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A casino project sparks conflict over tribal sovereignty and control of sacred lands

News Feed
Tuesday, July 23, 2024

VALLEJO, Calif. —  The Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation and the Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians hail from neighboring lands that stretch from the vineyards of wine country to the redwood forests of Northern California. Their ancestors spoke different languages, but for generations communicated through the universal gestures of dance. And both tribes have persevered despite a history of violence at the hands of outsiders and their forced removal from territory they’ve called home for centuries.Now, a dispute over a casino has driven a wedge between the two tribes and raised questions about the U.S. government’s approach to making amends for stealing their lands and threatening their cultures.At the center of the argument is a 128-acre hillside parcel in Solano County near the tidal flats of San Pablo Bay, a 45-minute drive from San Francisco. The 128-acre parcel where the Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians wants to build a $700-million casino resort in Vallejo, east of San Francisco. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times) The Scotts Valley Band wants the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs to place the land into a federal trust, which would allow the tribe and investors who own the property to build a $700-million casino resort on it. The Trump administration in 2019 rejected the request to place the land into trust on the grounds that Scotts Valley had not established a sufficient historical connection to the parcel to warrant approval. But in 2022, a federal judge overturned that decision, saying the government overstepped its authority and based its determination on faulty reasoning.Now the Yocha Dehe Nation accuses the Biden administration of reviving the project without seriously considering its opposition to the plan.Yocha Dehe leaders insist the property falls within the traditional homeland of their Patwin ancestors and that the tribe should have a say in what happens on the parcel.“It’s a bit disrespectful to have a tribe come from 90-plus miles away to develop something in our homeland,” says Yocha Dehe Tribal Chairman Anthony Roberts.Scotts Valley Tribal Vice Chairman Jesse Gonzalez disputed the Yocha Dehe tribe’s characterization of the project, saying his people have always been transparent about their goals for the land and the reasons why they are justified in building on the parcel.“For generations, our people have faced significant hardships, including the loss of our ancestral lands, making us one of the few landless Indian tribes in the United States,” Gonzalez said by email. “This project represents a transformative opportunity to reverse this history, allowing our Tribe to reestablish a homeland and build a sustainable future for our members.”The Scotts Valley project promises to become one of the most high-profile landmarks in the North Bay. Plans call for an eight-story gaming complex with a casino that would be open 24 hours a day, seven days a week, along with restaurants, an events ballroom and an adjacent development with 24 single-family homes and a tribal administration building. The project also sets aside 45 acres as a biological preserve.The casino would create an estimated 3,640 full-time jobs — a boon to a county that has the highest rate of people living below the federal poverty line in the Bay Area, according to data collected by the county. Farmland of the Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation in Brooks, Calif. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times) A spokesman from the Bureau of Indian Affairs assistant secretary’s office said the agency had no further comment about the project beyond the one-page email it sent The Times confirming that the 30-day public comment period for an environmental impact review is underway. Yocha Dehe Tribal Treasurer Leland Kinter, 48, said his biggest regret, besides what he sees as an air of secrecy around the project, is that his tribe and the leaders of the Scotts Valley tribe have not had meaningful contact in years because of the dispute.To show solidarity, he said, the Yocha Dehe nation once offered financial assistance to the Scotts Valley tribe if they agreed to build on a more culturally appropriate site.“We have not talked to them since that time,” Kinter said. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times) On a recent morning, Roberts and Kinter surveyed the proposed casino site from a parking lot by the junction of Interstate 80 and California 37.Craggy outcroppings rise from the golden slopes and oak groves of a hill where cows graze on a solitary ranch. Grooves in the hillside squiggle down toward a pasture and bike path at its base. Kinter and Roberts said the indentations are streambeds that their Patwin ancestors committed to memory for when they needed water. Tribe messengers, known as runners, would have spent their days sprinting over hills and ridges like these from one village to another, they said, while miners would have quarried rock from the hill to make stone mortars and other tools.Roberts, 52, can’t see how such a massive development wouldn’t desecrate what is to his people a sacred and historically rich locale. And he wonders how the project appears to be moving forward with limited input from his tribe or the general public.The Solano County Board of Supervisors, members of California’s congressional delegation and other leaders have also voiced opposition to the Scotts Valley Band’s attempts to build a casino in the area over the years.U.S. District Court Judge Amy Berman Jackson wrote in her opinion supporting the Scotts Valley Band that the whole reason for the Indian gaming law is to give dispossessed tribes “some semblance of the status they enjoyed before, with the opportunity to sustain themselves economically.” But the Yocha Dehe leaders question why Scotts Valley has sought to use a special provision in the law that allows a federally recognized tribe to construct a casino outside its traditional home base — provided it can show both a modern-day link and a “significant” historical connection to the parcel it wants to build on.Roberts said Scotts Valley cannot meet that threshold. The Yocha Dehe’s ancient connection to Solano County is evident in many ways, Roberts said. The tribe has been involved in efforts across the North Bay to identify and properly handle Patwin burial grounds, human remains, ancient relics and mounds where ancestors who lived near the shoreline piled their discarded mollusk shells. The men said they are certain that the casino parcel contains unearthed cultural items too. Near the Solano County Superior Court in Fairfield stands a statue of Chief Solano a leader of the Suisunes, a Patwin people of the Suisun Bay region of Northern California. