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Governor Wants 27k New Homes Built in Honolulu Neighborhood, Plans to Seek Infrastructure Funding

Hawaii Gov. Josh Green has an ambitious plan for Iwilei, a working-class neighborhood bordering Honolulu's Chinatown, along the rail line

Gov. Josh Green has a big vision for Iwilei, the working-class neighborhood bordering Honolulu’s Chinatown along the rail line. It would cost an estimated $667 million in state taxpayer money for a massive infrastructure upgrade, Green says. The trade-off: 27,500 new homes and upward of $5 billion in investment into an area Honolulu Mayor Rick Blangiardi has targeted for redevelopment.Green said he’ll include a request for some Iwilei infrastructure money in his housing package for the upcoming session. “This is already being formulated in the housing plan,” he said.The Iwilei effort reflects Green’s current approach to housing, which relies on development along the Honolulu rail line, coordinating with county initiatives, building on government-owned land and focusing on affordable housing — all expedited by an emergency proclamation more modest than the one he announced to great fanfare in 2023.Housing remains a major initiative, Green said in a sweeping interview.“It’s still our top priority,” the governor said. “Affordability, in other words, cost of living and housing still are the top two concerns that our people have, and they are still our top priorities.”The market has shown few signs of improving since Green took office. While the resale prices of single-family homes and condos have leveled off, rents have increased 17% since his December 2022 inauguration, according to the University of Hawaii Economic Research Organization. Polls show 53% of residents feel burdened by housing costs, Green said, and 28% feel severely cost-burdened.Housing was one of Green’s major campaign issues. And upon taking office, he quickly announced bold measures to address Hawaii’s housing crisis. An emergency proclamation on homelessness heralded a statewide initiative to build villages of tiny homes combined with social services to get people off the streets. His emergency proclamation on housing was even bolder. Designed to encourage home building of all types, not just homes designated as affordable, the proclamation suspended an array of land-use and environmental laws that developers have long complained led to interminable delays and increased costs. The proclamation established a working group to approve projects according to a set of emergency rules set up in place of the suspended laws.The order triggered applause from builders but fierce opposition and lawsuits from environmentalists. Green quickly scaled back the order, restoring many of the suspended laws and issuing a new proclamation focusing on affordable housing.Although the Hawaii Supreme Court in September agreed the original proclamation on housing had gone too far, the court upheld the current proclamation on affordable housing. Green calls the ruling a victory — and sees it as an opening for county governments to also address the problem.“I intend to keep the emergency housing proclamation active through the entire first term,” Green said. “And I’m encouraging the mayors and other government officials to consider their own emergency housing proclamations as they see fit going forward.”Much of the governor’s attention for the past two years has been focused on issues other than housing. The Maui wildfires that killed 102 people and destroyed much of Lahaina in August 2023 created massive suffering for residents and economic damage for property owners. In response, Green’s office created a victims’ settlement fund, built hundreds of modular homes near Lahaina and crafted a settlement of thousands of lawsuits, which saved Hawaiian Electric Industries and its utility subsidiaries from bankruptcy.Last session, Green pushed lawmakers to pass a historic law imposing a fee on hotel and other short-term rental users to raise money to help offset the negative impacts of tourism on the environment. There was also a tax bill intended to put more money into the hands of people struggling to get by.“Though people might not hear me utter the words ‘housing crisis’ as often, we’re still under the housing emergency proclamation,” he said. “And I wouldn’t be under an emergency housing proclamation and all that comes with it, if it wasn’t still our top priority.Hawaii now has 64,000 units in the “affordable housing development pipeline,” Green said. Only about 3,000 of those are included in the 27,500 new homes envisioned for Iwilei.In reality, nearly 31,000 of the 64,000 homes are in their infancy and still must go through the arduous process of obtaining land-use permits and other entitlements that can take years to obtain.Green also pointed to his tiny home, or kauhale, initiative. It’s led to 23 kauhale being built since 2022 at a cost of $128.3 million. The Legislature last session handed out $88.2 million over the next two years to keep the program on track toward Green’s goal of 30 villages by 2027.At the same time, lawmakers prohibited building off-grid villages, a practice Green’s former homelessness coordinator, John Mizuno, had criticized, and requested an audit of the program.Still, Green said his housing initiative is on track.