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California bill would abolish state fire hazard rankings; 'true insanity,' critics say

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Sunday, August 11, 2024

A legislative proposal to overhaul California’s decades-old wildfire mapping system is generating intense debate, with critics saying it threatens to fundamentally reshape the state’s fire and housing policies and increase development in fire-prone areas. Senate Bill 610 seeks to repeal current rules that classify state and local lands into “moderate,” “high” and “very high” fire hazard severity zones — a process that rates areas based on their probability of burning, which in turn influences development patterns and building safety standards.The legislation would instead empower the state fire marshal to designate lands as a “wildfire mitigation area” and dispense with the tiered severity zones. Residents and developers in a wildfire mitigation area would be required to follow the same fire hardening precautions, whereas currently the precautions vary according to the degree of assessed hazard.Supporters say the move would create a more consistent standard with one process for approval. They say it would also allow for more public input and ensure that all development in fire-prone areas meets minimum safety requirements. “While there are a lot of technical pieces to this, and a lot of thoughts and opinions, I truly believe that our ability to create a single wildfire code and apply it consistently in those areas that are at a hazard for wildfires will make a difference,” said Daniel Berlant, the state fire marshal. Aggressive and impactful reporting on climate change, the environment, health and science. Many residents are familiar with the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection’s fire hazard severity designations, which were established in the 1980s in the wake of large, deadly fires. Hazard assignments are determined by factors such as vegetation, terrain, climate, and the potential for wind to cause a major wildfire to spread. Purchasing or building property in hazard areas can come with certain requirements, such as the need to maintain defensible space or conduct annual brush clearance. The zones also govern rules for new developments such as roofing standards, siding materials, setbacks and parking. But opponents of SB 610 say the plan to abolish hazard rankings is a thinly veiled effort to increase housing development in high-risk areas. They say the bill would wrest authority from local governments that have jurisdiction over their own fire hazard maps and consolidate it in the hands of the state fire marshal. A worker cuts lumber to remove fire debris and hazardous trees after the Caldor fire in 2022. (Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times) “This bill would put more people in harm’s way by making it easier to build in high-risk fire zones,” said J.P. Rose, a policy director and senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity. “It’s disappointing that while scientists are sounding the alarm about further developing in these areas, our politicians are bowing to building industry pressure with this short-sighted bill.” Rose recently penned a letter on behalf of a coalition of more than 90 environmental, housing and land use organizations that called on Gov. Gavin Newsom to reconsider his support of the measure. Among other criticisms, they said the bill is at odds with the governor’s own Strike Force on Addressing Wildfire Risk — a 2019 document that urges California to begin to “deprioritize new development in areas of the most extreme fire risk.” The bill was introduced in June by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), who has made headlines for bold and at times controversial housing policies. (The Times once described him as the “patron saint” of California’s YIMBY — yes in my backyard — housing movement.) The bill’s backers include the California Building Industry Assn., the Housing Action Coalition and Yimby Action, according to the legislature’s bill analysis.Reached by phone, Wiener said the current fire mapping system is an “absolute mess” that is outdated and overly complicated. He said that among other issues, existing hazard designations are divided between state responsibility areas — or the roughly 30 million acres for which the state has oversight — and local responsibility areas, such as the fire hazard severity zones designated by the city of Los Angeles. While the state last updated its hazard maps in 2022, many local responsibility areas haven’t seen updates since 2007. The result is a hodgepodge of rules and processes that can be applied haphazardly or for ulterior motives, he said.