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How indigenous practices can help protect forests

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Tuesday, October 14, 2025

As wildfires intensify and pose a growing risk in the American West, tribal leaders and community members are bringing fire back to their forests to save them.For thousands of years, Indigenous people stewarded their forests with fire. This cultural burning is part traditional food and craft production, part environmental protection and part ceremony with the land. Western settlement transformed the region with mining and logging, uprooting Native peoples and putting out cultural fire practices.In the 19th century, California lawmakers suppressed the burns. An 1850 law made it legal to fine or punish anyone burning land. The 1911 Weeks Act instituted a policy of total fire suppression, dictating that state and federal agencies should control wildland fires to prevent their spread. This made cultural fire illegal at a federal level. Native people were shot and imprisoned for starting fires.Bill Tripp at the Tishaniik Farm burn in June.A tree ring chronology of the forest burn scars from 1600s to 2015. The text points out where in 1850, California banned cultural fire. Again in 1911, as part of the Weeks Act, the U.S. passed measures to suppress fires nationwide.Now, after a new generation of tribal and community members organizing, educating and lobbying about the benefits of bringing fire back to the land, this time-honored practice is returning. Last fall, California enacted legislation allowing federally recognized Native American tribes to conduct cultural burning, acknowledging their sovereignty and history with the land.The legislative victory allows tribes to set fires with less federal oversight and recognizes cultural burning as a way to make the state resilient to wildfires. Two Washington Post reporters traveled to Northern California to witness the practices firsthand.We watched them paint with fire. Water hoses in hand, two men corralled a three-foot-high fire as it moved through an open field, hosing down grass to keep the flames under control. It’s a scene that normally spells wildfire disaster. And yet the fire moved alongside the group.They’re cultural fire practitioners: trained and recognized by tribes to guide and manage blazes. This particular group was led by Bill Tripp, the director of natural resources and environmental policy for the Karuk Tribe. It was the end of June when we caught up with them as they burned farmland in Orleans, California, about 50 miles south of the Oregon border.Like most burns for tribes native to this stretch of the Klamath River, their activity encourages native species growth, reduces wildfire risk and protects raw materials for craft. They conducted it on the Karuk-owned Tishaniik Farm, an agriculture project that started during the pandemic to provide food for the community.As they moved along the field, so went the fire.In its burned path the “black line” appeared.There’s clear skill in reading a fire: when to stop it, how to use the terrain to their advantage, when to let it go. The crew has now erected a perimeter around the field working counterclockwise. They stopped when the black line reached the top of a hill, extinguished the flames, doubled back from where they were to start new fires and then let the prevailing wind and slope work with the fresh fires.From the back of the truck, two men hosed down either side of the fire. They guided the flames to move along and cut perimeter around the field. By encircling the grasses, they can contain the blazes.They’re using the terrain, Tripp pointed out, so the fire will burn up toward the other end of the black line without getting out of control.A burn is different from a prescribed fire, which the U.S. Forest Service uses to protect against major wildfires. While the agency works to reduce fodder for a possible blaze, Indigenous-led fires aim to protect their way of life.Both can produce harmful smoke, detractors of the practices point out. Research shows prescribed fires produce around 17 percent of the fine particle pollution of a comparable wildfire, and make uncontrolled blazes less likely in the future.While the acreage involved in burns can be much smaller, it can benefit the landscape in the same ways as a prescribed fire. Some researchers emphasize centering traditional knowledge in managing fire-prone forests and vegetation since these communities often take steps to avoid having blazes run out of control. New Mexico’s worst-ever recorded fire, the Hermit’s Peak/Calf Canyon fire in 2022, took place when the Forest Service’s prescribed burns spread during windy conditions.Such incidents are rare, however. Fire practitioners pay attention to local conditions to determine when and for how long to burn. Tripp started the burns late in the afternoon, aiming to slow the fires with the rising humidity.By 6 p.m., the truck returned roadside along the river with a fresh tank of water. They moved the fire downhill toward the road, completing the perimeter. The seven-foot-wide burned path is meant to keep the fire from spreading, and the nearby gravel road will not burn. Earlier Bill pointed out a patch of yellow grass running through the black line. Easy to miss, but he said they would wet it down so the fire wouldn’t escape and burn a nearby field.Once the outer edges of the area were completed, everyone began lighting around the field from the outside in. Aaron Pole, a Hoopa tribe member and natural resource technician, passed by us just shy of a jog to pull the truck out and said: “Now the hard work’s done and you let the fire do its thing.”The flames changed in velocity and size within 10 minutes, stretching up as high as a house. One could feel their heart pulsing under their skin. Seeing the billowing fires confuses the brain on whether one should panic or not. A rush of air picked up as the fires consumed the oxygen from inside the field. Everything sped up while little vortexes of grass and flame would spin up and peter out. Excited whoops went out from around the site.And just like that, by 8:30 p.m., the fires were gone. Bringing fire back to the landII.The Cultural Fire Management Council (CFMC), which practices on the neighboring Yurok Reservation and its ancestral lands, postponed its burns that week after spotting quail eggs in a nest. The organization has been training the next generation of community members leading burns for over a decade. Margo Robbins, the council’s co-founder and executive director, said that the fires would wait until fledglings can make their way to safety.A 2024 paper on cultural burning estimates that before Western colonization, the Karuk Aboriginal territory along the Klamath River had nearly 7,000 ignitions a year. That’s an average of 19 ignitions a day over an area 3½ times the size of New York City. Researchers estimate that at the time, every Indigenous person ignited two to a dozen fires a year.Robbins came to cultural burning through weaving baskets, for which Yurok tribes are renowned. These technological marvels can be watertight and can be used for cooking, for carrying infants and toddlers, and in ceremonial rituals. The weaving material, though, needs fire to exist.The California Hazelnut, a squat underbrush shrub, grows its shoots straight when burned. When Robbins started, the raw materials were hard to come by.The CFMC launched its burns in 2012, working with their community group, California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection and the Yurok Tribal Council, burning seven acres. The next year, they burned 67 acres. Working with the Nature Conservancy, four local tribes, and state and local parks, the council now has 23 employees.Robbins’ grandmother, a masterful weaver, never completed this basket. But Robbins has hopes to finish it one day herself. Large piles of hazelnut branches lay in wait to be split and bound in Robbins’ craft room. At her home, she showed us piles of hazelnut branches in her craft room lying in wait to be split and bound. Along her shelves are beaded necklaces, some for the flower dance ceremony, and smaller baskets she’s made. Robbins held up an incomplete one — a tight matrix of bright blond and dark material — that her late grandmother started but never completed. Maybe she’ll finish it one day, she said with a smile, placing it back.Frank Lake, a research ecologist with the U.S. Forest Service and co-author of the 2024 study simulating precolonial burn rates, says it’s clear tribes native to this region intentionally modified the landscape. Lake, who has Karuk ancestry with Yurok family members, centers much of his scientific work on tribal knowledge, bearing out what is known through recorded history, oral history and available data.Lake pointed to the impacts of excluding fire in the region, including overgrowth of trees in the Klamath Mountains, loss of biodiversity and denser tree crowns ripe for severe wildfires.“The landscape is sick,” said Lake, a tribal resident and liaison.Using the Karuk word “pikyav,” meaning “to fix,” he called the recent adoption of fire practice a powerful moment where national interests can be met when tribal leadership is empowered. As Lake’s grandfather put it, “fire is medicine.”Since colonization, forests and vegetation have shifted from their historic roots. Invasive plant growth can make wildfires more severe, a risk that researchers say is compounded by drought and hotter temperatures.This map shows vegetation departure from pre-colonization overlaid on wildfire risk as a measure of how non-native forests and vegetation might contribute to fire risk.Lake challenged assumptions about what’s “natural” with his understanding of the landscape. If fires tended the hillside by protecting acorn-bearing tan oak trees, is that a forest, or is that an orchard? His research shows tribes have shaped crops with fire for centuries. Now living in a time where burns are legal again, he spoke about how he feels privileged to raise his son in this moment. But the Trump administration, which has pushed for the “immediate suppressing of fires,” could reverse some of the new policies aimed at reintroducing fires to the landscape.“We hustle because we know time is limited,” Lake said.“The more you work in the West, the more you work with fire.” That was Gavin Jones’s experience when his study on spotted owl habitats pivoted after the birds’ roosts went to ash.Jones is a research ecologist with the Rocky Mountain Research Station. Studying the threatened species, he found that wildfires play a role in where the birds choose to live. The owls prefer a Goldilocks-home: not pristine, not too fire scarred, something burned just so.Historically, Jones said, fire was an enormous part of the landscape in much of the western United States. But fire suppression policies led to dramatic changes by the late 1800s. In colder and wetter forests like those in the Pacific Northwest, a fire’s ability to spread is now dictated by warmer temperatures, while blazes in forests like those along the Sierra Nevada range became fuel-limited, meaning they depend on available fuel sources like dry grasses, combustibles or water-stressed trees.Centuries of excluding fire from these forests meant higher tree density and less biodiversity. Jones says that on the evolutionary scale, fire adaptation can happen pretty rapidly, especially after a sudden shift. “It is a strong selection force.”The black line's burn scar.Burns encourage more variation in the forest landscape, which leads to greater biodiversity — but there are hard limits. Even in species like the black-backed woodpecker, which needs a burned area for its habitat, few were found after the 2013 Rim and 2014 King wildfires.Researchers like Tom Swetnam, a professor emeritus of dendrochronology and fire history at the University of Arizona, warn that cultural fire can’t be applied to all forests, since in some places this traditional knowledge has been lost.“It’s not an obvious solution for everywhere,” Swetnam said.Robbins with the CFMC took us to the Weitchpec transfer station, a 20-minute drive from the Tishaniik Farm, where some of the oldest continually treated forest projects are. We saw how different the understory could feel. Sunlight blankets what is otherwise a claustrophobic and shady part of the woods.Robert McConnell — the council’s burn boss, or fire manager — reached out to grab a hazelnut branch basking in the sun as he told us about the group’s first burn here in 2012. As he petted the low brush with care, I noticed the stark contrast with a darker patch of forest over his shoulders: That land is off limits to burning. Dense with fir trees, you could scarcely see through it, while we stood in an open area marked by thickets of low grasses, shrubs and oak trees.Robert peered into the hollow burn scar in a conifer, its dark corners now an animal’s storehouse for hazelnuts. Nearby, native potatoes and berries grew unabated. McConnell examined where someone had been harvesting branches for basket materials, concluding that it must have been recent. These resources are all made possible from burning here, he said, pausing to listen for the call of a variegated woodpecker.A recent study by Gavin Jones found that continuing under the status quo of fire exclusion in the Sierra Nevada range would mean a 64 percent chance of complete forest loss in the next 50 years. That risk increased to a near total loss by the end of the century. Forest restoration through mechanical thinning and beneficial fire, like cultural burns, reduce these chances to single digits.When massive fires break out, both prescribed and managed burned forests do better. A study by Jones and others from earlier this year found that treated areas in southwestern New Mexico burned less severely by 21 to 55 percent. Good fire-centered forest management is filtering into how the country reduces wildfire risk.All Hands All Lands, a cooperation of tribal and civic organizations leading burns in the region, cleared out brush and set fires along the sloping hillside by the Klamath River. Staring at the blazes along Sandy Bar Ranch, her home and business, Blythe Reis said she feels protected when the temperature reaches 100 degrees and when lightning strikes come. “We’ve been doing controlled burns on our property for eight to 10 years now. It just makes you feel safer.”Robert McConnell inspects the treatment area.On our last day with Tripp, he took us through back roads to a site where they first started prescribed burns. Along the way we stopped for a sip of fresh spring water flowing from a rocky hillside, noting that burns improve the health of nearby springs.Tripp started burning at the age of four, after his grandmother caught him making fires and told him that he might as well be useful. He figured out how to move the fire, contain it, and kindle new areas in his backyard. For the next few years his grandmother would tell him stories of cultural fire every night, and one night when he was eight, she asked him, “Now that you have this knowledge, what are you going to do with it?The next day, a few miles from the Oregon border, I found myself talking with a postal worker in the town of Happy Camp who suggested I drive some 40 minutes up the road to see the burn scar. Though it has been five years since the devastating Slater fire, the landscape feels as though fires tore through recently. There’s barely a sound, and wind sweeps freely through the matchstick remains of conifers.A burn scarred landscape.About this storyReporting for this story was made possible in part by a grant from the Institute for Journalism & Natural Resources.Design and development by Emily Wright. Photos by Daniel Wolfe and Alice Li. Motion graphics by CJ Riculan. Editing by Simon Ducroquet, Juliet Eilperin and Dominique Hildebrand.

