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Luton airport allowed to double capacity after UK government overrules planners

Transport secretary Heidi Alexander grants consent to London’s fourth-biggest airport to allow potential 32m passengers a yearLuton Airport will be allowed to almost double in capacity after the government overruled planning inspectors who recommended blocking the scheme on environmental grounds.Transport secretary Heidi Alexander granted the development consent order for the airport’s plans to expand its perimeter and add a new terminal, allowing a potential 32 million passengers a year. Continue reading...

Luton Airport will be allowed to almost double in capacity after the government overruled planning inspectors who recommended blocking the scheme on environmental grounds.Transport secretary Heidi Alexander granted the development consent order for the airport’s plans to expand its perimeter and add a new terminal, allowing a potential 32 million passengers a year.The approval comes despite specific concerns raised about ancient trees and the impact of more flights on the Chilterns, an area of outstanding natural beauty.However, Labour sources said that the promise of thousands of additional jobs had outweighed environmental considerations.Luton airport is also ultimately owned by the local council, meaning that a greater share of its profits are put back into local services.It has promised a “green controlled-growth mechanism”, which includes legally binding targets on noise and emissions, as well as public transport access to the airport.A government source said: “The transport secretary has approved the expansion of Luton airport for its benefits to Luton and the wider UK economy. “The decision overturns the Planning Inspectorate’s recommendation for refusal. Expansion will deliver huge growth benefits for Luton with thousands of good, new jobs and a cash boost for the local council which owns the airport. “This is the 14th development consent order approved by this Labour government, demonstrating we will stop at nothing to deliver economic growth and new infrastructure as part of our ‘Plan for Change’.”Last year, 16.7 million people used the airport, the fourth largest in the London area and a base for a number of leisure airlines.The airport is also well situated for the Oxford-Cambridge arc championed by the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, for future economic growth.skip past newsletter promotionSign up to Business TodayGet set for the working day – we'll point you to all the business news and analysis you need every morningPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionThe airport claims to have majority local support for the expansion plan, although opponents cite the destruction of an adjacent park amid wider climate and noise concerns.More details to follow …

Plan for Norfolk megafarm rejected by councillors over environmental concerns

Application, submitted by Cranswick, would have created one of the largest industrial poultry and pig units in EuropeA megafarm that would have reared almost 1 million chickens and pigs at any one time has been blocked by councillors in Norfolk over climate change and environmental concerns.Councillors on King’s Lynn and West Norfolk borough council unanimously rejected an application to build what would have been one of the largest industrial poultry and pig units in Europe. Continue reading...

A megafarm which would have produced almost one million chickens and pigs at any one time has been blocked by councillors in Norfolk over climate change and environmental concerns.Councillors on King’s Lynn and West Norfolk borough council unanimously rejected an application to build what would have been one of the largest industrial poultry and pig units in Europe.More than 12,000 objections were lodged against the farm near the villages of Methwold and Feltwell, and 42,000 people signed a petition against it.Objections came from a local campaign group, NGOs including WWF, Sustain, FeedBack, and the RSPB, as well as the new Labour MP for South West Norfolk, Terry Jermy, and five parish councils. Jermy told the planning meeting on Thursday the intensive farm would threaten local jobs at established farms and businesses, including the vegetarian food giant Quorn, which has a manufacturing site in Methwold.Jake White, head of legal advocacy at WWF UK, told councillors the NGO estimated that the factory farm’s two sites would produce almost 90,000 tonnes of CO2 per year. Over a 20-year life span the greenhouse gas emissions from the industrial style farms would be more than 1m tonnes, he said.Cranswick plc, which provides chicken and poultry to leading British supermarkets, wants to build one of the UK’s largest industrial farms by expanding an existing site to rear 870,000 chickens and 14,000 pigs at any one time.In a briefing document submitted in the days before the planning meeting, the company said it wanted to modernise for a growing market, creating more British food to higher welfare standards through the redevelopment of existing farms.King’s Lynn and West Norfolk borough council was recommended to reject the application on ecology and climate change grounds by its officers. In a 200-page report, planning officers said the applicant “fails to demonstrate that the development would not result in significant adverse effects on [environmentally] protected sites”.There was also “insufficient environmental information to enable the council to reach a view” on its impact on the environment and climate change, the report added. A council lawyer said the company had not provided information on all the likely carbon emissions from the industrial farm and it would be unlawful for councillors to approve the application.There are also concerns about air pollution and the impact on a water depleted area. The Environmental Law Foundation said the farm would need more water than its abstraction licence allowed.Cranswick said the new site was needed to keep up with demand from supermarkets. Barry Lock, managing director for Cranswick in East Anglia, denied claims that the company had plans to export poultry and pork. He said 96% of the food they produce was for British customers. Lock cited food security and increased jobs for people. He said approving the megafarm would reduce carbon emissions because it would reduce the need for imports of meat from abroad.

Why Rihanna's Expanding Clara Lionel Foundation Is Seen as a Model for Celebrity Philanthropy

Rihanna fans might know the musician for hits such as “Umbrella” and “Diamonds."