“If a city weaponizes the maps by classifying areas that are low-risk as high-risk, that could absolutely make it hard or even impossible, or unfeasible, to build housing in that area,” he said. “That’s why we want to make it actually based on facts and science, and not on what a city council politically decides to do.” Although opponents of the bill say its intent is to increase development in high-risk areas, Wiener said this was not the case. The proposed bill doesn’t dictate where people can build — just like the existing system doesn’t ban development in high-risk fire zones — but it will ensure high fire protection standards for all buildings in the wildfire mitigation area, he said.A fact sheet about the bill published by Wiener’s office also noted that the local mapping process lacks a public comment component and is not subject to statewide oversight or enforcement. The city of Glendale hires goats to munch dry vegetation and potential wildfire fuel on city property. (Christina House/Los Angeles Times) SB 610 has been endorsed by people who “put their lives on the line to fight fires,” Wiener said. Cal Fire’s deputy director of community wildfire preparedness and mitigation, Frank Bigelow, spoke in favor of the it during a July hearing in the state Assembly. “We recognize that this is a significant shift in structure, but I want to emphasize that this bill would not reduce mitigations at all,” Bigelow said. “At its core, Senate Bill 610 is about making homes more resilient in areas of elevated fire hazard.”Berlant, the state fire marshal, said he also believes the legislation will make communities safer and the process more clear. The single state designation would likely result in more areas falling under a fire hazard designation, not fewer, he said. “What [SB] 610 looks to do is really shift how we adopt the map,” Berlant said. “The reason we’re collapsing the tiers into one area is that we’re inconsistently, already today, applying mitigations to those three tiers.” And while Wiener said the bill is not intended to address the state’s insurance crisis — which has seen major companies flee the state due to worsening fires — Berlant said the proposal aligns with the insurance industry’s best practices, and with the California Department of Insurance’s Safer From Wildfires framework. Critics, however, remain unswayed. The proposal is “true insanity,” said Dan Silver, executive director of the Endangered Habitats League. Silver said the goal of expediting fire-adapted development, as outlined in Wiener’s fact sheet, will not render communities safer. “Studies show just the opposite, and evacuation is a critical factor that the bill does not even consider,” he said. In fact, the coalition pointed to an analysis of the deadly 2018 Camp fire in Paradise, which found that 56% of homes built to current fire codes were destroyed. Similarly, a vast majority of structures damaged by the 2017 Thomas fire in Ventura had fire-resistant roofs and exterior siding.Advocates for local government also remain concerned. In its own letter about the bill, the California League of Cities acknowledged the need for improvements in the local mapping process, but expressed reservations about the total transfer of authority to the state fire marshal. “Cal Cities believes local agencies must maintain their existing authorities to make wildfire-related designations within their jurisdictions and the new regulations must incorporate local agency expertise into the new wildfire mitigation area regulations,” the letter says.Illese Buckley Weber, the mayor of Agoura Hills, said in a phone call that there is currently a lot of development underway at the base of the Santa Monica Mountains, and that local officials should continue to have a say about fire hazard designations in the area. Agoura Hills lost several structures to the Woolsey fire in 2019. “The city wants to retain local control — all cities do,” Buckley Weber said. “We feel that we are the best to evaluate what are the best areas for development in our city.”With just three weeks left in the legislative session, Buckley Weber said it would be “premature” to approve the bill without adequate discussion. SB 610 could see some amendments based on stakeholder feedback. “I understand and respect that Sacramento does things for the entire state,” Buckley Weber said. “But on a lot of these issues, one size does not fit all — and this is one of them.”