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times) The county’s namesake is Patwin Suisun leader Sem-Yeto, who was given the name of the Spanish missionary Francisco Solano at his baptism. A 12-foot statue of Chief Solano raising his hand stands outside an events center in the county seat of Fairfield. Several towns in the county are phonetically tied to Patwin villages — Suisun, Soscol, Ulatis and Putah — according to the county’s official homepage.The tribe recently led an effort with the Solano Land Trust to change the name of 1,500-acre Rockville Hills Regional Park to Patwino Worrtla Kodoi Dihi — meaning “Southern Rock Home of the Patwin people.”For Roberts, the casino dispute is about more than Indian gaming rights and capitalism. Yocha Dehe operates its own successful casino, golf resort and large-scale farm farther north in the Capay Valley, near the city of Brooks.It’s about the ability of a people to assert their culture and influence in a state where Indigenous societies were once at risk of erasure.The casino disagreement comes as landless tribes and tribes on reservations make strides toward reclaiming and co-managing stolen territory in California.Oakland’s Indigenous-woman-led Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and members of the Confederated Villages of Lisjan Nation recently held a celebration to mark their preservation of a 2.2-acre sacred site known as the West Berkeley Shellmound.On the fifth anniversary of his apology to Indigenous Californians for the injustices they’ve endured, Gov. Gavin Newsom recently announced the state would help the Shasta Indian Nation reclaim 2,800 acres of its ancestral land as part of historic Klamath River dam and reservoir removals near the border with Oregon.The Yocha Dehe tribe’s advocacy helped to secure the recent expansion of Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument by President Biden and the renaming of a sacred mountain within the monument to Molok Luyuk — Patwin for “Condor Ridge” — in honor of the endangered bird’s importance in tribal beliefs.Gonzalez says his tribe’s presence in the area is also well documented, and his ancestors ceded the land in an unratified 1851 treaty.“The United States sought this land from our ancestors because of their long-standing presence and use of the area,” Gonzalez said. “In fact, the federal government acknowledged and determined that Scotts Valley’s ancestors possessed the authority to cede the land.” A view of Clear Lake. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times) The Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians headquarters is located to the west of Patwin territory in Lake County, near where one of the most horrific acts of violence committed against Indigenous people in U.S. history took place.On Reclamation Road, a small historical marker beside Clear Lake recalls the Bloody Island Massacre at Bo-no-po-ti. On May 15, 1850, the U.S. Cavalry, aided by vigilantes, murdered scores of Pomo people, most of them women and children, on the false suspicion that they were involved in the killing of two white settlers.Such aggressions forced Pomos to disperse far from the lake, including to the North Bay. Arguing its case for the casino in court documents, Scotts Valley noted that one of the most important ancestors of the present-day band, Chief Augustine, was baptized at a mission a short distance from Vallejo in Sonoma.Augustine and other displaced Pomos toiled as forced laborers in the area — tending farm animals, herding cattle to slaughter at San Pablo Bay and building adobe houses in Sonoma. Most eventually made their way back to Clear Lake. The site of the Bloody Island Massacre, a mass killing of indigenous Californians in 1850 by the U.S. Cavalry at Clear Lake in Lake County. (Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times) Both the Pomo and Patwin people suffered further indignities in the 20th century after the U.S. designated small reservations for them, only to reverse course and strip them of those lands and their federally recognized status in the 1950s and ’60s. The tribes had to fight through the courts to win back their federal recognition, a legal status required for lands to be placed in trust for them to build on.This cycle of governmental theft, recompense and reinjury lives on, the federal judge said in her 2022 ruling.In rebuffing Scotts Valley, the Trump administration “failed to grapple with the inescapable historical fact that Scotts Valley was a tribe that had its recognition and land stripped away by the federal government and its people scattered to the winds,” Berman Jackson wrote.Roberts and Kinter don’t dispute that the Scotts Valley Pomo people deserve justice for the atrocities and land seizures. But while Berman Jackson rejected the idea that the casino would disadvantage the Yocha Dehe, its leaders counter that the casino project represents an instance of the U.S. unfairly infringing on the sovereignty of one tribe in order to atone for injustices committed against another. “Two wrongs don’t make a right,” they said.“The Pomo people have their own story that centers around the lake — it’s a very vibrant history,” Kinter said. “The history here is ours.”