The Post followed cultural burning practices, an Indigenous tradition now permitted under California law and used to help protect forests from wildfires.

As wildfires intensify and pose a growing risk in the American West, tribal leaders and community members are bringing fire back to their forests to save them.

For thousands of years, Indigenous people stewarded their forests with fire. This cultural burning is part traditional food and craft production, part environmental protection and part ceremony with the land. Western settlement transformed the region with mining and logging, uprooting Native peoples and putting out cultural fire practices.

In the 19th century, California lawmakers suppressed the burns. An 1850 law made it legal to fine or punish anyone burning land. The 1911 Weeks Act instituted a policy of total fire suppression, dictating that state and federal agencies should control wildland fires to prevent their spread. This made cultural fire illegal at a federal level. Native people were shot and imprisoned for starting fires.

Bill Tripp at the Tishaniik Farm burn in June.

A tree ring chronology of the forest burn scars from 1600s to 2015. The text points out where in 1850, California banned cultural fire. Again in 1911, as part of the Weeks Act, the U.S. passed measures to suppress fires nationwide.

Now, after a new generation of tribal and community members organizing, educating and lobbying about the benefits of bringing fire back to the land, this time-honored practice is returning. Last fall, California enacted legislation allowing federally recognized Native American tribes to conduct cultural burning, acknowledging their sovereignty and history with the land.

The legislative victory allows tribes to set fires with less federal oversight and recognizes cultural burning as a way to make the state resilient to wildfires. Two Washington Post reporters traveled to Northern California to witness the practices firsthand.

We watched them paint with fire. Water hoses in hand, two men corralled a three-foot-high fire as it moved through an open field, hosing down grass to keep the flames under control. It’s a scene that normally spells wildfire disaster. And yet the fire moved alongside the group.

They’re cultural fire practitioners: trained and recognized by tribes to guide and manage blazes. This particular group was led by Bill Tripp, the director of natural resources and environmental policy for the Karuk Tribe. It was the end of June when we caught up with them as they burned farmland in Orleans, California, about 50 miles south of the Oregon border.

Like most burns for tribes native to this stretch of the Klamath River, their activity encourages native species growth, reduces wildfire risk and protects raw materials for craft. They conducted it on the Karuk-owned Tishaniik Farm, an agriculture project that started during the pandemic to provide food for the community.

As they moved along the field,

so went

the fire.

In its burned path

the “black line” appeared.

There’s clear skill in reading a fire: when to stop it, how to use the terrain to their advantage, when to let it go. The crew has now erected a perimeter around the field working counterclockwise. They stopped when the black line reached the top of a hill, extinguished the flames, doubled back from where they were to start new fires and then let the prevailing wind and slope work with the fresh fires.

From the back of the truck, two men hosed down either side of the fire. They guided the flames to move along and cut perimeter around the field. By encircling the grasses, they can contain the blazes.

They’re using the terrain, Tripp pointed out, so the fire will burn up toward the other end of the black line without getting out of control.

A burn is different from a prescribed fire, which the U.S. Forest Service uses to protect against major wildfires. While the agency works to reduce fodder for a possible blaze, Indigenous-led fires aim to protect their way of life.

Both can produce harmful smoke, detractors of the practices point out. Research shows prescribed fires produce around 17 percent of the fine particle pollution of a comparable wildfire, and make uncontrolled blazes less likely in the future.

While the acreage involved in burns can be much smaller, it can benefit the landscape in the same ways as a prescribed fire. Some researchers emphasize centering traditional knowledge in managing fire-prone forests and vegetation since these communities often take steps to avoid having blazes run out of control. New Mexico’s worst-ever recorded fire, the Hermit’s Peak/Calf Canyon fire in 2022, took place when the Forest Service’s prescribed burns spread during windy conditions.

Such incidents are rare, however. Fire practitioners pay attention to local conditions to determine when and for how long to burn. Tripp started the burns late in the afternoon, aiming to slow the fires with the rising humidity.