Senate Bill 610 seeks to repeal current rules that classify state and local lands into 'moderate,' 'high' and 'very high' fire hazard severity zones.

A legislative proposal to overhaul California’s decades-old wildfire mapping system is generating intense debate, with critics saying it threatens to fundamentally reshape the state’s fire and housing policies and increase development in fire-prone areas.

Senate Bill 610 seeks to repeal current rules that classify state and local lands into “moderate,” “high” and “very high” fire hazard severity zones — a process that rates areas based on their probability of burning, which in turn influences development patterns and building safety standards.

The legislation would instead empower the state fire marshal to designate lands as a “wildfire mitigation area” and dispense with the tiered severity zones. Residents and developers in a wildfire mitigation area would be required to follow the same fire hardening precautions, whereas currently the precautions vary according to the degree of assessed hazard.

Supporters say the move would create a more consistent standard with one process for approval. They say it would also allow for more public input and ensure that all development in fire-prone areas meets minimum safety requirements.

“While there are a lot of technical pieces to this, and a lot of thoughts and opinions, I truly believe that our ability to create a single wildfire code and apply it consistently in those areas that are at a hazard for wildfires will make a difference,” said Daniel Berlant, the state fire marshal.

Aggressive and impactful reporting on climate change, the environment, health and science.

Many residents are familiar with the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection’s fire hazard severity designations, which were established in the 1980s in the wake of large, deadly fires.

Hazard assignments are determined by factors such as vegetation, terrain, climate, and the potential for wind to cause a major wildfire to spread. Purchasing or building property in hazard areas can come with certain requirements, such as the need to maintain defensible space or conduct annual brush clearance. The zones also govern rules for new developments such as roofing standards, siding materials, setbacks and parking.

But opponents of SB 610 say the plan to abolish hazard rankings is a thinly veiled effort to increase housing development in high-risk areas. They say the bill would wrest authority from local governments that have jurisdiction over their own fire hazard maps and consolidate it in the hands of the state fire marshal.

A man walks on a felled tree that was scorched by fire.

A worker cuts lumber to remove fire debris and hazardous trees after the Caldor fire in 2022.

(Francine Orr/Los Angeles Times)

“This bill would put more people in harm’s way by making it easier to build in high-risk fire zones,” said J.P. Rose, a policy director and senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity. “It’s disappointing that while scientists are sounding the alarm about further developing in these areas, our politicians are bowing to building industry pressure with this short-sighted bill.”

Rose recently penned a letter on behalf of a coalition of more than 90 environmental, housing and land use organizations that called on Gov. Gavin Newsom to reconsider his support of the measure. Among other criticisms, they said the bill is at odds with the governor’s own Strike Force on Addressing Wildfire Risk — a 2019 document that urges California to begin to “deprioritize new development in areas of the most extreme fire risk.”

The bill was introduced in June by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), who has made headlines for bold and at times controversial housing policies. (The Times once described him as the “patron saint” of California’s YIMBY — yes in my backyard — housing movement.) The bill’s backers include the California Building Industry Assn., the Housing Action Coalition and Yimby Action, according to the legislature’s bill analysis.

Reached by phone, Wiener said the current fire mapping system is an “absolute mess” that is outdated and overly complicated.

He said that among other issues, existing hazard designations are divided between state responsibility areas — or the roughly 30 million acres for which the state has oversight — and local responsibility areas, such as the fire hazard severity zones designated by the city of Los Angeles.

While the state last updated its hazard maps in 2022, many local responsibility areas haven’t seen updates since 2007. The result is a hodgepodge of rules and processes that can be applied haphazardly or for ulterior motives, he said.

“If a city weaponizes the maps by classifying areas that are low-risk as high-risk, that could absolutely make it hard or even impossible, or unfeasible, to build housing in that area,” he said. “That’s why we want to make it actually based on facts and science, and not on what a city council politically decides to do.”

Although opponents of the bill say its intent is to increase development in high-risk areas, Wiener said this was not the case. The proposed bill doesn’t dictate where people can build — just like the existing system doesn’t ban development in high-risk fire zones — but it will ensure high fire protection standards for all buildings in the wildfire mitigation area, he said.

A fact sheet about the bill published by Wiener’s office also noted that the local mapping process lacks a public comment component and is not subject to statewide oversight or enforcement.

Many goats stand on a hillside.

The city of Glendale hires goats to munch dry vegetation and potential wildfire fuel on city property.

(Christina House/Los Angeles Times)

SB 610 has been endorsed by people who “put their lives on the line to fight fires,” Wiener said. Cal Fire’s deputy director of community wildfire preparedness and mitigation, Frank Bigelow, spoke in favor of the it during a July hearing in the state Assembly.

“We recognize that this is a significant shift in structure, but I want to emphasize that this bill would not reduce mitigations at all,” Bigelow said. “At its core, Senate Bill 610 is about making homes more resilient in areas of elevated fire hazard.”

Berlant, the state fire marshal, said he also believes the legislation will make communities safer and the process more clear. The single state designation would likely result in more areas falling under a fire hazard designation, not fewer, he said.

“What [SB] 610 looks to do is really shift how we adopt the map,” Berlant said. “The reason we’re collapsing the tiers into one area is that we’re inconsistently, already today, applying mitigations to those three tiers.”

