos of the countries’ two leaders engaging in a lighthearted exchange with Russian President Vladimir Putin rapidly went viral.India and China have since agreed to allow exchanges of scholars and journalists, cooperate on transboundary rivers, resume direct flights and reopen Indian access to a pilgrimage in Tibet. India has termed it a “gradual normalization of bilateral relations.”Rakesh Sharma, a former lieutenant general who served on the border from 2013 to 2015, said these are “logical” moves, mirroring China’s own increasingly relaxed posture. Some former officials argue that Jaishankar’s description of border measures as “temporary” signals India’s expectation that the issues will be addressed in future talks.“From the Indian side, the story is not over, but you have to live with Beijing next door, so you have to find some sort of an equilibrium,” said Manoj Kewalramani, a China studies fellow at the Takshashila Institution in Bangalore.“The danger,” Jacob warned, “is that this becomes permanent out of sheer inertia until the next crisis.”For now, analysts said, India has more pressing problems, like steep U.S. tariffs and sluggish manufacturing growth — and it needs Chinese investment.“We essentially cannot do without China,” said Manoj Joshi, distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation.The hard reality, said Daniel Markey, a senior Stimson Center fellow focused on South Asia and China relations, is that “India does not have an easy, cheap, or effective solution to the broader threat posed by China militarily.”And it is that recognition, according to former Indian brigadier Deepak Sinha, driving the country’s current approach. “We remain intimidated and terrified of a conflict with China escalating,” he said. “It’s a fact of life.”Christian Shepherd in Singapore, Shams Irfan in Srinagar, Indian-administered Kashmir, and Supriya Kumar contributed to this report.

Jailed climate activist facing deportation from UK fights ‘crazy double punishment’

Marcus Decker is supported by climate experts, religious leaders and celebrities as he fights being first person in UK to be ‘deported for peaceful protest’A climate activist who is appealing against his deportation after serving one of the longest prison sentences in modern British history for peaceful protest has criticised his “crazy double punishment”.Marcus Decker was jailed for two years and seven months for a protest in which he climbed the Queen Elizabeth Bridge over the Dartford Crossing and unveiled a Just Stop Oil banner in October 2022. Continue reading...

A climate activist who is appealing against his deportation after serving one of the longest prison sentences in modern British history for peaceful protest has criticised his “crazy double punishment”.Marcus Decker was jailed for two years and seven months for a protest in which he climbed the Queen Elizabeth Bridge over the Dartford Crossing and unveiled a Just Stop Oil banner in October 2022.The 36-year-old German national, who was released from prison in February last year after serving 16 months, was sent a letter by the Home Office while in prison informing him of his automatic deportation. In his legal challenge, being heard at a tribunal in central London on Monday, Decker has the support of climate experts, religious leaders, celebrities and members of the public.“I would be the first person in this country to be deported for peaceful protest,” he said. “It’s such a crazy double punishment. I have my established life here with my partner, Holly, and the kids [he is stepfather to her two children], we’ve been living together for many years.“We’re in the middle of a multi[faceted] crisis. There’s an inequality crisis, the situation for immigrants has been getting so much worse since Labour has come in, and the climate crisis is getting worse by the day, which, of course, was the reason I took this action in the first place.“It sort of makes sense to be in this situation where I can communicate the values around care that made us take this action in the first place and that need to carry on in this society.”Decker, a teacher and musician, was released from prison in February 2024 after having served 16 months but still has an ankle tag, must report to the Home Office every other week and cannot leave the country. Because he began the appeal against deportation while in prison he served longer than his fellow protester, Morgan Trowland, despite Trowland having been given a longer three-year jail term.“I’m very sorry for those that were impacted by the harm that we caused directly on the day or on the two days,” said Decker. “The people that missed funerals or missed hospital appointments, who were stuck in traffic, that is real harm. But then at the same time whole countries are either on fire, or a third of Pakistan was underwater that year in 2022, London had for the first time experienced 40C heat. If you put it in the greater perspective, zoom out, then we have to keep trying different approaches to addressing these crises, to make change for the greater good.”Decker lauded the “incredible” support he has had in his fight against deportation, which has included a 10-page letter sent to the UK government by the UN special rapporteur on environmental defenders, Michel Forst, a letter signed by 22 Nobel prize laureates and support from 562 actors, musicians and other artists. Much of it is being presented in evidence at his appeal.Lord Hain, the former cabinet minister who was a leader of the anti-apartheid movement during the 1970s and 1980s, said: “It is difficult to see how the further step of deportation can be justified. That seems to me to cross a line and become unnecessarily punitive.”The former chief scientific adviser to the UK government, Sir David King, described the action by Decker and Trowland as a “reasonable and proportionate response in light of the escalating climate crisis”, while the actor Juliet Stevenson said Decker was a father figure to Holly Cullen-Davies’s children, and that his removal “would do them untold harm and cause unnecessary anguish and abandonment”.The former archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, said: “Deportation will reinforce the growing perception that environmental activism at the moment attracts excessively punitive sentencing and assimilates activists to terrorists.”The tribunal’s decision is expected at a later date. The Home Office has been approached for comment.