A dispute over a California mega casino has divided two tribes and raised questions over U.S. government attempts to make amends for the theft of sacred lands.

VALLEJO, Calif. — 

The Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation and the Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians hail from neighboring lands that stretch from the vineyards of wine country to the redwood forests of Northern California.

Their ancestors spoke different languages, but for generations communicated through the universal gestures of dance. And both tribes have persevered despite a history of violence at the hands of outsiders and their forced removal from territory they’ve called home for centuries.

Now, a dispute over a casino has driven a wedge between the two tribes and raised questions about the U.S. government’s approach to making amends for stealing their lands and threatening their cultures.

At the center of the argument is a 128-acre hillside parcel in Solano County near the tidal flats of San Pablo Bay, a 45-minute drive from San Francisco.

The 128-acre parcel where the Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians wants to build a $700-million casino resort in Vallejo

The 128-acre parcel where the Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians wants to build a $700-million casino resort in Vallejo, east of San Francisco.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

The Scotts Valley Band wants the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs to place the land into a federal trust, which would allow the tribe and investors who own the property to build a $700-million casino resort on it.

The Trump administration in 2019 rejected the request to place the land into trust on the grounds that Scotts Valley had not established a sufficient historical connection to the parcel to warrant approval. But in 2022, a federal judge overturned that decision, saying the government overstepped its authority and based its determination on faulty reasoning.

Now the Yocha Dehe Nation accuses the Biden administration of reviving the project without seriously considering its opposition to the plan.

Yocha Dehe leaders insist the property falls within the traditional homeland of their Patwin ancestors and that the tribe should have a say in what happens on the parcel.

“It’s a bit disrespectful to have a tribe come from 90-plus miles away to develop something in our homeland,” says Yocha Dehe Tribal Chairman Anthony Roberts.

Scotts Valley Tribal Vice Chairman Jesse Gonzalez disputed the Yocha Dehe tribe’s characterization of the project, saying his people have always been transparent about their goals for the land and the reasons why they are justified in building on the parcel.