And while Wiener said the bill is not intended to address the state’s insurance crisis — which has seen major companies flee the state due to worsening fires — Berlant said the proposal aligns with the insurance industry’s best practices, and with the California Department of Insurance’s Safer From Wildfires framework.

Critics, however, remain unswayed.

The proposal is “true insanity,” said Dan Silver, executive director of the Endangered Habitats League.

Silver said the goal of expediting fire-adapted development, as outlined in Wiener’s fact sheet, will not render communities safer.

“Studies show just the opposite, and evacuation is a critical factor that the bill does not even consider,” he said.

In fact, the coalition pointed to an analysis of the deadly 2018 Camp fire in Paradise, which found that 56% of homes built to current fire codes were destroyed. Similarly, a vast majority of structures damaged by the 2017 Thomas fire in Ventura had fire-resistant roofs and exterior siding.

Advocates for local government also remain concerned.

In its own letter about the bill, the California League of Cities acknowledged the need for improvements in the local mapping process, but expressed reservations about the total transfer of authority to the state fire marshal.

“Cal Cities believes local agencies must maintain their existing authorities to make wildfire-related designations within their jurisdictions and the new regulations must incorporate local agency expertise into the new wildfire mitigation area regulations,” the letter says.

Illese Buckley Weber, the mayor of Agoura Hills, said in a phone call that there is currently a lot of development underway at the base of the Santa Monica Mountains, and that local officials should continue to have a say about fire hazard designations in the area. Agoura Hills lost several structures to the Woolsey fire in 2019.

“The city wants to retain local control — all cities do,” Buckley Weber said. “We feel that we are the best to evaluate what are the best areas for development in our city.”

With just three weeks left in the legislative session, Buckley Weber said it would be “premature” to approve the bill without adequate discussion. SB 610 could see some amendments based on stakeholder feedback.

“I understand and respect that Sacramento does things for the entire state,” Buckley Weber said. “But on a lot of these issues, one size does not fit all — and this is one of them.”

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Fire Disrupts UN Climate Talks Just as Negotiators Reach Critical Final Days

Fire has disrupted United Nations climate talks, forcing evacuations of several buildings with just two scheduled days left and negotiators yet to announce any major agreements

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — Fire disrupted United Nations climate talks in Brazil on Thursday, forcing evacuations of several buildings with just two scheduled days left and negotiators yet to announce any major agreements. Officials said no one was hurt.The fire was reported in an area of pavilions where sideline events are held during the annual talks, known this year as COP30. Organizers soon announced that the fire was under control, but fire officials ordered the entire site evacuated for safety checks and it wasn't clear when conference business would resume.Viliami Vainga Tone, with the Tonga delegation, had just come out of a high-level ministerial meeting when dozens of people came thundering past him shouting about the fire. He was among people pushed out of the venue by Brazilian and United Nations security forces.Tone called time the most precious resource at COP and said he was disappointed it's even shorter due to the fire.“We have to keep up our optimism. There is always tomorrow, if not the remainder of today. But at least we have a full day tomorrow,” Tone told The Associated Press.A few hours before the fire, U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres urged countries to compromise and “show willingness and flexibility to deliver results,” even if they fall short of the strongest measures some nations want.“We are down to the wire and the world is watching Belem,” Guterres said, asking negotiators to engage in good faith in the last two scheduled days of talks, which already missed a self-imposed deadline Wednesday for progress on a few key issues. The conference, with this year's edition known as COP30, frequently runs longer than its scheduled two weeks.“Communities on the front lines are watching, too — counting flooded homes, failed harvests, lost livelihoods — and asking, ‘how much more must we suffer?’” Guterres said. "They’ve heard enough excuses and demand results.” On contentious issues involving more detailed plans to phase out fossil fuels and financial aid to poorer countries, Guterres said he was “perfectly convinced” that compromise was possible and dismissed the idea that not adopting the strongest measures would be a failure.Guterres was more forceful in what he wanted rich countries to do for poor countries, especially those in need of tens of billions of dollars to adapt to the floods, droughts, storms and heat waves triggered by worsening climate change. He continued calls to triple adaptation finance from $40 billion a year to $120 billion a year.“No delegation will leave Belem with everything it wants, but every delegation has a duty to reach a balanced deal,” Guterres said.“Every country, especially the big emitters, must do more,” Guterres said.Delivering overall financial aid — with an agreed goal of $300 billion a year — is one of four interconnected issues that were initially excluded from the official agenda. The other three are: whether countries should be told to toughen their new climate plans; dealing with trade barriers over climate and improving reporting on transparency and climate progress.More than 80 countries have pushed for a detailed “road map” on how to transition away from fossil fuels, like coal, oil and natural gas, which are the chief cause of warming. That was a general but vague agreement two years ago at the COP in Dubai. Guterres kept referring to it as already being agreed to in Dubai, but did not commit to a detailed plan, which Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva pushed for earlier in a speech.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.This story was produced as part of the 2025 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organized by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and Security.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