NEW YORK (AP) — Rihanna is accustomed to defying convention. But it is not the megastar-turned-mogul's long-awaited follow-up to 2016's “Anti” album set to make waves this year. It's her philanthropy.Named after Rihanna's grandparents and funded partially through her brands, the Clara Lionel Foundation is coming off a “refresh” that is poised to direct more funds toward climate solutions and women's entrepreneurship in the under-invested regions of East Africa, the Caribbean and the U.S. South. After 13 years of relative anonymity, the nonprofit is ready for more visibility.“Our founder is a woman from a small island nation who’s got global reach. She’s an entrepreneur. She’s a mom. She’s a creative,” said Executive Director Jessie Schutt-Aine. “So, we want an organization that reflects that spirit and that energy. She’s bold and she’s ambitious. She’s innovative. She always does things different. She’s a game changer.”Experts say it's rare to see such intentionality among famous philanthropists. Clara Lionel Foundation has also garnered praise for its embrace of “trust-based” giving, which empowers recipients with unrestricted funding.NDN Collective founder Nick Tilsen said CLF lets his Indigenous power-building nonprofit “do the work on our terms” — and that other funders should take notes.“They’re not a foundation that’s all up in your business, either,” Tilsen said. “They support. They see the work. They allow us to do what we need to do.” Clara Lionel Foundation's personal roots Rihanna started the foundation with a $516,000 contribution after her grandmother died of cancer complications in 2012. That year, the musician established an oncology center at Barbados’ main hospital to expand cancer screening and treatment. And the young foundation focused on healthcare and Barbados for much of last decade.By 2019, though, CLF had begun prioritizing emergency preparedness. Grantmaking jumped to more than $33 million in 2020 as the nonprofit provided much-needed pandemic relief and backed racial justice efforts. Post-pandemic spending slowdowns coincided with its internal transition, according to tax filings.A revamped team and refined priorities now match its broader ambitions. A new director for women's entrepreneurship, based in South Carolina, will build out that pillar's programs. Black Feminist Fund co-founder Amina Doherty now oversees programs and impact. Rounding out its five new pillars are climate solutions, arts and culture, health access and equity, and future generations.The youth focus was commended by Ashley Lashley, a 25-year-old whose foundation has worked with CLF to address environmental challenges in her native Barbados. She often hears leaders say that ‘youth are the future,' she said, but those statements rarely translate into actual support.“Rihanna’s foundation is a prime example of how women in power can help contribute to work that is being done at the community level,” Lashley said.Rihanna told The Associated Press she hopes CLF will continue to be a force for “global inclusion in philanthropy.”She reflected on the foundation's 13-year transformation in a statement: “Today we have global reach, but that notion of love for community and for our roots runs deep in the DNA of the foundation." Finding partners — big and small The latest example of that evolution is a partnership with The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Barbados' “invaluable history” as “an essential chapter in the broader story of the African diaspora" is threatened by climate change, according to a Mellon press release.Together, the two foundations announced, they will fund “artist-led initiatives” to protect that culture “while inspiring new narratives and opportunities internationally.”Schutt-Aine views the partnership with Mellon — the largest philanthropic supporter of the arts in the U.S. — as a milestone for CLF. Justin Garrett Moore, the director of the Mellon's Humanities in Place program, said the nonprofit's name arose when his team asked contacts to recommend partners. “We think there is an incredible platform that Clara Lionel Foundation has, with their founder, to bring this type of work into a legibility and visibility for the organizations that will be supported,” Moore said. “Also, just generally in the society, to help amplify the power of the arts.”Among those grantees is a developmental performance arts program that also provides free social services to students in the nation's capital of Bridgetown. Operation Triple Threat founder Janelle Headley said Clara Lionel Foundation helped the nonprofit afford a warehouse outfitted with acoustics panels, sound equipment and a dance floor.The relationship began with a microgrant for scholarships. Operation Triple Threat now receives general operating support — a “revolutionary” investment, Headley said, because charitable donations are usually earmarked for specific causes. That flexibility proved especially helpful during the pandemic when rapidly changing circumstances created new needs like iPads for remote learning. “It's uncommon, to be honest, to have someone give a sizable donation unrestricted and say, ‘We trust you, your vision,’” Headley said. “That is very forward-thinking of them.” A unique model for celebrity philanthropy The approach is unique, according to Mary Beth Collins, the executive director of the Center for Community and Nonprofit Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She finds that celebrities typically engage in philanthropy only when necessary.But Collins said CLF appears to think long-term about its partners and deliberately in its bottom-up funding. The strategies align with her own recommendations to engage expert professionals, address root causes, select focus areas important to founders and lift up leaders living those issues.“We want to see funds and resources from the more endowed people in the world going to those leaders on the ground that really know the place and the experience and the issues best,” Collins said.CLF used that model late last year when it provided additional funding to a clean energy nonprofit partner impacted by Hurricane Helene. Melanie Allen, co-director of The Hive Fund for Climate and Gender Justice, said they suddenly received around $60,000 to quickly distribute among vetted partners in devastated communities.The contribution came amid an increasingly hostile environment for nonprofits like hers supporting women of color, which has prompted some philanthropists to reduce giving. Allen said she is excited about CLF’s “deep commitment to the South going forward.”As others reduce resources, CLF wants to bring more philanthropic partners to the table. They're planning a summer convening for grantees to expand networks. The message, CLF's Doherty said, is “We will stick with you.”“Some people might say times look bleak," Doherty said. "But this is a moment of possibility.”The importance of remaining grounded in communities you serve is a lesson Schutt-Aine learned throughout a 25-year global health career.Most recently the Chief of Equity, Gender and Cultural Diversity at the Pan American Health Organization, Schutt-Aine has treated the world’s deadliest infections of tuberculosis, malaria and HIV/AIDS.“If you’re going to work on malaria," she said, “you need to have lived with the mosquito.”Associated Press coverage of philanthropy and nonprofits receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content. For all of AP’s philanthropy coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/philanthropy.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Feb. 2025

Lawsuit claims Gore-Tex poisoned drinking water near Maryland facilities

Firm makes product used to waterproof clothing and allegedly polluted water with some kinds of PfasThe makers of Gore-Tex, a popular product commonly used to waterproof clothing by companies such as the North Face and Mountain Hardware, poisoned drinking water and sickened residents around their facilities in rural Maryland, two lawsuits allege.The facilities, about 90 miles north-east of Baltimore, polluted drinking water with levels up to 700 times above federal limits with some kinds of Pfas, a group of toxins known as “forever chemicals” due to their environmental longevity. The tainted water caused high rates of cancers and other diseases linked to Pfas exposure in the area, a class action suit alleges. Continue reading...