By 6 p.m., the truck returned roadside along the river with a fresh tank of water. They moved the fire downhill toward the road, completing the perimeter. The seven-foot-wide burned path is meant to keep the fire from spreading, and the nearby gravel road will not burn. Earlier Bill pointed out a patch of yellow grass running through the black line. Easy to miss, but he said they would wet it down so the fire wouldn’t escape and burn a nearby field.

Once the outer edges of the area were completed, everyone began lighting around the field from the outside in. Aaron Pole, a Hoopa tribe member and natural resource technician, passed by us just shy of a jog to pull the truck out and said: “Now the hard work’s done and you let the fire do its thing.”

The flames changed in velocity and size within 10 minutes, stretching up as high as a house. One could feel their heart pulsing under their skin. Seeing the billowing fires confuses the brain on whether one should panic or not. A rush of air picked up as the fires consumed the oxygen from inside the field. Everything sped up while little vortexes of grass and flame would spin up and peter out. Excited whoops went out from around the site.

And just like that,

by 8:30 p.m.,

the fires were gone.

Bringing fire back to the land

II.

The Cultural Fire Management Council (CFMC), which practices on the neighboring Yurok Reservation and its ancestral lands, postponed its burns that week after spotting quail eggs in a nest. The organization has been training the next generation of community members leading burns for over a decade. Margo Robbins, the council’s co-founder and executive director, said that the fires would wait until fledglings can make their way to safety.

A 2024 paper on cultural burning estimates that before Western colonization, the Karuk Aboriginal territory along the Klamath River had nearly 7,000 ignitions a year. That’s an average of 19 ignitions a day over an area 3½ times the size of New York City. Researchers estimate that at the time, every Indigenous person ignited two to a dozen fires a year.

Robbins came to cultural burning through weaving baskets, for which Yurok tribes are renowned. These technological marvels can be watertight and can be used for cooking, for carrying infants and toddlers, and in ceremonial rituals. The weaving material, though, needs fire to exist.

The California Hazelnut, a squat underbrush shrub, grows its shoots straight when burned. When Robbins started, the raw materials were hard to come by.

The CFMC launched its burns in 2012, working with their community group, California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection and the Yurok Tribal Council, burning seven acres. The next year, they burned 67 acres. Working with the Nature Conservancy, four local tribes, and state and local parks, the council now has 23 employees.

Robbins’ grandmother, a masterful weaver, never completed this basket. But Robbins has hopes to finish it one day herself.
Large piles of hazelnut branches lay in wait to be split and bound in Robbins’ craft room.

At her home, she showed us piles of hazelnut branches in her craft room lying in wait to be split and bound. Along her shelves are beaded necklaces, some for the flower dance ceremony, and smaller baskets she’s made. Robbins held up an incomplete one — a tight matrix of bright blond and dark material — that her late grandmother started but never completed. Maybe she’ll finish it one day, she said with a smile, placing it back.

Frank Lake, a research ecologist with the U.S. Forest Service and co-author of the 2024 study simulating precolonial burn rates, says it’s clear tribes native to this region intentionally modified the landscape. Lake, who has Karuk ancestry with Yurok family members, centers much of his scientific work on tribal knowledge, bearing out what is known through recorded history, oral history and available data.

Lake pointed to the impacts of excluding fire in the region, including overgrowth of trees in the Klamath Mountains, loss of biodiversity and denser tree crowns ripe for severe wildfires.

“The landscape is sick,” said Lake, a tribal resident and liaison.

Using the Karuk word “pikyav,” meaning “to fix,” he called the recent adoption of fire practice a powerful moment where national interests can be met when tribal leadership is empowered. As Lake’s grandfather put it, “fire is medicine.”

Since colonization, forests and vegetation have shifted from their historic roots. Invasive plant growth can make wildfires more severe, a risk that researchers say is compounded by drought and hotter temperatures.

This map shows vegetation departure from pre-colonization overlaid on wildfire risk as a measure of how non-native forests and vegetation might contribute to fire risk.

Lake challenged assumptions about what’s “natural” with his understanding of the landscape. If fires tended the hillside by protecting acorn-bearing tan oak trees, is that a forest, or is that an orchard? His research shows tribes have shaped crops with fire for centuries. Now living in a time where burns are legal again, he spoke about how he feels privileged to raise his son in this moment. But the Trump administration, which has pushed for the “immediate suppressing of fires,” could reverse some of the new policies aimed at reintroducing fires to the landscape.

“We hustle because we know time is limited,” Lake said.

“The more you work in the West, the more you work with fire.” That was Gavin Jones’s experience when his study on spotted owl habitats pivoted after the birds’ roosts went to ash.

Jones is a research ecologist with the Rocky Mountain Research Station. Studying the threatened species, he found that wildfires play a role in where the birds choose to live. The owls prefer a Goldilocks-home: not pristine, not too fire scarred, something burned just so.

Historically, Jones said, fire was an enormous part of the landscape in much of the western United States. But fire suppression policies led to dramatic changes by the late 1800s. In colder and wetter forests like those in the Pacific Northwest, a fire’s ability to spread is now dictated by warmer temperatures, while blazes in forests like those along the Sierra Nevada range became fuel-limited, meaning they depend on available fuel sources like dry grasses, combustibles or water-stressed trees.

Centuries of excluding fire from these forests meant higher tree density and less biodiversity. Jones says that on the evolutionary scale, fire adaptation can happen pretty rapidly, especially after a sudden shift. “It is a strong selection force.”

The black line's burn scar.

Burns encourage more variation in the forest landscape, which leads to greater biodiversity — but there are hard limits. Even in species like the black-backed woodpecker, which needs a burned area for its habitat, few were found after the 2013 Rim and 2014 King wildfires.

Researchers like Tom Swetnam, a professor emeritus of dendrochronology and fire history at the University of Arizona, warn that cultural fire can’t be applied to all forests, since in some places this traditional knowledge has been lost.

“It’s not an obvious solution for everywhere,” Swetnam said.

Robbins with the CFMC took us to the Weitchpec transfer station, a 20-minute drive from the Tishaniik Farm, where some of the oldest continually treated forest projects are. We saw how different the understory could feel. Sunlight blankets what is otherwise a claustrophobic and shady part of the woods.

Robert McConnell — the council’s burn boss, or fire manager — reached out to grab a hazelnut branch basking in the sun as he told us about the group’s first burn here in 2012. As he petted the low brush with care, I noticed the stark contrast with a darker patch of forest over his shoulders: That land is off limits to burning. Dense with fir trees, you could scarcely see through it, while we stood in an open area marked by thickets of low grasses, shrubs and oak trees.

Robert peered into the hollow burn scar in a conifer, its dark corners now an animal’s storehouse for hazelnuts. Nearby, native potatoes and berries grew unabated. McConnell examined where someone had been harvesting branches for basket materials, concluding that it must have been recent. These resources are all made possible from burning here, he said, pausing to listen for the call of a variegated woodpecker.

A recent study by Gavin Jones found that continuing under the status quo of fire exclusion in the Sierra Nevada range would mean a 64 percent chance of complete forest loss in the next 50 years. That risk increased to a near total loss by the end of the century. Forest restoration through mechanical thinning and beneficial fire, like cultural burns, reduce these chances to single digits.

When massive fires break out, both prescribed and managed burned forests do better. A study by Jones and others from earlier this year found that treated areas in southwestern New Mexico burned less severely by 21 to 55 percent. Good fire-centered forest management is filtering into how the country reduces wildfire risk.

All Hands All Lands, a cooperation of tribal and civic organizations leading burns in the region, cleared out brush and set fires along the sloping hillside by the Klamath River. Staring at the blazes along Sandy Bar Ranch, her home and business, Blythe Reis said she feels protected when the temperature reaches 100 degrees and when lightning strikes come. “We’ve been doing controlled burns on our property for eight to 10 years now. It just makes you feel safer.”

Robert McConnell inspects the treatment area.

On our last day with Tripp, he took us through back roads to a site where they first started prescribed burns. Along the way we stopped for a sip of fresh spring water flowing from a rocky hillside, noting that burns improve the health of nearby springs.

Tripp started burning at the age of four, after his grandmother caught him making fires and told him that he might as well be useful. He figured out how to move the fire, contain it, and kindle new areas in his backyard. For the next few years his grandmother would tell him stories of cultural fire every night, and one night when he was eight, she asked him, “Now that you have this knowledge, what are you going to do with it?

The next day, a few miles from the Oregon border, I found myself talking with a postal worker in the town of Happy Camp who suggested I drive some 40 minutes up the road to see the burn scar. Though it has been five years since the devastating Slater fire, the landscape feels as though fires tore through recently. There’s barely a sound, and wind sweeps freely through the matchstick remains of conifers.