Engineered microbes could tackle climate change – if we ensure it’s done safely

Engineering microbes to soak up more carbon, boost crop yields and restore former farmland is appealing. But synthetic biology fixes must be done thoughtfully

Yuji Sakai/GettyAs the climate crisis accelerates, there’s a desperate need to rapidly reduce carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere, both by slashing emissions and by pulling carbon out of the air. Synthetic biology has emerged as a particularly promising approach. Despite the name, synthetic biology isn’t about creating new life from scratch. Rather, it uses engineering principles to build new biological components for existing microorganisms such as bacteria, microbes and fungi to make them better at specific tasks. By one recent estimate, synthetic biology could cut more carbon than emitted by all passenger cars ever made – up to 30 billion tonnes – through methods such as boosting crop yields, restoring agricultural land, cutting livestock methane emissions, reducing the need for fertiliser, producing biofuels and engineering microbes to store more carbon. According to some synthetic biologists, this could be a game-changer. But will it prove to be? Technological efforts to “solve” the climate problem often verge on the improbably utopian. There’s a risk in seeing synthetic biology as a silver bullet for environmental problems. A more realistic approach suggests synthetic biology isn’t a magic fix, but does have real potential worth exploring further. Engineering microorganisms is a controversial practice. To make the most of these technologies, researchers will have to ensure it’s done safely and ethically, as my research points out. What potential does synthetic biology have? Earth’s oceans, forests, soils and other natural processes soak up over half of all carbon emitted by burning fossil fuels. Synthetic biology could make these natural sinks even more effective. Some researchers are exploring ways to modify natural enzymes to rapidly convert carbon dioxide gas into carbon in rocks. Perhaps the best known example is the use of precision fermentation to cut methane emissions from livestock. Because methane is a much more potent greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide, these emissions account for roughly 12% of total warming potential from greenhouse emissions. Bioengineered yeasts could absorb up to 98% of these emissions. After being eaten by cattle or other ruminants these yeasts block production of methane before it can be belched out. Synthetic biology could even drastically reduce how much farmland the world needs by producing food more efficiently. Engineered soil microbes can boost crop yields at least by 10–20%, meaning more food from less land. Precision fermentation can be used to produce clean meat and clean milk with much lower emissions than traditional farming. Engineered microbes have the potential to boost crop yields considerably. Collab Media/Unsplash, CC BY-NC-ND If farms produce more on less land, excess farmland can be returned to nature. Wetlands, forests and native grasslands can store much more carbon than farmland, helping tackle climate change. Synthetic biology can be used to modify microbe and algae species to increase their natural ability to store carbon in wetlands and oceans. This approach is known as natural geoengineering. Engineered crops and soil microbes can also lock away much more carbon in the roots of crops or by increasing soil storage capacity. They can also reduce methane emissions from organic matter and tackle pollutants such as fertiliser runoff and heavy metals. Sounds great – what’s the problem? As researchers have pointed out, using this approach will require a rollout at massive scale. At present, much work has been done at smaller scale. These engineered organisms need to be able to go from Petri dishes to industrial bioreactors and then safely into the environment. To scale, these approaches have to be economically viable, well regulated and socially acceptable. That’s easier said than done. First, engineering organisms comes with the serious risk of unintended consequences. If these customised microbes release their stored carbon all at once during a drought or bushfire, it could worsen climate change. It would be very difficult to control these organisms if a problem emerges after their release, such as if an engineered microbe began outcompeting its rivals or if synthetic genes spread beyond the target species and do unintended damage to other species and ecosystems. It will be essential to tackle these issues head on with robust risk management and forward planning. Second, synthetic biology approaches will likely become products. To make these organisms cheaply and gain market share, biotech companies will have an incentive to focus on immediate profits. This could lead companies to downplay actual risks to protect their profit margins. Regulation will be essential here. Third, some worthwhile approaches may not appeal to companies seeking a return on investment. Instead, governments or public institutions may have to develop them to benefit plants, animals and natural habitats, given human existence rests on healthy ecosystems. Which way forward? These issues shouldn’t stop researchers from testing out these technologies. But these risks must be taken into account, as not all risks are equal. Unchecked climate change would be much worse, as it could lead to societal collapse, large-scale climate migration and mass species extinction. Large scale removal of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere is now essential. In the face of catastrophic risks, it can be ethically justifiable to take the smaller risk of unintended consequences from these organisms. But it’s far less justifiable if these same risks are accepted to secure financial returns for private investors. As time passes and the climate crisis intensifies, these technologies will look more and more appealing. Synthetic biology won’t be the silver bullet many imagine it to be, and it’s unlikely it will be the gold mine many hope for. But the technology has undeniable promise. Used thoughtfully and ethically, it could help us make a healthier planet for all living species. Daniele Fulvi receives funding from the ARC Centre of Excellence in Synthetic Biology, and his current project investigates the ethical dimensions of synthetic biology for climate mitigation. He also received a small grant from the Advanced Engineering Biology Future Science Platform at CSIRO. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and are not necessarily those of the Australian Government or the Australian Research Council.