The makers of Gore-Tex, a popular product commonly used to waterproof clothing by companies such as the North Face and Mountain Hardware, poisoned drinking water and sickened residents around their facilities in rural Maryland, two lawsuits allege.The facilities, about 90 miles north-east of Baltimore, polluted drinking water with levels up to 700 times above federal limits with some kinds of Pfas, a group of toxins known as “forever chemicals” due to their environmental longevity. The tainted water caused high rates of cancers and other diseases linked to Pfas exposure in the area, a class action suit alleges.Meanwhile, Maryland is suing WL Gore and Associates, Gore-Tex’s parent company, over alleged environmental violations. Each suit claims Gore knew about its products’ dangers as early as the 1980s, but continued to put Pfas into local waters, which drain into the Chesapeake Bay, and emit the substances from smokestacks.The company has said it only learned about PFOA, a common type of Pfas compound, in nearby groundwater two years ago, and has suggested it is not responsible for at least some of the pollution.Philip Federico, an attorney for the plaintiffs, dismissed the idea, noting the chemicals in the water match what Gore used. “They’re really not in a position to say it’s not their Pfas – they know it is, and everyone else knows it,” Federico said.Pfas are a class of about 15,000 chemicals typically used to make products that resist water, stains and heat. They can accumulate in humans and the environment, and are linked to cancer, kidney disease, liver problems, immune disorders, birth defects and other serious health problems.The EPA in 2023 found virtually no level of exposure to PFOA in drinking water is safe. PFOA was used in Gore’s production process, the suit alleges. The chemicals that were emitted from the smokestacks probably landed on the nearby ground and percolated into groundwater that contaminated wells and poisoned agricultural soil. Similar issues have been reported around other Pfas facilities.Gore, a company with an estimated value of nearly $5bn, used PFOA to produce PTFE, a type of Pfas, applied to clothing, carpets, furniture, food packaging and more. The company set up a webpage defending its record, noting it has conducted some investigations. It has said it is working with state regulators, as well as providing drinking water or filtration systems to some residents.“Gore denies the allegations in the various lawsuits that have been recently filed. We have been and will remain committed to the health and safety of our Associates, our community, and the environment,” says a statement on the website.It added: “Working with our suppliers, we eliminated PFOA, the substance cited in the lawsuit, from our supply chain many years ago. We will defend ourselves against the meritless allegations through the legal process with facts and science.”The suit details how the Pfas industry knew throughout the 1970s that the substances were dangerous, and a Gore executive knew by 1990 at the latest. Still, the company’s Pfas waste grew as operations expanded, and the company told employees the substance was harmless even as staff got sick and some died of Pfas-linked disease.The suit alleges Gore effectively lied to regulators about Pfas air pollution beginning in 1995 and the company also later destroyed documents detailing its pollution, the suit alleges.“Gore had actual knowledge, knew and fully understood the toxicity and danger to human life caused by APFO/PFOA at all times by its production and dispersion activities,” the complaint reads.About 4,000 people are part of the class action suit. It and the state of Maryland demands the company cover cleanup costs, pay for medical costs, pay for upgrades to water utilities and provide clean water to residents, among other actions.

Even Wealthy Americans Die Younger Than Europeans

By Dennis Thompson HealthDay ReporterTHURSDAY, April 3, 2025 (HealthDay News) -- Death comes for everyone, be they rich or poor.But no amount of...

By Dennis Thompson HealthDay ReporterTHURSDAY, April 3, 2025 (HealthDay News) -- Death comes for everyone, be they rich or poor.But no amount of money will help Americans live longer than Europeans, a new study says.Even the richest Americans face shorter lifespans compared to well-heeled Europeans, according to results published April 2 in the New England Journal of Medicine.And in some cases, wealthy Americans have survival rates on par with poor Europeans living in western nations like Germany, France and the Netherlands, researchers said."The findings are a stark reminder that even the wealthiest Americans are not shielded from the systemic issues in the U.S. contributing to lower life expectancy, such as economic inequality or risk factors like stress, diet or environmental hazards,” senior researcher Irene Papanicolas, director of the Center for Health System Sustainability at the Brown University, said in a news release.“If we want to improve health in the U.S., we need to better understand the underlying factors that contribute to these differences — particularly amongst similar socioeconomic groups — and why they translate to different health outcomes across nations,” she added.For the study, researchers compared health data from the U.S. against different parts of Europe among people ages 50 to 85. Starting in 2010, the team tracked people to see how long they lived.Results showed that across every wealth level, death rates are higher in the U.S. than in Europe.Across the globe, wealthy people tend to live longer. The wealthiest 25% had a death rate 40% lower than those in the poorest 25%.But people in Western Europe died at rates about 40% lower than Americans, Southern Europeans at rates about 30% lower, and Eastern Europeans at rates 13% to 20% lower, results show.The wealthiest Americans had shorter lifespans on average than the wealthiest Europeans, and in some cases even fared worse than poorer Europeans, researchers found.Meanwhile, the poorest Americans “appeared to have the lowest survival among all wealth groups in the study sample,” researchers wrote.These findings indicate that a weaker social net, more complex health care system, and even lifestyle factors like smoking and diet are trimming years off the lives of Americans across all wealth groups, researchers said.“Fixing health outcomes is not just a challenge for the most vulnerable — even those in the top quartile of wealth are affected,” lead researcher Sara Machado, a research scientist at Brown’s Center for Health System Sustainability, said in a news release.In fact, the study found a “survivor effect” in the U.S. that is creating an illusion of decreasing wealth inequality as people age. In actuality, the gap between rich and poor continues to expand.Poorer Americans in worse health are more likely to die earlier, leaving behind a population that appears healthier and wealthier. It looks like wealth inequality declines among seniors, but this is partly due to the early deaths of the poorest people.“While wealth inequality narrows after 65 across the U.S. and Europe, in the U.S. it narrows because the poorest Americans die sooner and in greater proportion,” Papanicolas said.The study indicates that for all the talk of American exceptionalism, the U.S. could learn a lot about better, healthier living from Europe, researchers said.“If you look at other countries, there are better outcomes, and that means we can learn from them and improve," Machado said. “It’s not necessarily about spending more — it’s about addressing the factors we’re overlooking, which could deliver far greater benefits than we realize.”SOURCE: Brown University, news release, April 2, 2025Copyright © 2025 HealthDay. All rights reserved.