“I think it’s been successful,” he said. “You know, there’s a ton of examples here of housing projects that are on the go, you know, where we’ve had groundbreaking and even (people moving in).”Green also said he stands by a pillar of his initiative that continues to get strong pushback from neighborhood and environmental groups. An existing statute gives broad development power to the state Housing Finance Development Corp., a government agency that helps private developers finance projects meeting certain affordability requirements. But affordability is relative.A studio apartment in Honolulu can rent out for as much as $3,724 per month and still be considered affordable under HHFDC guidelines, which are set by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. A home for a family of four can be priced as high as $757,300 at today’s interest rates and still count as affordable.In exchange for building such affordable housing, projects built by government or private developers with HHFDC approval are exempt from all statutes, ordinances, and any other “rules of any government agency relating to planning, zoning, construction standards for subdivisions, development and improvement of land, and the construction of dwelling units.”The law gives county councils 45 days after plans are submitted to approve, modify or nix the projects. If the councils don’t act by the deadline, the project is considered approved. Green said the law was inspired by his emergency proclamation on affordable housing.“We don’t want to add extra conditions once we get a project approved by HHFDC,” he said. “If they’re ready to go, and then you add in two, three or four extra conditions … That’s a lot of the time how things get bogged down.” Green also defended the use of the statute even if it meant destroying existing homes that working people could afford to make way for housing that was technically deemed affordable but still priced out of reach for many.The Kobayashi Group did just that with its HHFDC-approved Kuilei Place project, located on Kapiolani Boulevard in Moiliili. To make way for the 1,005-unit, 43-story project, the developer razed a neighborhood of about 120 two-story walk-up apartments: true workforce housing walking distance from Waikiki's hotel and restaurant jobs. About 600 condos were set aside as affordable, priced for families of four earning between $104,500 and $158,600.Green said on balance the project was good for society.“It will house many hundreds of additional people, and that’s the macro housing proposal,” he said. Those who had to relocate were “comparatively a very small number of people for a greater benefit to society, which is to build thousands of additional houses.”Green doesn’t foresee the same risk of displacing Iwilei residents. The area, about the size of Waikiki, is one of Honolulu’s more affordable housing markets. Approximately 12,295 residents now live in Iwilei’s 4,297 housing units, according to data from the Census and a private research firm cited in an environmental impact statement approved for the state’s envisioned $667 million infrastructure project.Median rents are around $1,400 per month in the broader Liliha-Nuuanu neighborhood encompassing Iwilei, according to the University of Hawaii Economic Research Organization’s housing data dashboard. The annual income needed to afford rent is about $56,760 — far lower than the $91,000 median household income for Oahu. Still, the EIS notes, people struggle: the median household income is just $45,400, creating more housing affordability stress for Iwilei residents than Oahu residents in general.That said, the EIS says, the state’s infrastructure project “will not in itself impact housing stock, but its intent is to enable other planned developments to proceed.”Ultimately, Green said, the goal is to allow residents to live in Hawaii and stop the outmigration that has occurred for years before now starting to level off.He sees two potential outcomes for the state. In one, the yearslong pace of outmigration levels off and a surge in housing produces “a win for local people, Pacific Islanders, Hawaiians: people can afford housing, and your population can grow normally, so you get some economic growth … and it’s good.”The other, he said, pointing to a chart in a slideshow, is for the population to continue declining.“And then here’s the very bad scenario,” he said. “We go the opposite direction, we fail to build housing. It tightens even further. And it’s really dangerous. It’s dangerous because then only affluent people can live in Hawaii.”This story was originally published by Honolulu Civil Beat and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

A Warning for the Modern Striver

A new biography of Peter Matthiessen chronicles his many paradoxical attempts to escape who the world expected him to be.