California’s pro-housing laws have failed to raise new home numbers

New housing starts were around 100,000 a year when Newsom took office in 2019; they still hover around that number today.

California YIMBY, an organization founded eight years ago to promote housing construction in response to an ever-increasing gap between demand and supply, held a victory party in San Francisco recently. “Welcome to the most victorious of California YIMBY’s victory parties,” Brian Hanlon, founder and CEO of the organization, told attendees. Its acronym (Yes In My Backyard) symbolizes its years-long battle with NIMBYs (Not in My Backyard), people and groups who have long thwarted housing projects by pressuring local governments that control land use. YIMBY’s party marked the passage of several pro-housing legislative measures this year, two of which have long been sought by housing advocates. Assembly Bill 130 exempts many urban housing projects from the California Environmental Quality Act, while Senate Bill 79 makes it easier to building high-density housing near transit stations in large cities. “2025 was a year,” Hanlon gleefully declared. The celebratory atmosphere was understandable because this year’s legislative actions capped a half-decade of ever-mounting state government activism on housing that followed Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2017 campaign pledge to build 3.5 million new units of housing if elected. That goal was wildly unrealistic, as Newsom should have known, but he did push hard for legislation to remove barriers to housing development. His housing agency also ramped up pressure on local governments to remove arbitrary hurdles that YIMBY-influenced officials had erected and to meet quotas for identifying land that could be used for housing. However, the celebration omitted one salient factor: Pro-housing legislative and administrative actions have failed to markedly increase housing production. New housing starts were around 100,000 a year when Newsom took office in 2019, and they are about that number today, with the net increase even lower. As the Housing and Community Development Department admits in its statewide housing plan, “Not enough housing being built: During the last ten years, housing production averaged fewer than 80,000 new homes each year, and ongoing production continues to fall far below the projected need of 180,000 additional homes annually.” The Census Bureau calculates that since Newsom took office, new housing permits in California ranged from a high of 120,780 units in 2022 to a low of 101,546 last year. Newsom’s own budget agrees with the Census Bureau’s data for the same period and projects future construction through 2028 at 100,000 to 104,000 units a year. Those are the numbers. But how data on housing is collected and collated has been a somewhat murky process, and opponents of housing projects often challenge how they comport with quotas the state imposes on local communities. Fortunately, the Census Bureau has unveiled a new statistical tool that should go a long way toward having complete data that includes not only conventional single- and multi-family projects, but alternative forms of housing such as backyard granny flats, officially known as Accessory Dwelling Units; basements or garages that are transformed into apartments; single-family homes converted into duplexes or apartments; mobile homes or office buildings that become housing. The tool uses several sources of data but is heavily reliant on the Postal Service, which maintains a constantly updated roster of addresses that includes all housing types. More accurate data should make it easier to overcome conflicts and may even reveal that California’s pro-housing actions have had positive effects that current methodology misses. “The housing crisis has persisted in part because we haven’t been able to measure our progress accurately,” an article about the new tool published by the Niskanen Center, a think tank, concludes. “With the Census Bureau’s Address Count Listing File data, that excuse is gone. Now the question is whether policymakers will use this powerful new tool to finally build the housing America needs.”

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