Iowa Republicans Want to Shield Pesticide Firms From Cancer Lawsuits

Growing up on a cattle ranch in Clarinda, Iowa, Tatum Watkins wanted nothing more than to be outside, help out on the farm, and run freely through the fields like other kids in the farming community. Instead, she spent much of her childhood driving to medical appointments out of state. Watkins was born with a birth defect known as gastroschisis, in which her abdominal organs were outside of her body. Angry and confused as she sat on the sidelines, Watkins often wondered why she was different. By the time she was 10, she had a hypothesis. Every summer, Watkins’s father would plant grapes on the ranch around the same time her neighbors sprayed pesticides on their crops. Every summer, the grapes would die. When a young Watkins made the connection, she began to wonder if the pesticides—a simple “fact of life” in Iowa—could also have caused her gastroschisis. Her best friend, who suffered from a similar abdominal wall defect, also grew up on a working farm. Years later, research found that excess exposure to Atrazine, a herbicide created by the pesticide giant Syngenta, is indeed associated with an increased risk of gastroschisis. Watkins will never know for sure if that’s what caused her condition, but she wishes she and her family had access to this research a decade ago. “Had people had the data to go forward with a lawsuit back then, I think that would have been a brilliant thing,” Watkins said. Iowa has the second-highest rate of cancer cases and the fastest-growing cancer rate in the country. It’s also one of the top states for pesticide use. Thousands have sought and won legal battles against the handful of pesticide companies that dominate the market, and litigation has been a crucial tool to help Iowans pay for the health care they need. But now, facing billions in legal fees, pesticide companies are lobbying to block litigation against them with the introduction of Senate File 394.The bill, which recently passed 26–21 in the Iowa State Senate and will be voted on in the House this month, would prevent Iowans from bringing lawsuits against a pesticide manufacturer for failing to warn them of health risks, as long as the product includes a label approved by the Environmental Protection Agency. The votes to pass the bill came exclusively from Senate Republicans, although six Republicans also joined Democratic colleagues in opposing the measure.“This bill would essentially make the federal labeling requirements sufficient legally, as far as whether they are adequate to warn consumers about potential harms from using that pesticide,” said Dani Replogle, a staff attorney at Food and Water Watch who has been following the bill closely. So if a person is diagnosed with cancer, and they suspect their illness is linked to pesticide exposure (as a growing body of research suggests), the person could not sue the company for so-called “failure to warn” if their label follows EPA guidelines. “I think the groups who are most at risk are farmers, and particularly migrant farm workers, who are already in a very hazardous line of work,” Replogle said, adding that children, pregnant people, and the elderly are also at risk. Eighty-nine percent of Iowans oppose S.F. 394, according to polling from the Iowa Association for Justice.Dubbed the “Cancer Gag Act” by critics, the bill is part of a larger nationwide push from the pesticide manufacturer Bayer to reduce its litigation costs. Similar laws have been introduced in eight states, as well as at the federal level. Over the last decade, Bayer has faced more than 167,000 lawsuits related to the use of its herbicide Roundup, a weedkiller originally developed by Monsanto and a product that forever changed the productivity of American farming; its use is practically synonymous with the country’s industrial food system. When Bayer acquired Monsanto in 2018, it also acquired billions in litigation and settlement fees. The company has set aside more than $16 billion to deal with Roundup-related lawsuits, and has already paid out more than $10 billion in settlements. Just last week, the company was ordered to pay one of its largest payouts yet: a whopping $2.1 billion to a Georgia man who claimed that excess exposure to Roundup caused his cancer and that the company failed to warn of this possibility. Bayer did not respond to a request for comment.Roundup contains glyphosate, a synthetic herbicide that’s been classified as a “probable human carcinogen” by the International Agency for Research on Cancer, a research arm of the World Health Organization. Its use is banned in Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and other countries. The EPA however, has found that glyphosate is “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans,” a finding that pesticide companies argue exempts them from having to warn of Roundup’s health risks.The Modern Agriculture Alliance, a coalition of agriculture stakeholders founded by Bayer as part of its lobbying efforts, argues that glyphosate is an essential tool for crop yields in Iowa to ensure the state has “a robust and affordable domestic food supply,” and that the bill to shield pesticide companies from lawsuits is crucial in ensuring farmers’ long-term access to Roundup. The Modern Ag Alliance declined to comment on the record for this story, but pointed to a statement after the bill passed in the Iowa State Senate. “If farmers lose access to key crop protection inputs due to meritless litigation,” said Modern Ag Alliance executive director Elizabeth Burns-Thompson in the statement, “it will cripple their ability to compete and cause food prices to go even higher. That’s why the overwhelming majority of Iowans support legislation that protects farmers’ tools, and not the trial lawyers and radical, anti-ag activist groups that want to ‘end capitalism’ and put our farms at risk.” That’s inconsistent with polling showing that a majority of Iowans oppose the bill. Those who do support the bill, physician and Iowa State Representative Megan Srivinas said, may also be under a mistaken impression of how it would work in practice. “There are a lot of half-truths to try to scare people into passing this,” Srivinas said. For example, though much of the bill’s debate focuses on the effects of glyphosate, Srivinas pointed out that the legislation includes lawsuits related to “any pesticide, herbicide or fungicide, whether it exists today or ever in the future.”A number of other harmful chemicals would therefore be exempt from failure to warn lawsuits should the bill pass. Exposure to paraquat, a weed-killing chemical manufactured by Syngenta (parent company ChemChina), has been linked to Parkinson’s disease. A 2022 report from The Guardian revealed that Syngenta “insiders feared they could face legal liability for long-term, chronic effects of paraquat as long ago as 1975.” Syngenta also invented Atrazine, the herbicide linked to gastroschisis. The company did not respond to request for comment.“There are so many carcinogens out there, and we need to understand all the different impacts so we can actually combat this cancer epidemic in our state,” Srivinas said. Both Srinivas’s mother-in-law and father-in-law, who are farmers, have been diagnosed with cancer at some point in their lives. “We need to give people the ability to get treatment, to understand what’s going on, and to be able to make the choices for themselves, right?”But fighting pesticide use in an agricultural state like Iowa isn’t easy. If you’re urban or rural, whether you use pesticides on your crops or not, you’ve likely been exposed to pesticides in some form or another, said Rob Faux, an organic farmer in northeast Iowa. He’s been farming for more than 20 years, and though he doesn’t use pesticides on his vegetables, his property is surrounded by soy and corn row crops that are regularly sprayed. Like many Iowans, Faux is a cancer survivor, and he relentlessly ponders whether he got sick just because of his profession.“It’s a common acceptance in rural Iowa that we’re probably being poisoned, but we don’t want to know about it because we’re not sure we can do anything about it,” Faux said. Over the last year, Faux has opposed S.F. 394 through his work at the Pesticide Action and Agroecology Network, a coalition that seeks to end the country’s reliance on pesticides. PAN, along with a number of other advocacy groups, including Food and Water Watch, has led opposition efforts across the state. In February, more than 150 people rallied in the Capitol against the legislation.It’s important but exhausting work, Faux said. “This is not what I do by nature. I prefer to grow things, or I prefer to educate people, which are the two things that I’ve done more of my life,” he said. Still, he thinks advocacy is needed nationwide. In addition to similar legislation being close to passing in Georgia and North Dakota, the attorneys general of Nebraska, Iowa, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Montana, North Dakota, South Carolina, and South Dakota have also filed a petition to amend a federal law that would make it harder to sue pesticide companies.In Iowa, the bill has until April 4 to pass at least one committee in the House, but its lifetime could be extended through an appropriations process. Advocates are hopeful that representatives will prioritize the health and well-being of Iowans over corporate profit.“I know people often get tired and frustrated, and they don’t feel like they’re making a difference,” Faux said. “But I need to remind everybody that, believe it or not, you do make a difference if you come with integrity, if you come with the right intention.”