Restlessness is deeply rooted in American mythology. We are a country of pilgrims, engaged in a lifelong search for what Ralph Waldo Emerson called an “original relation to the universe”—a unique understanding of the world that doesn’t rely on the traditions or teachings of past generations. Those who internalize this expectation will walk, trek, and seek—anything to shed an inherited skin and find an undiscovered self they can inhabit. If only skin, inherited or not, were so easy to shed. As Emerson wrote, “My giant goes with me wherever I go.”Few have embodied this supposedly American quality with more complexity than the writer Peter Matthiessen. And few have captured it with more clarity than Lance Richardson in his new biography of Matthiessen, True Nature. Richardson portrays the peripatetic life of Matthiessen—a celebrated author, magazine editor, and undercover agent who died in 2014—not as an eclectic series of adventures but as a single, 86-year spiritual quest. As he writes, Matthiessen’s “inner journey determined the choices he made throughout his long life; it is the string on which the various beads of his career were strung.” Matthiessen fled his monied upbringing in a flawed yet fascinating attempt to escape the person the world expected him to be.The central project of Matthiessen’s existence was a relentless, often painful attempt to locate what, quoting Zen Buddhists, he called a “true nature”—an authentic core beneath the layers of identity that he had received or constructed. His life story provides a warning for today’s perpetually dissatisfied strivers: mainly members of the tech or business elite who have made a name for themselves, only to still feel empty and insecure. Many use their considerable resources to set out for other territories in search of something they’re unlikely to find.[Read: You don’t know yourself as well as you think you do]Like many pilgrimages, Matthiessen’s journey began with a foundational trauma. Born in 1927, he had a storybook childhood on New York’s Fishers Island that was ruptured one summer by an incident on his father’s boat. The young Matthiessen had been learning to swim, so his father took him out to the harbor and threw him overboard to see if the lessons had stuck. As Richardson writes, Matthiessen made the mistake of clinging to his father’s shirt as he was thrown and nearly broke his arm on the side of the boat. He would later call this humiliation “the opening skirmish in an absolutely pointless lifelong war” with his family, and his adulthood was a series of escapes from that original wound. He fled to Paris, the classic expatriate move, but did so under bizarre circumstances—co-founding The Paris Review while serving as an agent for the CIA. Thoreau went to Walden Pond to flee a society he saw as corrupt; Matthiessen, for his part, went to the center of the establishment’s undercover operations to fund and facilitate his own existential escape. Jill Krementz The only writer to ever win National Book Awards for both fiction and nonfiction, Matthiessen was an architect of the postwar intellectual world, a contemporary of giants such as Norman Mailer, James Baldwin, and William Styron. His peers often waged their philosophical battles in the public squares of New York and Washington, but Matthiessen grew wary of the ego and performance required of the literary lion. Instead he traveled to the mountains of Nepal in search of snow leopards, and deep into China and Mongolia to catch a glimpse of the rarest cranes on Earth. But what he was really searching for was far more personal.Matthiessen’s pursuits weren’t solely internal; his work was also a very public counterpoint to the materialism and social conformity that he believed defined the second half of 20th-century America. His seminal book, Wildlife in America, published in 1959, was a meticulously researched history of the natural world and the devastating effects of human activity. Richardson rightly calls it “a landmark in nature writing,” which predated Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring. Matthiessen’s search for a preindustrial Eden also drives The Snow Leopard, his best-known work. On its surface, the book is the account of his two-month trek into Nepal’s Himalayas with the naturalist George Schaller, in 1973. But