A burn scarred landscape.

About this story

Reporting for this story was made possible in part by a grant from the Institute for Journalism & Natural Resources.

Design and development by Emily Wright. Photos by Daniel Wolfe and Alice Li. Motion graphics by CJ Riculan. Editing by Simon Ducroquet, Juliet Eilperin and Dominique Hildebrand.

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Violence, death and stolen land: people need to know the true cost of an avocado | Claudia Ignacio Álvarez

Behind the west’s huge appetite for the fruit lies the dark reality of environmental destruction and Indigenous exploitation in MexicoI grew up in San Andrés Tziróndaro, a Purépecha community on the shores of Lake Pátzcuaro in the Mexican state of Michoacán. My childhood was shaped by water, forests and music. The lake fed us. The forest protected us. In the afternoons, people gathered in the local square while bands passed through playing pirekua, our traditional music.That way of life is now under threat as our land is extracted for profit. Continue reading...

I grew up in San Andrés Tziróndaro, a Purépecha community on the shores of Lake Pátzcuaro in the Mexican state of Michoacán. My childhood was shaped by water, forests and music. The lake fed us. The forest protected us. In the afternoons, people gathered in the local square while bands passed through playing pirekua, our traditional music.That way of life is now under threat as our land is extracted for profit.Michoacán is one of Mexico’s leading export states for agricultural products. Avocados and berries are promoted internationally as symbols of healthy, sustainable consumption. Yet behind this lies a reality of land dispossession, environmental destruction and violence.Most avocados and berries from Michoacán are exported to the US, though some also reach European markets, including the UK.In San Andrés Tziróndaro, agribusiness companies rent land that is legally communal. This land is meant to guarantee food for our people, not profits for export. Pipes have been installed to extract water from Lake Pátzcuaro and divert it to plantations. During last year’s severe drought, the lake nearly dried up. Fish disappeared. A fishing community was suddenly unable to eat its own traditional food.If governments are serious about human rights and environmental protection, they must move beyond rhetoricIn the forests, avocado orchards consume enormous amounts of water and eliminate other forms of life. Forest fires, often deliberately set, clear land that is then quickly converted into plantations.We have done everything we can to protect our land, but sadly this has led to threats, killings and disappearances.Communities such as mine find ourselves caught between corporate interests, organised criminal actors and a state that repeatedly fails to protect us.This pattern is not limited to agribusiness. In Michoacán’s coastal region, Indigenous Nahua communities have faced similar threats while opposing mining and steel-related projects imposed without consultation. In San Juan Huitzontla, the defence of communal territory brought defenders into direct confrontation with extractive interests linked to the steel industry. It was in this context that Eustacio Alcalá Díaz was murdered, and environmental defender José Gabriel Pelayo was forcibly disappeared. Both cases remain unresolved, emblematic of the dangers faced by those who challenge powerful economic interests.A protest in Puebla in November. For us, defending the land is not an abstract environmental cause: it is about memory, survival and dignity. Photograph: Alejandro Munoz/AlamyI have not been immune to this violence.I have had to physically intervene when authorities have attacked community members, often traditional leaders.One incident remains etched in my memory. Outside a government building in Michoacán, I noticed a police officer loitering near people organising a peaceful demonstration. When I asked him to identify himself, he stepped directly in front of me, using his height and strength to block me. I activated the emergency button provided by the authorities while he made mocking gestures. I stepped back and began writing my report, trying to hide that my hands were shaking.The context has grown even more tense after the killing of Carlos Manzo, the mayor of Uruapan, who had launched a public confrontation with organised crime. His assassination in November took place during a public event in the central square of a city that is economically crucial as the capital of the world’s main avocado-exporting region. It has been reported that at least three mayors have been murdered this year. These killings create widespread fear and reveal how violence is used politically in Michoacán.According to Global Witness, at least 36 defenders were attacked in Mexico between 2023 and 2024, most of them Indigenous. Few of these cases have seen meaningful progress in investigations. Carrying out sustained human rights work now means accepting serious personal risk.In practice, protection does not come from the state but from strengthening community networks, international accompaniment and collective self-protection strategies.Red handprints symbolising violence surround a picture of murdered mayor Carlos Manzo. Photograph: Alejandro Munoz/AlamyThe emotional toll of this violence is collective. Many defenders, including myself, now live in forced displacement. We return to our communities only briefly, always alert. Violence is not only physical; it is psychological. The perpetrators are trying to fragment us; exhaust our resistance and corrode our hope.Responsibility does not lie with Mexico alone. The US, the main destination for Michoacán’s avocados and berries, plays a central role in sustaining this model. European and British markets are also implicated through imports, corporate finance and trade relationships that prioritise profit while ignoring conditions locally.If governments are serious about human rights and environmental protection, they must move beyond rhetoric. Importing countries should require binding human rights and environmental due diligence across agricultural and extractive supply chains. Indigenous peoples must be consulted, communal land and water rights respected, and defenders protected.For us, defending the land is not an abstract environmental cause. It is about memory, survival and dignity. If the international community continues to enjoy the benefits of extraction while ignoring its costs, violence in places such as Michoacán will not end. It will simply remain out of sight.

Costa Rica Mandates Mangrove Restoration at RIU Guanacaste Hotel

Costa Rica’s Environmental Administrative Tribunal has issued a directive for the RIU Guanacaste hotel complex to repair mangrove and forest areas harmed during its construction in Playa Matapalo, Guanacaste. This decision wraps up a dispute that has dragged on for over 15 years, holding the developers accountable for altering sensitive coastal ecosystems. The tribunal’s ruling, […] The post Costa Rica Mandates Mangrove Restoration at RIU Guanacaste Hotel appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Costa Rica’s Environmental Administrative Tribunal has issued a directive for the RIU Guanacaste hotel complex to repair mangrove and forest areas harmed during its construction in Playa Matapalo, Guanacaste. This decision wraps up a dispute that has dragged on for over 15 years, holding the developers accountable for altering sensitive coastal ecosystems. The tribunal’s ruling, numbered 1403-2025, pins responsibility on SE Costa Rica Hotelera de Guanacaste S.A., the property owner, and Yitzak Investments S.A., which handled the site’s groundwork. Inspectors found clear evidence of mangrove loss and other harms in the public maritime zone along Matapalo beach in Carrillo. Back in 2007, the area featured intact mangroves and tree cover in the public zone. By 2009, changes were stark: two wooded sections totaling 6,994 square meters and 5,960 square meters were impacted, an 8,233-square-meter mangrove patch was wiped out through filling and material dumping, and an unnamed stream’s path was shifted, damaging its protected buffer. The court linked these issues directly to debris from the RIU project’s building phase. Mangroves shield coasts from erosion, nurture marine life, and store carbon effectively. Local groups have pointed out that such losses weaken the bay’s health to favor one major tourism venture. To fix this, the tribunal requires the companies to revert the site to its prior state. They must submit a detailed technical plan within 30 business days, outlining fill removal and mangrove revival, backed by expert input and a timeline. The National System of Conservation Areas must approve it, with full work done in three years and yearly updates sent to the tribunal. Separately, the ruling calls for a plan to clear structures from the stream’s bed and restore its flow and buffer. No financial penalty applies here, as the court deemed it unfit for this scenario. RIU Hotels & Resorts responded to inquiries from us in the media, noting the ruling’s arrival but emphasizing its non-final status. The chain plans to pursue all legal options to contest it, claiming the project held all required permits and expecting a thorough review to clarify events. Given that tribunal outcomes can lead to further agency steps or court appeals, this matter may linger in the system even as restoration deadlines approach. The case traces to 2009, when residents and advocates reported filling, tree removal, and water changes. Organizations like Confraternidad Guanacasteca pushed through delays, with Constitutional Court interventions urging timely resolution. Critics say holdups let the development solidify, complicating fixes. Now, the verdict sets a benchmark for similar coastal clashes, though enforcement remains key. This outcome signals broader lessons for coastal growth in Costa Rica. It stresses that mangroves and public zones cannot be sacrificed for projects promising employment and revenue. Firms face not only halts to harm but active ecosystem repairs under supervision. It also exposes institutional slowdowns, where community persistence proved essential. For those in Guanacaste’s tourism scene, the decision underscores hidden stories of land and resource conflicts behind beachfront appeal. Over the coming years, focus shifts to on-site progress: clearing fills, fixing water flows, replanting, and official checks to ensure real change. After prolonged advocacy and interim steps, the court has confirmed what was noted long ago: the Matapalo mangrove suffered, and recovery is due. The post Costa Rica Mandates Mangrove Restoration at RIU Guanacaste Hotel appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