Growing up on a cattle ranch in Clarinda, Iowa, Tatum Watkins wanted nothing more than to be outside, help out on the farm, and run freely through the fields like other kids in the farming community. Instead, she spent much of her childhood driving to medical appointments out of state. Watkins was born with a birth defect known as gastroschisis, in which her abdominal organs were outside of her body. Angry and confused as she sat on the sidelines, Watkins often wondered why she was different. By the time she was 10, she had a hypothesis. Every summer, Watkins’s father would plant grapes on the ranch around the same time her neighbors sprayed pesticides on their crops. Every summer, the grapes would die. When a young Watkins made the connection, she began to wonder if the pesticides—a simple “fact of life” in Iowa—could also have caused her gastroschisis. Her best friend, who suffered from a similar abdominal wall defect, also grew up on a working farm. Years later, research found that excess exposure to Atrazine, a herbicide created by the pesticide giant Syngenta, is indeed associated with an increased risk of gastroschisis. Watkins will never know for sure if that’s what caused her condition, but she wishes she and her family had access to this research a decade ago. “Had people had the data to go forward with a lawsuit back then, I think that would have been a brilliant thing,” Watkins said. Iowa has the second-highest rate of cancer cases and the fastest-growing cancer rate in the country. It’s also one of the top states for pesticide use. Thousands have sought and won legal battles against the handful of pesticide companies that dominate the market, and litigation has been a crucial tool to help Iowans pay for the health care they need. But now, facing billions in legal fees, pesticide companies are lobbying to block litigation against them with the introduction of Senate File 394.The bill, which recently passed 26–21 in the Iowa State Senate and will be voted on in the House this month, would prevent Iowans from bringing lawsuits against a pesticide manufacturer for failing to warn them of health risks, as long as the product includes a label approved by the Environmental Protection Agency. The votes to pass the bill came exclusively from Senate Republicans, although six Republicans also joined Democratic colleagues in opposing the measure.“This bill would essentially make the federal labeling requirements sufficient legally, as far as whether they are adequate to warn consumers about potential harms from using that pesticide,” said Dani Replogle, a staff attorney at Food and Water Watch who has been following the bill closely. So if a person is diagnosed with cancer, and they suspect their illness is linked to pesticide exposure (as a growing body of research suggests), the person could not sue the company for so-called “failure to warn” if their label follows EPA guidelines. “I think the groups who are most at risk are farmers, and particularly migrant farm workers, who are already in a very hazardous line of work,” Replogle said, adding that children, pregnant people, and the elderly are also at risk. Eighty-nine percent of Iowans oppose S.F. 394, according to polling from the Iowa Association for Justice.Dubbed the “Cancer Gag Act” by critics, the bill is part of a larger nationwide push from the pesticide manufacturer Bayer to reduce its litigation costs. Similar laws have been introduced in eight states, as well as at the federal level. Over the last decade, Bayer has faced more than 167,000 lawsuits related to the use of its herbicide Roundup, a weedkiller originally developed by Monsanto and a product that forever changed the productivity of American farming; its use is practically synonymous with the country’s industrial food system. When Bayer acquired Monsanto in 2018, it also acquired billions in litigation and settlement fees. The company has set aside more than $16 billion to deal with Roundup-related lawsuits, and has already paid out more than $10 billion in settlements. Just last week, the company was ordered to pay one of its largest payouts yet: a whopping $2.1 billion to a Georgia man who claimed that excess exposure to Roundup caused his cancer and that the company failed to warn of this possibility. Bayer did not respond to a request for comment.Roundup contains glyphosate, a synthetic herbicide that’s been classified as a “probable human carcinogen” by the International Agency for Research on Cancer, a research arm of the World Health Organization. Its use is banned in Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and other countries. The EPA however, has found that glyphosate is “not likely to be carcinogenic to humans,” a finding that pesticide companies argue exempts them from having to warn of Roundup’s health risks.The Modern Agriculture Alliance, a coalition of agriculture stakeholders founded by Bayer as part of its lobbying efforts, argues that glyphosate is an essential tool for crop yields in Iowa to ensure the state has “a robust and affordable domestic food supply,” and that the bill to shield pesticide companies from lawsuits is crucial in ensuring farmers’ long-term access to Roundup. The Modern Ag Alliance declined to comment on the record for this story, but pointed to a statement after the bill passed in the Iowa State Senate. “If farmers lose access to key crop protection inputs due to meritless litigation,” said Modern Ag Alliance executive director Elizabeth Burns-Thompson in the statement, “it will cripple their ability to compete and cause food prices to go even higher. That’s why the overwhelming majority of Iowans support legislation that protects farmers’ tools, and not the trial lawyers and radical, anti-ag activist groups that want to ‘end capitalism’ and put our farms at risk.” That’s inconsistent with polling showing that a majority of Iowans oppose the bill. Those who do support the bill, physician and Iowa State Representative Megan Srivinas said, may also be under a mistaken impression of how it would work in practice. “There are a lot of half-truths to try to scare people into passing this,” Srivinas said. For example, though much of the bill’s debate focuses on the effects of glyphosate, Srivinas pointed out that the legislation includes lawsuits related to “any pesticide, herbicide or fungicide, whether it exists today or ever in the future.”A number of other harmful chemicals would therefore be exempt from failure to warn lawsuits should the bill pass. Exposure to paraquat, a weed-killing chemical manufactured by Syngenta (parent company ChemChina), has been linked to Parkinson’s disease. A 2022 report from The Guardian revealed that Syngenta “insiders feared they could face legal liability for long-term, chronic effects of paraquat as long ago as 1975.” Syngenta also invented Atrazine, the herbicide linked to gastroschisis. The company did not respond to request for comment.“There are so many carcinogens out there, and we need to understand all the different impacts so we can actually combat this cancer epidemic in our state,” Srivinas said. Both Srinivas’s mother-in-law and father-in-law, who are farmers, have been diagnosed with cancer at some point in their lives. “We need to give people the ability to get treatment, to understand what’s going on, and to be able to make the choices for themselves, right?”But fighting pesticide use in an agricultural state like Iowa isn’t easy. If you’re urban or rural, whether you use pesticides on your crops or not, you’ve likely been exposed to pesticides in some form or another, said Rob Faux, an organic farmer in northeast Iowa. He’s been farming for more than 20 years, and though he doesn’t use pesticides on his vegetables, his property is surrounded by soy and corn row crops that are regularly sprayed. Like many Iowans, Faux is a cancer survivor, and he relentlessly ponders whether he got sick just because of his profession.“It’s a common acceptance in rural Iowa that we’re probably being poisoned, but we don’t want to know about it because we’re not sure we can do anything about it,” Faux said. Over the last year, Faux has opposed S.F. 394 through his work at the Pesticide Action and Agroecology Network, a coalition that seeks to end the country’s reliance on pesticides. PAN, along with a number of other advocacy groups, including Food and Water Watch, has led opposition efforts across the state. In February, more than 150 people rallied in the Capitol against the legislation.It’s important but exhausting work, Faux said. “This is not what I do by nature. I prefer to grow things, or I prefer to educate people, which are the two things that I’ve done more of my life,” he said. Still, he thinks advocacy is needed nationwide. In addition to similar legislation being close to passing in Georgia and North Dakota, the attorneys general of Nebraska, Iowa, Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Louisiana, Montana, North Dakota, South Carolina, and South Dakota have also filed a petition to amend a federal law that would make it harder to sue pesticide companies.In Iowa, the bill has until April 4 to pass at least one committee in the House, but its lifetime could be extended through an appropriations process. Advocates are hopeful that representatives will prioritize the health and well-being of Iowans over corporate profit.“I know people often get tired and frustrated, and they don’t feel like they’re making a difference,” Faux said. “But I need to remind everybody that, believe it or not, you do make a difference if you come with integrity, if you come with the right intention.”