Exclusive-Europe Plans Service to Gauge Climate Change Role in Extreme Weather

By Alison Withers and Kate AbnettCOPENHAGEN (Reuters) -The EU is launching a service to measure the role climate change is playing in extreme...

By Alison Withers and Kate AbnettCOPENHAGEN (Reuters) -The EU is launching a service to measure the role climate change is playing in extreme weather events like heatwaves and extreme rain, and experts say this could help governments set climate policy, improve financial risk assessments and provide evidence for use in lawsuits.Scientists with the EU's Copernicus Climate Change Service told Reuters the service can help governments in weighing the physical risks posed by worsening weather and setting policy in response. "It's the demand of understanding when an extreme event happens, how is this related to climate change?" said the new service's technical lead, Freja Vamborg.The European Commission did not immediately respond to a Reuters request for comment.The service will perform attribution science, which involves running computer simulations of how weather systems might have behaved if people had never started pumping greenhouse gases into the air and then comparing those results with what is happening today.Funded for about 2.5 million euros over three years, Copernicus will publish results by the end of next year and offer two assessments a month - each within a week of an extreme weather event.For the first time, "there will be an attribution office operating constantly," said Carlo Buontempo, director of Copernicus Climate Change Service. "Climate policy is unfortunately again a very polarized topic," said Friederike Otto, a climate scientist at Imperial College London who helped to pioneer the scientific approach but is not involved in the new EU service. She welcomed the service's plans to partner with national weather services of EU members along with the UK Met and the Red Cross Red Crescent Climate Centre."From that point of view, it also helps if the governments do it themselves and just see themselves really the evidence from their own weather services," Otto said. Some independent climate scientists and lawyers cheered the EU move. "We want to have the most information available," said senior attorney Erika Lennon at the non-profit Center for International Environmental Law."The more information we have about attribution science, the easier it will be for the most impacted to be able to successfully bring claims to courts."By calculating probabilities of climate change impacting weather patterns, the approach also helps insurance companies and others in the financial sector.In a way, "they're already using it" with in-house teams calculating probabilities for floods or storms, said environmental scientist Johan Rockstroem with the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research."Financial institutions understand risk and risk has to be quantified, and this is one way of quantifying," Rockstroem said.In litigation, attribution science is also being used already in calculating how much a country's or company's emissions may have contributed to climate-fuelled disasters.The International Court of Justice said in July that attribution science is legally viable for linking emissions with climate extremes - but it has yet to fully be tested in court. A German court in May dismissed a Peruvian farmer's lawsuit against German utility RWE for emissions-driven warming causing Andean glaciers to thaw. The case had used attribution science in calculating the damage claim, but the court said the claim amount was too low to take the case forward.So "the court never got to discussing attribution science in detail and going into whether the climate models are good enough, and all of these complex and thorny questions," said Noah Walker-Crawford, a climate litigation researcher at the London School of Economics. (Reporting by Ali Withers in Copenhagen and Kate Abnett in Belem, Brazil; Writing by Katy Daigle; Editing by David Gregorio)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