How a former Forest Service employee changed the future of housing in California

One April night eight years ago, two tech leaders sat down with a former Forest Service employee at Terroir, a natural wine bar in San Francisco. Then they started sketching out a plan that would eventually reshape California’s housing policy. Landmark housing reforms that passed in the state in 2025, one that allows more housing to be built near transit stops, and another curbing the use of environmental law to block new housing—and which many believed would never succeed—can be traced back to that night, five bottles of wine, and crucial backing from Silicon Valley executives. An unlikely new leader Brian Hanlon, the Forest Service employee, was an unlikely leader for a new housing movement. Hanlon moved to the Bay Area in 2010 after dropping out of a Ph.D. program, and got a job managing grant paperwork for USFS. He wasn’t planning to work on housing; he considered becoming a winemaker. But he soon saw the impact of California’s housing policy directly. When he first arrived in the area, apartments were still relatively affordable. Within a year, he saw demand spike: every open house he visited had 20 to 30 people competing for the same apartment. Over the next couple of years, as rents in the city continued to rise, Hanlon got involved with rental advocacy groups, but quickly saw the limitations. He felt advocates weren’t engaging with what he saw as a basic problem: restrictive policy made it too difficult to build housing, and the shortage of housing—not just landlords trying to extract higher rents from renters—was what was driving up prices. “Even then, I was like, ‘It’s not landlord greed.’ There aren’t enough homes. Landlords are just as greedy in Houston, Texas, or wherever else,” he says. “I kind of got excommunicated from that movement because I believed in more housing.” A friend introduced him to Sonia Trauss, a math teacher who had started advocating for new housing development at planning meetings—a YIMBY (“yes in my backyard”) counterpart to the resistance to new construction that was common in San Francisco, which is commonly characterized as NIMBY (“not in my backyard”). This resistance came largely from two separate, but sometimes aligned, groups: first, homeowners who believe new constructions of apartments around their homes will lower the resale value, obstruct their views, and otherwise affect “the neighborhood character”; and second, advocates for low-income tenants who believe that the new construction pushed by the YIMBY movement in gentrifying working-class neighborhoods will accelerate the damaging process of pricing out long-time residents. The first group is more powerful politically at the state level, but at the start of Hanlon and Trauss’s advocacy in San Francisco, many of the fights were with the second, leading to vitriolic conflict in the city (and online). Trauss faced intense criticism for comparing tenant advocates to Trump voters during a speech at hearing. And in one incident, Hanlon was at a public film screening about the eviction crisis, talking with a resident who was fighting a plan to demolish his apartment building, when an activist forced him out of the event, screaming “Get the fuck out!” As the conflicts continued in San Francisco, Hanlon decided he needed to do more than tackle one planning meeting—and one building—at a time. After he and Trauss secured some funding, they founded a nonprofit, California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, and filed a lawsuit against a Bay Area suburb for not building enough housing. They lost the suit, and Hanlon realized that they needed to change direction. “I was like, alright, well, we’re going to fail as a nonprofit if we don’t change the law,” he says. Rewriting the law With help from a likeminded developer he’d met, Hanlon brought together a group of land-use attorneys, planners, and other developers and explained why the lawsuit had failed and how he wanted the law to change so cities would have to allow more construction. Hanlon copied the existing law into Microsoft Word, rewrote it based on feedback from the group, and then gave it to a lawyer to draft a real version of a potential bill. Then he started heading to Sacramento, meeting with anyone who’d talk. A lawyer from the Building Industry Association told him that he was wasting his time. “I’m like, alright, thanks for your feedback,” he says. “And then I just kept going.” At the time, he had little money and few connections. At a housing conference, he entered a contest to meet the new chair of the state’s Department of Housing Development—the competition involved guessing the number of Monopoly houses in a giant jar. “I remembered a little bit of middle school geometry or something, and I just looked at the jar and did the right math and guessed the right number of houses,” he says. He won a lunch with Ben Metcalf, the new chair, and peppered him with questions about housing reform in the state. Meanwhile, he was starting to make more connections in the tech industry. Trauss had already gotten some support from tech CEOs like Yelp’s Jeremy Stoppleman, who saw that the housing shortage could hurt their industry since it was so hard for employees to find a place to live. Like others, he’d read a viral article in TechCrunch from Kim-Mai Cutler explaining how housing policy restricted development. “That story really helped put everything in perspective—like, oh, this is actually by design,” Stoppleman says. “[It was] many years of decisions to specifically constrain housing production, density, and growth. That created a real point of frustration as a person leading a business with thousands of employees here in the Bay Area.” Hanlon met Zack Rosen, CEO of the WebOps platform Pantheon, on Twitter. “I got in a fight with him on the internet,” Rosen says. “I got into one of those things where it was back and forth, back and forth, and by the third time, I’m like, man, I don’t know what I’m talking about.” He suggested to Hanlon that they meet up for coffee, and they became friends. Rosen, too, wanted to invest in a solution to the housing crisis. “The tech industry didn’t create these terrible housing policies, they predate us,” Rosen says. “However, the success of our industry and these terrible housing policies are a train wreck. The net effect of that train wreck is immiseration for the state of California—you know, teachers teaching [while] homeless in San Francisco. I mean, it’s insane. So for me, it was like, look, the tech industry has a special responsibility to help solve it.” A few weeks later, Hanlon ran into Rosen in Sacramento, along with Nat Friedman—the former CEO of Github, now head of Meta’s Superintelligence Labs, who had come to Sacramento to talk about housing with an assemblymember. They started walking through the capital building, and knocked on the door of the governor’s office, where they managed to wrangle a meeting with staffers on the fly. Policymakers wanted to act, but the issue was complex, and they needed help understanding what laws could truly help. On the drive back home, Rosen started thinking about partnering with Hanlon. Making a bet on a new startup nonprofit They stayed in touch, and nearly a year later, Rosen, Friedman, and Hanlon met at the wine bar to talk about the potential for a new nonprofit. They talked for hours, closing out the bar. Hanlon pitched them on the vision of a new housing advocacy organization for the state that would work on new policy, build coalitions and a grassroots movement, and massively scale up homebuilding. At the time, Hanlon was still working on a shoestring budget, helping shepherd a housing bill called SB 167—based on what he’d drafted earlier—through the committee process. “Imagine all that we could do if I had a real team and a real budget?” he said. They didn’t know exactly how the new organization would work. “We ended up with more questions than answers,” says Rosen. “But we had a direction. We had a strategy.” They were sold on the idea. “It was reminiscent to me of the beginnings of a great startup,” he says. “It just felt like hey, here’s this obvious idea. No one’s doing it. Is it possible to do? Absolutely. Is it incredibly difficult to do? Absolutely. Let’s go do it.” Within a couple of months, they had raised hundreds of thousands for the project. Hanlon resigned from his previous nonprofit with Trauss. Rosen joined the new organization, California YIMBY, as a cofounder. It’s something that probably only would have happened in San Francisco. “I don’t think I ever would have raised this sort of philanthropic capital just given my profile—I’m some guy who was working for the Forest Service and moved to the Mission because I was really into wine, fixed gear bikes, and shows,” Hanlon says. “That doesn’t sound like someone I’d want to make a big bet on to try to rebuild the built environment of the world’s fourth largest economy.” But his vision resonated with them, and with friends of Friedman’s who gave to the new nonprofit. “Brian’s a mile a minute—very fast on his feet, very thoughtful, had clearly done tons of research, knew his stuff,” says Stoppleman. “It was a really unique strategy that he was laying out. For me, it’s exciting to meet people at that stage when they’re just getting going. Obviously brilliant, lots of energy, a lot of passion, probably some naivete. There is a parallel, 100%, to the startup world.” The tech leaders who put in money also were willing to try something new. “I don’t mean to just make a paean to enlightened tech leaders, but I will say, San Francisco’s entrepreneurial tech leaders don’t treat the status quo or entrenched power as immutable reality,” says Hanlon. “They treat it as problems to be solved and building a new future. And that’s rare and uncommon….I think there’s this real sense that we’re not on this Earth for very long, it’s good and right to work quickly to solve your problems. And also, that failure isn’t the worst thing. The worst thing is not trying, or trying and not being ambitious.” Sweeping changes in policy After the nonprofit was founded in 2017—as a 501(c)(4) organization, so it’s allowed to lobby full time—it led advocacy for SB 167, a bill that made it harder for cities to fail to comply with state laws designed to force cities to approve more housing. The organization also fought for new laws that make it easier to build ADUs and “missing middle” housing like duplexes. But the biggest victories, after earlier failed attempts, came this year. First, the state passed a set of laws that reform CEQA, the California’s environmental law, which has sometimes been used as a method to stop development. Some housing now has a faster review process under the law. When the nonprofit first began working on CEQA reform, they were told that it was impossible. This fall, the state also passed SB 79, a law that legalizes large apartment buildings near major transit stops throughout the state—even when local laws restrict density or height. That can help significantly shrink the state’s housing shortage. In L.A., alone, by one estimate, it will eventually zone for 1.46 million new housing units. Along with CEQA reform, it was something they’d first talked about at the wine bar. “That was really was got Nat and Zack excited that night,” Hanlon says. Earlier attempts to pass the law, including a bill introduced in 2018, helped change the conversation about housing. Academics had long argued for more housing near transit, but this type of policy was new. “That’s the first bill, to my knowledge, that had actually been commensurate with the scale of the problem to actually solve it,” Hanlon says. It died quickly in committee, but got people talking in other cities. In New York City, the planning office held a meeting to discuss it. Other advocacy groups in other states started considered new changes to state policy. The latest version of the bill barely passed. It’s likely the only bill in the history of the state, Hanlon says, to become law after “rolling” the first two policy committee chairs, meaning it passed over their objections. The bill had to make it through nine votes, and then the governor’s vote. At each step, it barely made it. “This was incredibly, incredibly hard fought.” Still, he says, despite fierce opposition to the bill, including citizen protests and formal opposition from dozens of city councils, the debate was less heated than it had been in the past. Previous bills had faced widespread, statewide activism in large town halls and protests—many of which were organized by Livable California, a group of homeowners founded by a former oil executive that fights zoning changes and regulations that would make it easier to build apartemts—along with a deluge of op-eds and even a study with false data that argued that Los Angeles could meet its housing needs with vacant apartments. Now, the ideas behind the YIMBY have now become more mainstream. Policymakers have largely accepted the idea that the housing shortage is a supply problem, and that policy has held back development. “YIMBY benefits from being correct,” says Rosen. “It’s real. It’s substantive. It’s right. It also benefits from taking what should be an obscure issue like zoning, and turning it into something that’s real and personal for people—housing. And that was clear from the beginning.” When the YIMBY movement started to take off, “what wasn’t clear was how you would translate that movement that was getting attention into change of government that would enable a boom in housing,” he says. “There’s a huge leap between those things. We’ve got a long list of modern-day political movements that capture attention and don’t deliver the outcome. it’s not that any of the work of translating attention in a movement into outcomes is like rocket science. But it’s tremendously difficult work. And it’s very deliberate kind of work, very strategic work. It’s very stage sequenced. To me, it feels like kind of like scaling a company.” The work isn’t done. The next big battle, Hanlon says, is the steep fees that local governments impose on new developments, which can make building infeasible even when other barriers are taken away. But 2025 has “absolutely been a breakthrough year,” says Rosen. “We have a lot left to do. But I don’t know that there’s going to be a political lift that heavy.”