Opinion: I live in Flint, Michigan. Shuttering environmental justice at EPA hurts communities like mine.

Eleven years ago Flint, Michigan, fatefully switched its drinking water supply to the Flint River. The consequences are well-documented: significant damage to pipes, a historic outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease, system-wide lead contamination. My then-three-year-old son was one of the children who drank that lead-tainted water. Because lead is only detectable in the blood for two months’ time, we, like many other Flint families, will never know exactly how much lead may have entered our child’s body, or what effects it might have had on his development. That uncertainty is just one of the many ways in which the Flint water crisis continues to reverberate throughout our community.Another notable, and much-remarked reverberation is the effect the crisis had on trust in governmental institutions. Flint parents will not soon forget the many months our children drank tainted water while officials insisted everything was fine. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), for its part, was shamefully slow to act in the face of evidence that the water posed an imminent threat. In some ways, the agency is still on the wrong side of the crisis, as it continues to fight a lawsuit brought by residents. But EPA has given itself a means of addressing its blind spots, course correcting, and hopefully, minimizing mistakes like the ones we saw in Flint.The EPA’s National Environmental Justice Advisory Council (NEJAC) was created in 1993 to provide recommendations to the EPA administrator for addressing pollution and other environmental burdens in our hardest-hit communities. NEJAC’s members are unpaid, performing their work for the council as a public service. And they hail from a wide range of backgrounds: community-based organizations, state and local government, academia, tribal government, and the business and industry sector. Credit: SHTTEFAN on Unsplash NEJAC’s open meetings offer the public inlets of influence over the federal government, giving communities the opportunity to lift up their concerns and ensure that they are taken seriously and followed up on. After the revelations about Flint’s water, NEJAC invited one of the city’s leading water activists to speak to the council and, inspired by her testimony and reports from other community advocates, authored a letter calling for prompt EPA action to address “enduring problems” in Flint. (The agency’s follow-up actions are detailed here.) Subsequently, Flint helped to inspire NEJAC’s national recommendations around water infrastructure.In 2020, the last year of the first Trump administration, I began my own service on NEJAC. That year, former EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler conducted a review of all advisory committees to EPA and, in his words, “reaffirmed the importance” of NEJAC’s “critical role” in helping the agency “make measurable progress improving the health and welfare of overburdened communities.”The difference between then and now is striking. Current EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin has suggested that environmental justice work amounts to discrimination and has been purging EPA of all traces of its environmental justice commitments. Notably, NEJAC has been removed from EPA’s official list of advisory committees, and the fate of the council is unclear. As (presumptive) NEJAC vice-chair, I and other members of the NEJAC leadership team sent a letter to Administrator Zeldin on February 28 asking him to meet with us, as is customary for a new administrator. He has not responded.Meanwhile, like other marginalized communities, Flint waits to see whether our plight will be taken seriously by this administration. Flint remains under the EPA emergency order issued in January 2016, a reflection of our water system’s lingering issues. While significant strides have been made in getting lead out of our water, residents are awaiting the completion of lead pipe removal, and we still face many challenges in rebuilding the relationship between residents and our water utility. Under the last presidential administration, EPA employees in the environmental justice program offered resources to help facilitate the Flint Water System Advisory Council, which serves as an interface between Flint residents and the city’s water managers. Whether this support will continue, given that some of these agency allies have been placed on administrative leave and are facing termination, is very much an open question. On February 20 of this year, Administrator Zeldin made a point of visiting Flint. He toured the Flint Water Treatment Plant and pledged that EPA would remain “fully engaged” with the city’s recovery effort. What the administrator did not do, however, is take the time to hear directly from impacted community members about their needs, concerns, and recommendations.It is a contradiction to claim full engagement and to simultaneously neglect or cut off opportunities for members of our most marginalized communities to lift up their voices to EPA and other federal agencies. With the closing of EPA’s national and regional environmental justice offices, there has never been more need for the spotlight that NEJAC can shine on the environmental struggles of communities like Flint. For over 30 years, across Democratic and Republican administrations, NEJAC has provided EPA decision-makers with invaluable perspective at negligible cost to the American taxpayer. Administrator Zeldin should, like his predecessors, reaffirm its important role.