it is also a record of what Matthiessen called “a true pilgrimage, a journey of the heart” as he grieved the recent death of his wife. The hunt for the elusive, almost mythical snow leopard becomes a metaphor for the search for spiritual enlightenment, a release from the travails and humiliations of everyday human life.I first read The Snow Leopard when I was 20. It filled me with the misguided but tantalizing belief that a life of meaning was to be found elsewhere. It inspired my own pilgrimage to the Alps, retracing the trails that Friedrich Nietzsche hiked while writing his greatest work, Thus Spoke Zarathustra; I sought the kind of authenticity that seemed impossible to find in a comfortable American suburb. The journey was enabled by a scholarship to a good school—a form of privilege that was almost entirely lost on me. Matthiessen’s profound and lonely meditations at 17,000 feet were, similarly, made possible by National Geographic funding, a name that opened doors, the very worldly security he was trying to transcend.Perhaps he understood, on some level, the irony. Richardson writes that in the Amazon, many years before his subject traveled to Nepal, Matthiessen had encountered a genuine wanderer, a French Canadian drifter named Johnny Gauvin, and felt a sudden, uncomfortable self-awareness. Displacement and its attendant poverty were Gauvin’s way of life. Matthiessen realized that he was no authentic man of the wilderness, but an affluent visitor. “It’s a disturbing quality, and one that induces a certain self-consciousness about one’s eyeglasses, say, or the gleam of one’s new khaki pants,” he wrote in The New Yorker in 1961. Pilgrimages sometimes cause collateral damage too. In later life, he admitted that it may have been a mistake to leave his 8-year-old son so soon after the death of his wife to embark on the Himalayan expedition.Matthiessen’s example provides a powerful archetype for the modern day. The tech billionaire who flies to space seeking the “overview effect” is in search of something beyond the ken of the material world, which he has already conquered. The annual ritual of Burning Man sees wealthy people enact a temporary shedding of their consumerist skin, even if getting there requires enlarging one’s carbon footprint. The Silicon Valley executive who flies to Peru for an ayahuasca retreat is on a journey Matthiessen would have recognized intimately. Long before embarking on his formal Zen training, Matthiessen was an early psychonaut, experimenting with LSD in the 1960s. In search of mind-altering effects, he sought a chemical shortcut to the dissolution of the ego, a forced glimpse of the “true nature” that his privilege and ambition otherwise obscured. Matthiessen’s path from psychedelics to the rigorous discipline of Zen meditation shows what a genuine spiritual journey looks like: It is extremely difficult, deeply private, and never-ending. There is no shortcut. Jill Krementz [Read: A reality check for tech oligarchs]Did Matthiessen ever find what he was looking for? Richardson’s elegant and rigorous biography wisely leaves the question open. But what it does make clear is that “true nature” is not a stable or permanent destination. It is a process, an experience, a temporary vision, an opening caused by a sudden confrontation with the world beyond us. Later in life, as Richardson writes, Matthiessen compared it to a tiger jumping into a quiet room. Reflecting on his tiger moment—a vision of his dying wife experienced in a sesshin, an intense form of Buddhist meditation—Matthiessen noted that “for the first time since unremembered childhood, I was not alone, there was no separate ‘I.’ Wounds, anger, ragged edges, hollow places were all gone, all had been healed; my heart was the heart of all creation.” But this beautiful instant is, by definition, temporary.Matthiessen, ultimately, refused to fit into any tidy box. He was an environmental activist who hobnobbed with the jet set, a devoted Buddhist who wrestled with a titanic ego, a man who knew that all things ultimately return to nature but fought against death to the very end. Matthiessen embodied many ironies, but one might feel particularly evergreen: The conditions that make possible a search for existential fulfillment are often what make it so very difficult to find.