“For generations, our people have faced significant hardships, including the loss of our ancestral lands, making us one of the few landless Indian tribes in the United States,” Gonzalez said by email. “This project represents a transformative opportunity to reverse this history, allowing our Tribe to reestablish a homeland and build a sustainable future for our members.”

The Scotts Valley project promises to become one of the most high-profile landmarks in the North Bay. Plans call for an eight-story gaming complex with a casino that would be open 24 hours a day, seven days a week, along with restaurants, an events ballroom and an adjacent development with 24 single-family homes and a tribal administration building. The project also sets aside 45 acres as a biological preserve.

The casino would create an estimated 3,640 full-time jobs — a boon to a county that has the highest rate of people living below the federal poverty line in the Bay Area, according to data collected by the county.

Farmland of the Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation in Brooks, Calif.

Farmland of the Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation in Brooks, Calif.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

A spokesman from the Bureau of Indian Affairs assistant secretary’s office said the agency had no further comment about the project beyond the one-page email it sent The Times confirming that the 30-day public comment period for an environmental impact review is underway.

Yocha Dehe Tribal Treasurer Leland Kinter, 48, said his biggest regret, besides what he sees as an air of secrecy around the project, is that his tribe and the leaders of the Scotts Valley tribe have not had meaningful contact in years because of the dispute.

To show solidarity, he said, the Yocha Dehe nation once offered financial assistance to the Scotts Valley tribe if they agreed to build on a more culturally appropriate site.

“We have not talked to them since that time,” Kinter said.

Anthony Roberts, tribal chairman of the Yocha Dehe Wintun Nation, wears Indigenous jewelry made of abalone shell.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

On a recent morning, Roberts and Kinter surveyed the proposed casino site from a parking lot by the junction of Interstate 80 and California 37.

Craggy outcroppings rise from the golden slopes and oak groves of a hill where cows graze on a solitary ranch. Grooves in the hillside squiggle down toward a pasture and bike path at its base.

Kinter and Roberts said the indentations are streambeds that their Patwin ancestors committed to memory for when they needed water. Tribe messengers, known as runners, would have spent their days sprinting over hills and ridges like these from one village to another, they said, while miners would have quarried rock from the hill to make stone mortars and other tools.

Roberts, 52, can’t see how such a massive development wouldn’t desecrate what is to his people a sacred and historically rich locale. And he wonders how the project appears to be moving forward with limited input from his tribe or the general public.

The Solano County Board of Supervisors, members of California’s congressional delegation and other leaders have also voiced opposition to the Scotts Valley Band’s attempts to build a casino in the area over the years.

U.S. District Court Judge Amy Berman Jackson wrote in her opinion supporting the Scotts Valley Band that the whole reason for the Indian gaming law is to give dispossessed tribes “some semblance of the status they enjoyed before, with the opportunity to sustain themselves economically.”

But the Yocha Dehe leaders question why Scotts Valley has sought to use a special provision in the law that allows a federally recognized tribe to construct a casino outside its traditional home base — provided it can show both a modern-day link and a “significant” historical connection to the parcel it wants to build on.

Roberts said Scotts Valley cannot meet that threshold.

The Yocha Dehe’s ancient connection to Solano County is evident in many ways, Roberts said. The tribe has been involved in efforts across the North Bay to identify and properly handle Patwin burial grounds, human remains, ancient relics and mounds where ancestors who lived near the shoreline piled their discarded mollusk shells.

The men said they are certain that the casino parcel contains unearthed cultural items too.

Monument of Chief Solano, who was a leader of the Suisunes, a Patwin people of the Suisun Bay region of Northern California.

Near the Solano County Superior Court in Fairfield stands a statue of Chief Solano a leader of the Suisunes, a Patwin people of the Suisun Bay region of Northern California.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

The county’s namesake is Patwin Suisun leader Sem-Yeto, who was given the name of the Spanish missionary Francisco Solano at his baptism. A 12-foot statue of Chief Solano raising his hand stands outside an events center in the county seat of Fairfield. Several towns in the county are phonetically tied to Patwin villages — Suisun, Soscol, Ulatis and Putah — according to the county’s official homepage.