One April night eight years ago, two tech leaders sat down with a former Forest Service employee at Terroir, a natural wine bar in San Francisco. Then they started sketching out a plan that would eventually reshape California’s housing policy. Landmark housing reforms that passed in the state in 2025, one that allows more housing to be built near transit stops, and another curbing the use of environmental law to block new housing—and which many believed would never succeed—can be traced back to that night, five bottles of wine, and crucial backing from Silicon Valley executives. An unlikely new leader Brian Hanlon, the Forest Service employee, was an unlikely leader for a new housing movement. Hanlon moved to the Bay Area in 2010 after dropping out of a Ph.D. program, and got a job managing grant paperwork for USFS. He wasn’t planning to work on housing; he considered becoming a winemaker. But he soon saw the impact of California’s housing policy directly. When he first arrived in the area, apartments were still relatively affordable. Within a year, he saw demand spike: every open house he visited had 20 to 30 people competing for the same apartment. Over the next couple of years, as rents in the city continued to rise, Hanlon got involved with rental advocacy groups, but quickly saw the limitations. He felt advocates weren’t engaging with what he saw as a basic problem: restrictive policy made it too difficult to build housing, and the shortage of housing—not just landlords trying to extract higher rents from renters—was what was driving up prices. “Even then, I was like, ‘It’s not landlord greed.’ There aren’t enough homes. Landlords are just as greedy in Houston, Texas, or wherever else,” he says. “I kind of got excommunicated from that movement because I believed in more housing.” A friend introduced him to Sonia Trauss, a math teacher who had started advocating for new housing development at planning meetings—a YIMBY (“yes in my backyard”) counterpart to the resistance to new construction that was common in San Francisco, which is commonly characterized as NIMBY (“not in my backyard”). This resistance came largely from two separate, but sometimes aligned, groups: first, homeowners who believe new constructions of apartments around their homes will lower the resale value, obstruct their views, and otherwise affect “the neighborhood character”; and second, advocates for low-income tenants who believe that the new construction pushed by the YIMBY movement in gentrifying working-class neighborhoods will accelerate the damaging process of pricing out long-time residents. The first group is more powerful politically at the state level, but at the start of Hanlon and Trauss’s advocacy in San Francisco, many of the fights were with the second, leading to vitriolic conflict in the city (and online). Trauss faced intense criticism for comparing tenant advocates to Trump voters during a speech at hearing. And in one incident, Hanlon was at a public film screening about the eviction crisis, talking with a resident who was fighting a plan to demolish his apartment building, when an activist forced him out of the event, screaming “Get the fuck out!” As the conflicts continued in San Francisco, Hanlon decided he needed to do more than tackle one planning meeting—and one building—at a time. After he and Trauss secured some funding, they founded a nonprofit, California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund, and filed a lawsuit against a Bay Area suburb for not building enough housing. They lost the suit, and Hanlon realized that they needed to change direction. “I was like, alright, well, we’re going to fail as a nonprofit if we don’t change the law,” he says. Rewriting the law With help from a likeminded developer he’d met, Hanlon brought together a group of land-use attorneys, planners, and other developers and explained why the lawsuit had failed and how he wanted the law to change so cities would have to allow more construction. Hanlon copied the existing law into Microsoft Word, rewrote it based on feedback from the group, and then gave it to a lawyer to draft a real version of a potential bill. Then he started heading to Sacramento, meeting with anyone who’d talk. A lawyer from the Building Industry Association told him that he was wasting his time. “I’m like, alright, thanks for your feedback,” he says. “And then I just kept going.” At the time, he had little money and few connections. At a housing conference, he entered a contest to meet the new chair of the state’s Department of Housing Development—the competition involved guessing the number of Monopoly houses in a giant jar. “I remembered a little bit of middle school geometry or something, and I just looked at the jar and did the right math and guessed the right number of houses,” he says. He won a lunch with Ben Metcalf, the new chair, and peppered him with questions about housing reform in the state. Meanwhile, he was starting to make more connections in the tech industry. Trauss had already gotten some support from tech CEOs like Yelp’s Jeremy Stoppleman, who saw that the housing shortage could hurt their industry since it was so hard for employees to find a place to live. Like others, he’d read a viral article in TechCrunch from Kim-Mai Cutler explaining how housing policy restricted development. “That story really helped put everything in perspective—like, oh, this is actually by design,” Stoppleman says. “[It was] many years of decisions to specifically constrain housing production, density, and growth. That created a real point of frustration as a person leading a business with thousands of employees here in the Bay Area.” Hanlon met Zack Rosen, CEO of the WebOps platform Pantheon, on Twitter. “I got in a fight with him on the internet,” Rosen says. “I got into one of those things where it was back and forth, back and forth, and by the third time, I’m like, man, I don’t know what I’m talking about.” He suggested to Hanlon that they meet up for coffee, and they became friends. Rosen, too, wanted to invest in a solution to the housing crisis. “The tech industry didn’t create these terrible housing policies, they predate us,” Rosen says. “However, the success of our industry and these terrible housing policies are a train wreck. The net effect of that train wreck is immiseration for the state of California—you know, teachers teaching [while] homeless in San Francisco. I mean, it’s insane. So for me, it was like, look, the tech industry has a special responsibility to help solve it.” A few weeks later, Hanlon ran into Rosen in Sacramento, along with Nat Friedman—the former CEO of Github, now head of Meta’s Superintelligence Labs, who had come to Sacramento to talk about housing with an assemblymember. They started walking through the capital building, and knocked on the door of the governor’s office, where they managed to wrangle a meeting with staffers on the fly. Policymakers wanted to act, but the issue was complex, and they needed help understanding what laws could truly help. On the drive back home, Rosen started thinking about partnering with Hanlon. Making a bet on a new startup nonprofit They stayed in touch, and nearly a year later, Rosen, Friedman, and Hanlon met at the wine bar to talk about the potential for a new nonprofit. They talked for hours, closing out the bar. Hanlon pitched them on the vision of a new housing advocacy organization for the state that would work on new policy, build coalitions and a grassroots movement, and massively scale up homebuilding. At the time, Hanlon was still working on a shoestring budget, helping shepherd a housing bill called SB 167—based on what he’d drafted earlier—through the committee process. “Imagine all that we could do if I had a real team and a real budget?” he said. They didn’t know exactly how the new organization would work. “We ended up with more questions than answers,” says Rosen. “But we had a direction. We had a strategy.” They were sold on the idea. “It was reminiscent to me of the beginnings of a great startup,” he says. “It just felt like hey, here’s this obvious idea. No one’s doing it. Is it possible to do? Absolutely. Is it incredibly difficult to do? Absolutely. Let’s go do it.” Within a couple of months, they had raised hundreds of thousands for the project. Hanlon resigned from his previous nonprofit with Trauss. Rosen joined the new organization, California YIMBY, as a cofounder. It’s something that probably only would have happened in San Francisco. “I don’t think I ever would have raised this sort of philanthropic capital just given my profile—I’m some guy who was working for the Forest Service and moved to the Mission because I was really into wine, fixed gear bikes, and shows,” Hanlon says. “That doesn’t sound like someone I’d want to make a big bet on to try to rebuild the built environment of the world’s fourth largest economy.” But his vision resonated with them, and with friends of Friedman’s who gave to the new nonprofit. “Brian’s a mile a minute—very fast on his feet, very thoughtful, had clearly done tons of research, knew his stuff,” says Stoppleman. “It was a really unique strategy that he was laying out. For me, it’s exciting to meet people at that stage when they’re just getting going. Obviously brilliant, lots of energy, a lot of passion, probably some naivete. There is a parallel, 100%, to the startup world.” The tech leaders who put in money also were willing to try something new. “I don’t mean to just make a paean to enlightened tech leaders, but I will say, San Francisco’s entrepreneurial tech leaders don’t treat the status quo or entrenched power as immutable reality,” says Hanlon. “They treat it as problems to be solved and building a new future. And that’s rare and uncommon….I think there’s this real sense that we’re not on this Earth for very long, it’s good and right to work quickly to solve your problems. And also, that failure isn’t the worst thing. The worst thing is not trying, or trying and not being ambitious.” Sweeping changes in policy After the nonprofit was founded in 2017—as a 501(c)(4) organization, so it’s allowed to lobby full time—it led advocacy for SB 167, a bill that made it harder for cities to fail to comply with state laws designed to force cities to approve more housing. The organization also fought for new laws that make it easier to build ADUs and “missing middle” housing like duplexes. But the biggest victories, after earlier failed attempts, came this year. First, the state passed a set of laws that reform CEQA, the California’s environmental law, which has sometimes been used as a method to stop development. Some housing now has a faster review process under the law. When the nonprofit first began working on CEQA reform, they were told that it was impossible. This fall, the state also passed SB 79, a law that legalizes large apartment buildings near major transit stops throughout the state—even when local laws restrict density or height. That can help significantly shrink the state’s housing shortage. In L.A., alone, by one estimate, it will eventually zone for 1.46 million new housing units. Along with CEQA reform, it was something they’d first talked about at the wine bar. “That was really was got Nat and Zack excited that night,” Hanlon says. Earlier attempts to pass the law, including a bill introduced in 2018, helped change the conversation about housing. Academics had long argued for more housing near transit, but this type of policy was new. “That’s the first bill, to my knowledge, that had actually been commensurate with the scale of the problem to actually solve it,” Hanlon says. It died quickly in committee, but got people talking in other cities. In New York City, the planning office held a meeting to discuss it. Other advocacy groups in other states started considered new changes to state policy. The latest version of the bill barely passed. It’s likely the only bill in the history of the state, Hanlon says, to become law after “rolling” the first two policy committee chairs, meaning it passed over their objections. The bill had to make it through nine votes, and then the governor’s vote. At each step, it barely made it. “This was incredibly, incredibly hard fought.” Still, he says, despite fierce opposition to the bill, including citizen protests and formal opposition from dozens of city councils, the debate was less heated than it had been in the past. Previous bills had faced widespread, statewide activism in large town halls and protests—many of which were organized by Livable California, a group of homeowners founded by a former oil executive that fights zoning changes and regulations that would make it easier to build apartemts—along with a deluge of op-eds and even a study with false data that argued that Los Angeles could meet its housing needs with vacant apartments. Now, the ideas behind the YIMBY have now become more mainstream. Policymakers have largely accepted the idea that the housing shortage is a supply problem, and that policy has held back development. “YIMBY benefits from being correct,” says Rosen. “It’s real. It’s substantive. It’s right. It also benefits from taking what should be an obscure issue like zoning, and turning it into something that’s real and personal for people—housing. And that was clear from the beginning.” When the YIMBY movement started to take off, “what wasn’t clear was how you would translate that movement that was getting attention into change of government that would enable a boom in housing,” he says. “There’s a huge leap between those things. We’ve got a long list of modern-day political movements that capture attention and don’t deliver the outcome. it’s not that any of the work of translating attention in a movement into outcomes is like rocket science. But it’s tremendously difficult work. And it’s very deliberate kind of work, very strategic work. It’s very stage sequenced. To me, it feels like kind of like scaling a company.” The work isn’t done. The next big battle, Hanlon says, is the steep fees that local governments impose on new developments, which can make building infeasible even when other barriers are taken away. But 2025 has “absolutely been a breakthrough year,” says Rosen. “We have a lot left to do. But I don’t know that there’s going to be a political lift that heavy.”