Eleven years ago Flint, Michigan, fatefully switched its drinking water supply to the Flint River. The consequences are well-documented: significant damage to pipes, a historic outbreak of Legionnaires’ disease, system-wide lead contamination. My then-three-year-old son was one of the children who drank that lead-tainted water. Because lead is only detectable in the blood for two months’ time, we, like many other Flint families, will never know exactly how much lead may have entered our child’s body, or what effects it might have had on his development. That uncertainty is just one of the many ways in which the Flint water crisis continues to reverberate throughout our community.Another notable, and much-remarked reverberation is the effect the crisis had on trust in governmental institutions. Flint parents will not soon forget the many months our children drank tainted water while officials insisted everything was fine. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), for its part, was shamefully slow to act in the face of evidence that the water posed an imminent threat. In some ways, the agency is still on the wrong side of the crisis, as it continues to fight a lawsuit brought by residents. But EPA has given itself a means of addressing its blind spots, course correcting, and hopefully, minimizing mistakes like the ones we saw in Flint.The EPA’s National Environmental Justice Advisory Council (NEJAC) was created in 1993 to provide recommendations to the EPA administrator for addressing pollution and other environmental burdens in our hardest-hit communities. NEJAC’s members are unpaid, performing their work for the council as a public service. And they hail from a wide range of backgrounds: community-based organizations, state and local government, academia, tribal government, and the business and industry sector. Credit: SHTTEFAN on Unsplash NEJAC’s open meetings offer the public inlets of influence over the federal government, giving communities the opportunity to lift up their concerns and ensure that they are taken seriously and followed up on. After the revelations about Flint’s water, NEJAC invited one of the city’s leading water activists to speak to the council and, inspired by her testimony and reports from other community advocates, authored a letter calling for prompt EPA action to address “enduring problems” in Flint. (The agency’s follow-up actions are detailed here.) Subsequently, Flint helped to inspire NEJAC’s national recommendations around water infrastructure.In 2020, the last year of the first Trump administration, I began my own service on NEJAC. That year, former EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler conducted a review of all advisory committees to EPA and, in his words, “reaffirmed the importance” of NEJAC’s “critical role” in helping the agency “make measurable progress improving the health and welfare of overburdened communities.”The difference between then and now is striking. Current EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin has suggested that environmental justice work amounts to discrimination and has been purging EPA of all traces of its environmental justice commitments. Notably, NEJAC has been removed from EPA’s official list of advisory committees, and the fate of the council is unclear. As (presumptive) NEJAC vice-chair, I and other members of the NEJAC leadership team sent a letter to Administrator Zeldin on February 28 asking him to meet with us, as is customary for a new administrator. He has not responded.Meanwhile, like other marginalized communities, Flint waits to see whether our plight will be taken seriously by this administration. Flint remains under the EPA emergency order issued in January 2016, a reflection of our water system’s lingering issues. While significant strides have been made in getting lead out of our water, residents are awaiting the completion of lead pipe removal, and we still face many challenges in rebuilding the relationship between residents and our water utility. Under the last presidential administration, EPA employees in the environmental justice program offered resources to help facilitate the Flint Water System Advisory Council, which serves as an interface between Flint residents and the city’s water managers. Whether this support will continue, given that some of these agency allies have been placed on administrative leave and are facing termination, is very much an open question. On February 20 of this year, Administrator Zeldin made a point of visiting Flint. He toured the Flint Water Treatment Plant and pledged that EPA would remain “fully engaged” with the city’s recovery effort. What the administrator did not do, however, is take the time to hear directly from impacted community members about their needs, concerns, and recommendations.It is a contradiction to claim full engagement and to simultaneously neglect or cut off opportunities for members of our most marginalized communities to lift up their voices to EPA and other federal agencies. With the closing of EPA’s national and regional environmental justice offices, there has never been more need for the spotlight that NEJAC can shine on the environmental struggles of communities like Flint. For over 30 years, across Democratic and Republican administrations, NEJAC has provided EPA decision-makers with invaluable perspective at negligible cost to the American taxpayer. Administrator Zeldin should, like his predecessors, reaffirm its important role.

What makes middle school even worse? Climate anxiety.

Students have big feelings about climate change. Most teachers don’t know how to help.

When the Marshall Fire swept through the grassy plains and foothills outside Boulder, Colorado, in late December 2021, it burned down more than 1,000 homes — and left many young people shaken. “It can just be pure anxiety — you’re literally watching a fire march its way across, and it’s really, really close,” said David Thesenga, an 8th grade science teacher. Some of his students at Alexander Dawson School in the small town of Lafayette lost their homes to the fire.  As more students come to school traumatized by living through fires, floods, and other extreme weather, teachers are being asked to do more than educate — they’re also acting as untrained therapists. While Thesenga’s private school has psychologists on staff, they don’t provide mental health resources dedicated to helping students work through distress related to the changing climate, whether it’s trauma from a real event or more general anxiety about an overheated future. “Sometimes you don’t need a generic [tool],” he said. “What you need is something very specific to the trauma or to the thing that is causing you stress, and that is climate change.” Middle school teachers around the country say they feel unprepared to help their students cope with the stress of living on a warming planet, according to a new survey of 63 middle school teachers across the United States by the Climate Mental Health Network and the National Environmental Education Foundation. Nearly all of the teachers surveyed reported seeing emotional reactions from their students when the subject of climate change came up, but many of them lacked the resources to respond. “Students are showing up in the classroom with a range of climate emotions that can be debilitating,” said Sarah Newman, the founder and executive director of the Climate Mental Health Network. “This is impacting students’ ability to learn and how they’re engaging in the classroom.”  One of the biggest concerns Thesenga hears from his students is that climate change feels out of their control and thinking about it seems overwhelming. “They just feel powerless, and that’s probably the scariest thing for them,” he said.  Katie Larsen, who teaches 6th and 9th grade biology at The Foote School in New Haven, Connecticut, says that her students have grown up knowing that climate change is a problem, but learning about the extent of environmental damage — like how many species go extinct every year — often surprises them. She tries to shift the conversation away from doom and gloom and toward something more hopeful, such as what people can do to save ecosystems. “I think the more positive you can make it, and action-oriented, the better,” she said. A growing body of research shows that young people’s anxieties about climate change can affect their relationships and their ability to think and function. Last November, a study in The Lancet Planetary Health found that 16- to 25-year-olds were struggling with their worries about climate change. Of the more than 15,000 young Americans surveyed, 43 percent reported that it hurt their mental health, and 38 percent said that it made their daily life worse.  Then there’s the matter that surviving a specific disaster can be traumatizing for people of any age. Living through a hurricane or flood can lead to an increased risk of depression and post-traumatic stress disorder, while wildfires have been connected with anxiety, substance abuse, and sleeping problems, according to a report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 2022. These problems are especially acute for children and adolescents. An 8-year-old walks through what remains of her grandfather’s house in a neighborhood decimated by the Marshall Fire in Louisville, Colorado. Michael Ciaglo / Getty Images To address the lack of resources for dealing with distress related to climate change, the Climate Mental Health Network and the National Environmental Education Foundation developed a new toolkit that teachers can use in their middle school classrooms. One handout, called the “climate emotions wheel,” helps students identify their emotions, arranging them into four main categories — anger, sadness, fear, and positivity — and then breaking those down to more specific feelings, such as betrayal, grief, anxiety, and empowerment. While science classrooms are a natural fit for these resources, Megan Willig, who helped create the activities with the National Environmental Education Foundation, says she hopes that teachers can use them in English, social studies, and art classes, among other subjects. They’re designed to be quick and ready to use. “Teachers shared that they’re busy, and they have a lot on their plates,” said Willig, who’s a former teacher herself. The exercises prompt students to reflect on how other young people are processing distress over climate change and explore how to turn their anxiety into action. One activity in the toolkit introduces “negativity bias,” referring to how the brain often latches onto negative thoughts, and asks students to counter that tendency by brainstorming happier emotions related to the Earth. Another prompts students to consider their “spheres of influence” and think about what they can do to contribute to solving climate change in their inner circle, their community, and in the wider world. Read Next How climate disasters hurt adolescents’ mental health Zoya Teirstein The toolkit was piloted last fall by 40 teachers who volunteered in 25 states. Afterward, all of the teachers who participated said they’d recommend it to a colleague, and a majority reported feeling more confident addressing students’ emotions — as well as their own. The tools were successful in red states like Utah, Texas, Mississippi, Florida, West Virginia, and Indiana, as well as blue ones like New York and Washington. Newman thinks it’s a sign that the need for these kinds of resources isn’t a partisan issue. She views middle school as a crucial moment to offer mental health support. “Kids are really becoming more aware of climate change and what’s actually happening,” she said. “It’s often the first time that they’re going to be learning about it in school. They have more access to social media and online news, which is amplifying their awareness and knowledge about climate change, and they’re going through really formative times.” Asked if he would try the exercises, Thesenga said he would give them a shot. “Absolutely, why the hell not?” he said. In his Facebook groups, he’s seen fellow teachers say they avoid the subject altogether in class. “That is not the answer — your students want to know,” Thesenga said. “You’re the frontline person. You have to buck it up, and you have to do this.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline What makes middle school even worse? Climate anxiety. on Apr 3, 2025.