The tribe recently led an effort with the Solano Land Trust to change the name of 1,500-acre Rockville Hills Regional Park to Patwino Worrtla Kodoi Dihi — meaning “Southern Rock Home of the Patwin people.”

For Roberts, the casino dispute is about more than Indian gaming rights and capitalism. Yocha Dehe operates its own successful casino, golf resort and large-scale farm farther north in the Capay Valley, near the city of Brooks.

It’s about the ability of a people to assert their culture and influence in a state where Indigenous societies were once at risk of erasure.

The casino disagreement comes as landless tribes and tribes on reservations make strides toward reclaiming and co-managing stolen territory in California.

Oakland’s Indigenous-woman-led Sogorea Te’ Land Trust and members of the Confederated Villages of Lisjan Nation recently held a celebration to mark their preservation of a 2.2-acre sacred site known as the West Berkeley Shellmound.

On the fifth anniversary of his apology to Indigenous Californians for the injustices they’ve endured, Gov. Gavin Newsom recently announced the state would help the Shasta Indian Nation reclaim 2,800 acres of its ancestral land as part of historic Klamath River dam and reservoir removals near the border with Oregon.

The Yocha Dehe tribe’s advocacy helped to secure the recent expansion of Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument by President Biden and the renaming of a sacred mountain within the monument to Molok Luyuk — Patwin for “Condor Ridge” — in honor of the endangered bird’s importance in tribal beliefs.

Gonzalez says his tribe’s presence in the area is also well documented, and his ancestors ceded the land in an unratified 1851 treaty.

“The United States sought this land from our ancestors because of their long-standing presence and use of the area,” Gonzalez said. “In fact, the federal government acknowledged and determined that Scotts Valley’s ancestors possessed the authority to cede the land.”

A view of Clear Lake.

A view of Clear Lake.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

The Scotts Valley Band of Pomo Indians headquarters is located to the west of Patwin territory in Lake County, near where one of the most horrific acts of violence committed against Indigenous people in U.S. history took place.

On Reclamation Road, a small historical marker beside Clear Lake recalls the Bloody Island Massacre at Bo-no-po-ti. On May 15, 1850, the U.S. Cavalry, aided by vigilantes, murdered scores of Pomo people, most of them women and children, on the false suspicion that they were involved in the killing of two white settlers.

Such aggressions forced Pomos to disperse far from the lake, including to the North Bay.

Arguing its case for the casino in court documents, Scotts Valley noted that one of the most important ancestors of the present-day band, Chief Augustine, was baptized at a mission a short distance from Vallejo in Sonoma.

Augustine and other displaced Pomos toiled as forced laborers in the area — tending farm animals, herding cattle to slaughter at San Pablo Bay and building adobe houses in Sonoma. Most eventually made their way back to Clear Lake.

An engraved stone marks the site of the Bloody Island Massacre at Clear Lake in Lake County.

The site of the Bloody Island Massacre, a mass killing of indigenous Californians in 1850 by the U.S. Cavalry at Clear Lake in Lake County.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

Both the Pomo and Patwin people suffered further indignities in the 20th century after the U.S. designated small reservations for them, only to reverse course and strip them of those lands and their federally recognized status in the 1950s and ’60s. The tribes had to fight through the courts to win back their federal recognition, a legal status required for lands to be placed in trust for them to build on.

This cycle of governmental theft, recompense and reinjury lives on, the federal judge said in her 2022 ruling.

In rebuffing Scotts Valley, the Trump administration “failed to grapple with the inescapable historical fact that Scotts Valley was a tribe that had its recognition and land stripped away by the federal government and its people scattered to the winds,” Berman Jackson wrote.

Roberts and Kinter don’t dispute that the Scotts Valley Pomo people deserve justice for the atrocities and land seizures. But while Berman Jackson rejected the idea that the casino would disadvantage the Yocha Dehe, its leaders counter that the casino project represents an instance of the U.S. unfairly infringing on the sovereignty of one tribe in order to atone for injustices committed against another.