Billionaire hedge fund founder Tom Steyer is running for governor

Billionaire hedge fund founder, climate change warrior and major Democratic donor Tom Steyer is running for governor. Fossil fuel and migrant detention facility investments will likely draw attacks from his fellow Democrats.

Billionaire hedge fund founder Tom Steyer announced Wednesday that he is running for governor of California, arguing that he is not beholden to special interests and can take on corporations that are making life unaffordable in the state.“The richest people in America think that they earned everything themselves. Bulls—, man. That’s so ridiculous,” Steyer said in an online video announcing his campaign. “We have a broken government. It’s been bought by corporations and my question is: Who do you think is going to change that? Sacramento politicians are afraid to change up this system. I’m not. They’re going to hate this. Bring it on.” Protesters hold placards and banners during a rally against Whitehaven Coal in Sydney in 2014. Dozens of protesters and activists gathered downtown to protest against the controversial massive Maules Creek coal mine project in northern New South Wales. (Saeed Khan / AFP/Getty Images) Steyer, 68, founded Farallon Capital Management, one of the nation’s largest hedge funds, and left it in 2012 after 26 years. Since his departure, he has become a global environmental activist and a major donor to Democratic candidates and causes. But the hedge firm’s investments — notably a giant coal mine in Australia that cleared 3,700 acres of koala habitat and a company that runs migrant detention centers on the U.S.-Mexico border for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement — will make him susceptible to political attack by his gubernatorial rivals. Steyer has expressed regret for his involvement in such projects, saying it was why he left Farallon and started focusing his energy on fighting climate change. Democratic presidential candidate Tom Steyer addresses a crowd during a presidential primary election-night party in Columbia, S.C. (Sean Rayford / Getty Images) Steyer previously flirted with running for governor and the U.S. Senate but decided against it, instead opting to run for president in 2020. He dropped out after spending nearly $342 million on his campaign, which gained little traction before he ended his run after the South Carolina primary.Next year’s gubernatorial race is in flux, after former Vice President Kamala Harris and Sen. Alex Padilla decided not to run and Proposition 50, the successful Democratic effort to redraw congressional districts, consumed all of the political oxygen during an off-year election.Most voters are undecided about who they would like to replace Gov. Gavin Newsom, who cannot run for reelection because of term limits, according to a poll released this month by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies and co-sponsored by The Times. Steyer had the support of 1% of voters in the survey. In recent years, Steyer has been a longtime benefactor of progressive causes, most recently spending $12 million to support the redistricting ballot measure. But when he was the focus of one of the ads, rumors spiraled that he was considering a run for governor.In prior California ballot initiatives, Steyer successfully supported efforts to close a corporate tax loophole and to raise tobacco taxes, and fought oil-industry-backed efforts to roll back environmental law.His campaign platform is to build 1 million homes in four years, lower energy costs by ending monopolies, make preschool and community college free and ban corporate contributions to political action committees in California elections.Steyer’s brother Jim, the leader of Common Sense Media, and former Biden administration U.S. Surgeon General Vivek Murthy are aiming to put an initiative on next year’s ballot to protect children from social media, specifically the chatbots that have been accused of prompting young people to kill themselves. Newsom recently vetoed a bill aimed at addressing this artificial intelligence issue.

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