You think you’ve seen a big tree? Why we can no longer recognize a real forest

Environmental educator Ross Reid, also known as Nerdy About Nature, explains why we don't understand the scale of true old-growth forests.

Stand in awe before a towering Douglas fir in an Oregon forest, and you might believe you’re experiencing the majesty of old growth. But according to environmental educator Ross Reid, what most of us consider impressive forest landscapes are merely shadows of what once existed. In an archived episode of the Peak Northwest podcast, Reid, who is known for his presence on social media as “Nerdy About Nature,” explains why our perception of forests has been fundamentally altered by what we’ve lost.“It’s this concept known as shifting baseline syndrome where we’re limited in what we think is normal based on our experiences,” Reid said on the podcast. “The people who are living in this part of the world a hundred years ago had a radically different perception of the forest around them versus the one we have now.”Generative AI was used to summarize a recent episode of the Peak Northwest podcast. This story was reviewed and edited by The Oregonian/OregonLive.This psychological phenomenon, where each generation accepts a more diminished version of nature as “normal,” has profound implications for conservation efforts, Reid said. If we can’t recognize what we’ve lost, how can we work to protect or restore it?Bushwhacking through the rain forest of the Devil's Staircase Wilderness, one of Oregon's last true old-growth forests, in the Coast Range.Jamie Hale/The OregonianReid offered tangible examples of the differences between second-growth and old-growth forests that go beyond just tree size. “Pit mound topography is a concept in an old growth forest where you have bigger, older trees falling over naturally ... and you end up with a really undulating bit of terrain,” Reid said. “A lot of the forests we have in the Pacific Northwest, especially the second growth ones, you walk around, it’s fairly easy to walk off trail because it’s all kind of flat.”Throughout the episode, Reid explained how old-growth forests create unique habitats that are impossible to replicate in younger stands. For instance, bears in British Columbia rely on hollowed-out cavities in old Western red cedar trees for denning — structures that take centuries to form.A towering western redcedar tree is the highlight of the Rockaway Beach Old Growth Cedar Preserve on the north Oregon coast.Jamie Hale/The OregonianThe conversation reveals how industrial forestry has not just changed how forests look, but fundamentally altered their ecological function. Second-growth forests managed for timber production lack the structural complexity, genetic diversity, and ecological relationships that develop in forests allowed to mature naturally over centuries, Reid said.For anyone who loves hiking through Pacific Northwest forests, the interview offers a new lens through which to view familiar landscapes. Reid challenges listeners to look beyond their initial impressions of big trees and green canopies to recognize the subtler signs of ecological complexity that distinguish truly ancient forests from their younger counterparts.Listen to the full episode here: Subscribe to The Oregonian/OregonLive’s travel and outdoors podcast Peak Northwest on Apple, Spotify, YouTube or anywhere else you listen to podcasts. Hosts Jamie Hale and Chiara Profenna take you to some of the greatest destinations in Oregon and the Pacific Northwest. Check out more Peak Northwest episodes below.