“Two wrongs don’t make a right,” they said.

“The Pomo people have their own story that centers around the lake — it’s a very vibrant history,” Kinter said. “The history here is ours.”

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Roads can become more dangerous on hot days – especially for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists

We tend to adapt quickly to rain. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat.

Munbaik Cycling Clothing/UnsplashDuring heatwaves, everyday life tends to feel more difficult than on an average day. Travel and daily movement are no exception. But while most of us know rain, fog and storms can make driving conditions challenging, not many people realise heat also changes transport risk. In particular, research evidence consistently suggests roads, trips and daily commutes can become more dangerous on very hot days compared with an average day. The key questions are how much more dangerous, who is most affected, whether the risk is short-lived or lingers and how this information can be used to better manage road safety during extreme heat. Who is most at risk? The clearest picture comes from a recent multi-city study in tropical and subtropical Taiwan. Using injury data across six large cities, researchers examined how road injury risk changes as temperatures rise, and how this differs by mode of travel. The results show what researchers call a sharp, non-linear increase in risk on very hot days. It’s non-linear because road injury risk rises much more steeply once temperatures move into the 30–40°C range. It is also within this range that different travel modes begin to clearly separate in terms of their susceptibility to heat-related risk. This Taiwan study found injury risk for pedestrians more than doubled during extreme heat. Cyclist injuries soared by around 80%, and motorcyclist injuries by about 50%. In contrast, the increase for car drivers is much smaller. The pattern is clear: the more exposed the road user, the bigger the heat-related risk. The pattern is also not exclusive to a single geographical region and has been observed in other countries too. A long-running national study from Spain drew on two decades of crash data covering nearly 2 million incidents and showed crash risk increases steadily as temperatures rise. At very high temperatures, overall crash risk is about 15% higher than on cool days. Importantly, the increase is even larger for crashes linked to driver fatigue, distraction or illness. A nationwide study in the United States found a 3.4% increase in fatal traffic crashes on heatwave days versus non-heatwave days. The increase is not evenly distributed. Fatal crash risk rises more strongly: on rural roads among middle-aged and older drivers, and on hot, dry days with high UV radiation. This shows extreme heat does not just increase crash likelihood, but also the chance that crashes result in death. That’s particularly true in settings with higher speeds and less forgiving road environments. Taken together, the international evidence base is consistent: the likelihood of crashes, injury risk and fatal outcomes all increase during hot days. Why heat increases road risk, and why the effects can linger Across the three studies, the evidence points to a combination of exposure and human performance effects. The Taiwan study shows that risk increases most sharply for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists. These are groups that are physically exposed to ambient heat and, in some cases, exertion. In contrast, occupants of enclosed vehicles show smaller increases in risk. This suggests that direct exposure to heat plays a role in shaping who is most affected. The Spanish study suggests that the largest heat-related increases occur in crashes involving driver fatigue, distraction, sleepiness or illness. This indicates that heat affects road safety not only through environmental conditions, but through changes in human performance that make errors more likely. Importantly, the Spanish data also show that these effects are not always confined to the hottest day itself. They can persist for several days following extreme heat, consistent with cumulative impacts such as sleep disruption and prolonged fatigue. High solar radiation refers to days with intense, direct sunlight and little cloud cover. In the US study, heat-related increases in fatal crashes were strongest under these conditions. Although visibility was not directly examined, these are also conditions associated with greater glare, which may make things even less safe. How can the extra risk be managed? The empirical evidence does not point to a single solution, but it does indicate where risk is elevated and where things become less safe. That knowledge alone can be used to manage risk. First, reducing exposure matters. Fewer trips mean less risk, and flexible work arrangements during heatwaves can indirectly reduce road exposure altogether. Second, risk awareness matters. Simply recognising that heatwaves are higher-risk travel days can help us be more cautious, especially for those travelling without the protection of an enclosed vehicle. We tend to adapt quickly to rain. As soon as the first drops hit the windscreen, we reduce speed almost subconsciously and increase distance to other vehicles. This, in fact, is a key reason traffic jams often start to develop shortly after roads become wet. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat. Milad Haghani receives funding from the Australian government (the Office of Road Safety).Zahra Shahhoseini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