States lead on landfill methane emissions as federal action stalls

Landfills are a major problem for the climate: They’re the United States’ third-largest source of methane, a greenhouse gas that traps 80 times as much heat as carbon dioxide in the short term. Last year, the federal government was poised to start reining in these emissions: In July, the Environmental Protection…

Landfills are a major problem for the climate: They’re the United States’ third-largest source of methane, a greenhouse gas that traps 80 times as much heat as carbon dioxide in the short term. Last year, the federal government was poised to start reining in these emissions: In July, the Environmental Protection Agency announced that it would release new regulations to better detect and prevent methane leaks from landfills. The Trump administration, which has announced its intention to cut the EPA’s budget by 65% or more, seems unlikely to follow through on these plans or any other policy limiting landfill emissions. But in the absence of federal leadership, states like Michigan, Oregon, Colorado, and California are moving forward with their own plans. Regulatory efforts are underway among these climate leaders to implement stricter rules for landfill operators and require the use of novel technology, like drones and satellites that monitor leaks. “These state regulations could be hugely impactful,” said Elizabeth Schroeder, the senior communications strategist at Industrious Labs, a nonprofit working to transform heavy industry. They not only have the potential to make a real dent on greenhouse gas emissions, Schroeder said, but could also set a national example for other states looking to curtail methane pollution. How states can step up regulation on landfills Currently, the EPA requires landfill operators to cover trash to minimize odor, disease risk, and fire — a practice that also minimizes methane leaks. This usually looks like a layer of dirt or ash, followed by tarps. Operators of large landfills must also install extraction systems, networks of pipes that collect methane and other gases from inside the landfill. The extraction systems then pump these emissions to burn off at flares or, increasingly, to biogas energy projects. However, landfills are dynamic systems — over time, as waste breaks down and shifts, cover develops holes and pipes crack. Maintenance is often imperfect. An analysis by the Environmental Defense Fund found that between 2021 and 2023, more than one-third of landfills had at least one violation of EPA standards. Operators of landfills that exceed a specific emissions threshold are supposed to conduct quarterly ​“walking” surveys for leaks. But experts say that these surveys are infrequent and often miss large portions of the landfill. States have an opportunity to step up those standards — not only by lowering emissions limits but by improving the maintenance and monitoring of landfills, said Tom Frankiewicz, the waste-sector methane expert at climate-focused think tank RMI. ​“While we would love to see all this done comprehensively in one national-level regulation, it’s states that are taking the lead on deployment of advanced technology and setting new best practices for landfills.” In 2010, California became the first state to develop standards for landfills that were stricter than federal rules. Those included a lower emissions threshold at which landfills had to install gas collection systems and a requirement that operators enclose flares so that the methane burns more efficiently. Other states, including Oregon and Washington, followed suit and in some respects even surpassed California, said Katherine Blauvelt, the circular-economy director for Industrious Labs. But despite this early progress, landfills in these states and elsewhere continue to spew methane and undermine climate goals. Now, though, Colorado has taken the lead on a new generation of landfill emissions regulations. The state is developing what some experts are calling a first-of-a-kind program for monitoring and responding to methane leaks from landfills. As part of the initiative, Colorado plans to implement remote-sensing technologies, including fly-overs and satellites, to detect methane leaks, which operators would then be required to address. “Colorado would be the first state to incorporate that into a rule where, instead of relying on voluntary follow-up, there would actually be requirements around mitigating emissions that are detected,” said Ellie Garland, a senior associate focusing on methane policy at RMI. A draft rule will be publicly available in April, with a final vote expected in August. In addition, Colorado’s Department of Public Health and Environment is considering additional requirements for landfills that include stricter rules for the maintenance of cover and a lower threshold at which landfills are required to report and control emissions, Garland said. Currently only 15 of the state’s about 50 active landfills do this, although Colorado began requiring 35 more landfills to begin reporting emissions starting on March 31, said Clay Clarke, the manager of the climate change program at the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment. Not all landfills are required to control emissions. That’s because smaller landfills don’t generate enough gas to collect and flare. Under proposed regulations, many of these landfills would need to pipe gas to biofilters — a system that uses microorganisms to digest methane.

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