‘I can’t think of a place more pristine’: 133,000 hectares of Chilean Patagonia preserved after local fundraising

Exclusive: Ancient forests and turquoise rivers of the Cochamó Valley protected from logging, damming and developmentA wild valley in Chilean Patagonia has been preserved for future generations and protected from logging, damming and unbridled development after a remarkable fundraising effort by local groups, the Guardian can reveal.The 133,000 hectares (328,000 acres) of pristine wilderness in the Cochamó Valley was bought for $78m (£58m) after a grassroots campaign led by the NGO Puelo Patagonia, and the title to the wildlands was officially handed over to the Chilean nonprofit Fundación Conserva Puchegüín on 9 December. Continue reading...

A wild valley in Chilean Patagonia has been preserved for future generations and protected from logging, damming and unbridled development after a remarkable fundraising effort by local groups, the Guardian can reveal.The 133,000 hectares (328,000 acres) of pristine wilderness in the Cochamó Valley was bought for $78m (£58m) after a grassroots campaign led by the NGO Puelo Patagonia, and the title to the wildlands was officially handed over to the Chilean nonprofit Fundación Conserva Puchegüín on 9 December.The now-protected ecosystem is 383 times the size of Manhattan’s Central Park, or 800 times as big as London’s Regent’s Park.The lush, forested Cochamó Valley is home to waterfalls, emerald green rivers, hummingbirds and condors. The ancient forests hold groves of alerce trees that sprouted about 1,000BC, four centuries before the rise of the Roman empire.The newly acquired lands hold 11% of the remaining alerce forests on Earth. Logged for their solid, water-resistant trunk, alerce wood was fashioned into ship masts and telephone poles.The thick reddish bark on the alerce tree allows it to survive forest fires, droughts and 11ft of annual rainfall. Photograph: Marcelo SalazarSparsely populated by a few remote homestead camps and rustic campgrounds, the Cochamó Valley is surrounded by 3,200ft (970 metre) granite cliffs that in 1997 lured climbers seeking the first ascent of rock faces on Cerro Trinidad.In 2012, rancher families and lone cowboys living in the valley joined forces with tour operators, NGOs, climbers, backpackers and explorers in vociferous opposition to a $400m hydroelectric plan that included 150-metre transmission towers, access roads and complete disruption of the rural way of life along the Manso River. The communities then worked together to stop a high-end vacation home development and plans to pave roads through the valley.“Our goal was to transform threats into opportunities,” said José Claro, the president of Puelo Patagonia.Claro described how one large-scale project after another was stymied by Puelo Patagonia and the local community working together.The conservation campaigns highlighted Cochamó’s importance as a biological corridor that could connect to the surrounding 1.6m hectares of protected lands in Chile and Argentina. A coalition of local and foreign NGOs known as Conserva Puchegüín then began recruiting donors to fund long-term conservation strategies.The valley receives over 3 metres of rain a year, making industrial agriculture virtually impossible. Cattle grazing is difficult as the mountain slopes are nearly vertical.Except for a few cave drawings attributed to native peoples from present-day Argentina who migrated along riverbanks, this corner of northern Patagonia reveals few signs of longstanding human habitation.These never-logged forests and free-flowing turquoise rivers are a field biologist’s paradise. The area teems with ferns the size of beach umbrellas. The undergrowth of native bamboo makes bushwhacking through this temperate rainforest nearly impossible, even with a machete.The dense underbrush prevents many larger mammals from migrating through the valley. Local species of deer known as pudu have adapted so they are rarely taller than 40cm.Chilean cowboys often lead pack horses into Cochamó Valley with saddles and sacks filled with food and supplies. Photograph: Valentina Thenoux“You think about those trees being cut down or the valley flooded. It’s just terrifying,” said Alex Taylor, the chief executive of Cox Enterprises, who was first introduced to Cochamó in early 2025 by fellow fly fisher Yvon Chouinard, the founder of the clothing company Patagonia.Taylor returned to Atlanta with an idea for the James M Cox Foundation to support the protection of the valley. The other trustees agreed and approved a $20m donation.“It’s almost like the spiritual centre of the universe from a forest biodiversity standpoint,” said Taylor. “I can’t think of a place more pristine.”Hikers and climbers who manage to reach the peaks inside Cochamó Valley are treated to a panoramic view of the many unclimbed peaks inside the future park. Photograph: Valentina ThenouxThe successful fundraising campaign to buy the land is the beginning of what is likely to be a decades-long project to conserve the homesteader way of life and the valley’s rich biodiversity.“How do we ensure that traditional living and practices that have been going on for the better part of a century or more don’t get disrupted?” said Alex Perry, the Latin America general manager for Patagonia, which has been funding local conservation groups in the Cochamó Valley for more than a decade and in 2024 donated $4m through the company’s non-profit owner, Holdfast Collective.“How do we make it so that this model is something that can be replicated and scaled and is attractive to the next generation?”While the 133,000 hectares may eventually be donated to the Chilean national park system, recently passed environmental legislation in Chile created a system that secures permanent protection of designated areas even when the land remains in private ownership.As the valley’s popularity surges among hikers, climbers and horseback riders, a limit of 15,000 visitors a year has been set. Reservations are now required and a master plan of hiking trails, base camps and horse stables is being developed with direct participation from the local communities.“The beauty of the Pucheguín project is that it’s coming with an endowment,” said Anne Deane, the president of the Freyja Foundation which helped fund land purchases in the valley and recruited additional funders including the Wyss Foundation. “Cochamó is only going to get more and more popular, so it’s very important that there is an operating budget to support it.”Using camera traps and through collaboration with residents, a survey of the area’s wildlife has begun. A small herd of Chile’s national symbol, the now-endangered huemul deer, was recently discovered.A pair of endangered huemul deer grazing in Cochamó Valley. Photograph: Benjamin ValenzuelaThere are no roads through the valley and electricity is generated house by house through solar or wind. The homes are often rough cabins set on riverbanks, allowing small motorboats to navigate up and down the Puelo River. Pack horses still haul in most food and supplies.The Cochamó conservation project was inspired by the landmark conservation efforts of Kris and Doug Tompkins, who abandoned successful leadership roles at the Patagonia and Esprit clothing companies respectively, moved to a remote cabin in Patagonia and dedicated 25 years and $300m to creating national parks in Chile and Argentina.By buying massive swathes of land and then negotiating with the Chilean government to expand its existing parks, the Tompkins conservation group – now known as Rewilding Chile – helped protect more than 5.7m hectares of wildlands.The path to becoming a park may be different in Cochamó. The measly budget allocated for national parks in Chile – highlighted by the recent deaths of five hikers in Torres del Paine national park – has convinced many conservation advocates to look at creating private parks that combine conservation with low impact commercial operations such as family farms or a solar-powered craft brewery.The plans for Cochamó are to place at least 80% in protected national park level status, while the remaining 20% will be zoned for multiple use, allowing locals to earn a living off tourism and traditional activities such as family farms and their small ranches.There are no roads through the valley and electricity is generated house by house through solar or wind. Photograph: Rodrigo MannsOn a recent hike through Cochamó, the connection between conservation and community was evident.A Chilean cowboy hauling a horse piled high with fruits, vegetables and canned food stopped to share news. His horse was pregnant. Rex, a neighbour’s dog, needed medicine. The remote bridge washed away by the floods was nearly rebuilt.Stopping to chat in the cool fern forest, the cowboy spoke with excitement about the German tourists he would that evening be guiding down the mountain, on a path that his father helped build and that his children might one day continue to use and preserve.

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