West Virginia Program That Helped Communities Tackle Abandoned Buildings Is Running Out of Money

A West Virginia program that helped communities demolish abandoned buildings is running out of money, and state lawmakers haven't proposed any new solutions

From their home on Charleston’s, West Virginia's West Side, Tina and Matt Glaspey watched the house on the corner of First Avenue and Fitzgerald Street go downhill fast. A family with a young daughter left because they didn’t feel safe. The next owner died. After that, the police were responding regularly as people broke into the vacant home. The Glaspeys say that in just two years, the small brick house went from occupied to condemned, left without power or water, repeatedly entered by squatters. “One day, we noticed a bright orange sticker on the door saying the building was not safe for habitation,” Tina said. “It shows how quickly things can turn, in just two years, when nothing is done to deal with these properties.” City officials say the house is following the same path as hundreds of other vacant properties across Charleston, which slowly deteriorate until they become unsafe and are added to the city’s priority demolition list, typically including about 30 buildings at a time. Until this year, a state program helped communities tear these buildings down, preventing them from becoming safety hazards for neighborhoods and harming property values. But that money is now depleted. There is no statewide demolition program left, no replacement funding, and no legislation to keep it running, leaving municipalities on their own to absorb the costs or leave vacant buildings standing. Across West Virginia, vacant properties increase while a state program designed to help runs out of money The state’s Demolition Landfill Assistance Program was established in 2021 and was funded a year later with federal COVID-19 recovery funds. Administered through the Department of Environmental Protection, the fund reimbursed local governments for the demolition of abandoned buildings that they couldn’t afford on their own. The state survey was the first step in the program to determine the scope of the need and assess local government capacity to address it. It was distributed to all 55 counties and more than 180 municipalities. However, the need is far greater. Carrie Staton, director of the West Virginia Brownfields Assistance Center, has worked with communities on abandoned buildings for about 14 years. She said most counties don’t have the resources, funding or staffing to manage dilapidated housing on their own. “We’re just so rural and so universally rural. Other states have at least a couple of major metro areas that can support this work,” she said. “We don’t. It just takes longer to do everything.” Charleston has spent millions demolishing hundreds of vacant buildings As the state’s largest city, Charleston has more tools than most local governments, including access to federal funds that smaller communities don’t have. That has allowed the city to spend more than $12 million over the past seven years demolishing over 700 unsafe and dilapidated structures.But John Butterworth, a planner for the city, said Charleston still relied on state demolition funding to help cover those costs, which averaged about $10,000 per property, including any environmental cleanup. “It’s a real cost,” he said. “It’s a necessary one to keep neighbors safe, but it is very expensive.”He said the city received $500,000 from the state program during its last round of funding to help tear down properties that drew repeated complaints from neighbors. “I think people are really relieved when we can say that the house that’s been boarded up for a year or more is coming down,” he said. “Where the concern often comes from neighbors is, what comes next?”One vacant home on Grant Street had fallen into disrepair before being demolished in May of last year. Cracks filled the walls. Dirt and moldy debris were caked on the floors. Broken glass and boarded-up windows littered the property as plants overtook the roof and yard. Eventually, the city was able to get the owner to donate the property, which was then given to Habitat for Humanity as part of its home-building program. Now, the property is being rebuilt from scratch. Construction crews have already built the foundation, porch and frame, and it is expected to be finished within the year after its groundbreaking last October. Andrew Blackwood, executive director of Habitat for Humanity of Kanawha and Putnam counties, said the property stood for at least five years, deteriorating. The home had signs of vandalism and water damage and was completely unsalvageable. He said that of the 190 homes the organization has built in both counties, nearly 90% of them have been complete rebuilds after the previous structure was demolished. A statewide problem without a statewide plan Lawmakers have said they recognize the scale of the problem, but none have proposed other ways for tearing down dangerous structures. Fayette County used state demolition money as it was intended, which was to tear down unsafe buildings that had become public safety hazards to nearby residents. With help from the state program, the county tore down 75 dilapidated structures, officials said, removing some of the most dangerous properties while continuing to track the progress of others through a countywide system. County leaders hoped to expand their demolition efforts on their own this year, but those plans have been put on hold. The county had to take over operations of a local humane society after it faced closure and will need to fundraise, said John Breneman, president of the Fayette County Commission. Former Sen. Chandler Swope, R-Mercer, said that kind of budget pressure is exactly why he pushed for state involvement in demolition funding. Swope, who helped create the state fund for the demolition of dilapidated buildings in 2021, said the idea grew from what he saw in places where population loss left empty homes, which local governments had no way to tear down.“They didn’t have any money to tear down the dilapidated properties, so I decided that that should be a state obligation because the state has more flexibility and more access to funding,” he said.Swope said he’d always viewed the need as ongoing, even as state budgets shift from year to year.“I visualized it as a permanent need. I didn’t think you would ever get to the point where it was done,” he said. “I felt like the success of the program would carry its own priority.” But four years later, that funding is gone, and lawmakers haven’t found a replacement. Other states, meanwhile, have created long-term funding for demolition and redevelopment.Ohio, for example, operates a statewide program that provides counties with annual demolition funding. Funds are appropriated from the state budget by lawmakers. Staton said West Virginia’s lack of a plan leaves communities stuck.“Abandoned buildings are in every community, and every legislator has constituents who are dealing with this,” she said. “They know it’s just a matter of finding the funding.”And back on the West Side, the Glaspeys are left staring at boarded windows and an overgrown yard across the street. Matt said, “Sometimes you think, what’s the point of fixing up your own place if everything around you is collapsing?” This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

Webinar: Cell Tower Risks 101 - What You Need To Know To Protect Your Community

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Funding bill excludes controversial pesticide provision hated by MAHA

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental...

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Known as Section 453 for its position in a House bill released earlier this year, it has drawn significant ire from MAHA-aligned activists. Opponents of the provision argue that it can be a liability shield for major chemical corporations, preventing them from facing failure-to-warn lawsuits by not disclosing health effects of their products. MAHA figures celebrated the provision’s exclusion from the legislation. “MAHA WE DID IT! Section 453 granting pesticide companies immunity from harm has been removed from the upcoming House spending bill!” MAHA Action, a political action committee affiliated with the movement, wrote on X. The issue is one that has divided Republicans, a party that has traditionally allied itself with big business.  “The language ensures that we do not have a patchwork of state labeling requirements. It ensures that one state is not establishing the label for the rest of the states,” Rep. Mike Simpson (R-Idaho) said earlier this year.  However, the growing MAHA movement has been critical of the chemical industry. The legislation is part of a bicameral deal reached to fund the departments of the Interior, Justice, Commerce, and Energy, as well as the EPA. And while the provision’s exclusion represents a win for the MAHA movement for the moment, the issue is far from settled. Alexandra Muñoz, a toxicologist and activist who is working with the MAHA movement said she’s “happy to see” that the provision was not included in the funding bill. However, she said, “we still have fronts that we’re fighting on because it’s still potentially going to be added in the Farm Bill.” She also noted that similar fights are ongoing at the Supreme Court and state level. The Supreme Court is currently weighing whether to take up a case about whether federal law preempts state pesticide labeling requirements and failure-to-warn lawsuits. The Trump administration said the court should side with the chemical industry. Meanwhile, a similar measure also appeared in a 2024 version of the Farm Bill. —Emily Brooks contributed. Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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