Newsom vetoes bill banning forever chemicals in cookware

California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) vetoed a bill that would have banned the use of “forever chemicals” in cookware and other products in California. The bill became a source of controversy in the Golden State, with celebrity chefs among those who rallied against the cookware ban, while environmental and health activists have argued for it. It...

California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) vetoed a bill that would have banned the use of “forever chemicals” in cookware and other products in California. The bill became a source of controversy in the Golden State, with celebrity chefs among those who rallied against the cookware ban, while environmental and health activists have argued for it. It would have blocked the sales of cleaning products, dental floss, children's products, food packaging and ski wax that contained such chemicals starting in 2028 and cookware with them starting in 2030. While the bans would have only applied in California, the state’s sheer size gives it significant influence over what gets manufactured for sale across the nation. Newsom, in his veto message Monday, raised concerns about the availability of affordable cookware if the ban were to be implemented. “The broad range of products that would be impacted by this bill would result in a sizable and rapid shift in cooking products available to Californians,” the likely 2028 presidential hopeful wrote. “I appreciate efforts to protect the health and safety of consumers, and while this bill is well-intentioned, I am deeply concerned about the impact this bill would have on the availability of affordable options,” he added. However, proponents of the bill say the veto will result in more exposure to toxic chemicals.  “By vetoing SB 682, Governor Newsom failed to protect Californians and our drinking water from toxic forever chemicals,” said Anna Reade, director of PFAS advocacy with the Natural Resources Defense Council, in a written statement.  “It’s unfortunate that misinformation and greed by some in the cookware industry tanked this policy,”  Reade added. Forever chemicals are the nickname of a group of chemicals called PFAS that have been used in a wide variety of everyday products, including those that are nonstick or waterproof. Exposure to them has been linked to prostate, kidney and testicular cancer, as well as immune system and fertility issues.  They can persist for decades in the environment instead of breaking down and have become pervasive in U.S. waterways, tap water and human beings. California has historically been a relatively aggressive state in terms of environmental and product regulations — for example, requiring that products containing certain chemicals contain warning labels. However, several other states have already banned PFAS in cookware and other products.

Study Finds High Levels of Mercury in Hair Samples From Indigenous Women in Peru and Nicaragua

Small-scale gold mining in the area releases mercury into the environment, where it can make its way into fish and, in turn, humans

Study Finds High Levels of Mercury in Hair Samples From Indigenous Women in Peru and Nicaragua Small-scale gold mining in the area releases mercury into the environment, where it can make its way into fish and, in turn, humans Sara Hashemi - Daily Correspondent October 14, 2025 1:05 p.m. A gold mining operation in Peru IPEN Women in Indigenous communities living near artisanal and small-scale gold mining operations in Peru and Nicaragua have high levels of mercury in their hair, a new analysis suggests. Researchers say the finding illustrates the dangers of small-scale mining worldwide. A new report published October 14 by the International Pollutants Elimination Network (IPEN)—a coalition of non-governmental organizations dedicated to eliminating toxic chemicals—analyzed hair samples from 105 women of child-bearing age (18-44) in four Indigenous communities in Peru and two in Nicaragua. All lived along rivers close to gold mining operations, and fish was part of their diets. An analysis performed at the Biodiversity Research Institute in Maine found 88 percent of these women had mercury levels above the United States Environmental Protection Agency’s 1 ppm threshold for adverse effects from mercury in a developing fetus. All but one had levels above 0.58 ppm, a stronger threshold proposed by a variety of environmental organizations based on research linking low levels of mercury exposure to brain damage to fetuses. The researchers attribute the high mercury levels in the women’s hair to small-scale gold mining. Pollution caused by the practice is a growing problem globally, and Indigenous communities face the brunt of its impact. These mining operations use mercury to extract gold: Miners dredge gold from soil or river sediment and mix in mercury to form a hard coating around the metal. This mercury-gold amalgam is then burned, leaving behind the coveted gold, while mercury is released into the environment. Key concept: Mercury in fish Though nutrition experts tout fish as a healthy food, chowing down could get you sick due to high mercury levels in some fish. The EPA advises people to eat primarily from a list of healthier seafood including anchovy, herring, lobster and salmon and avoid the fishes with the highest mercury levels: king mackerel, swordfish, shark, bigeye tuna, orange roughy, marlin and tilefish. “The rivers are becoming contaminated as a result of the mercury use and gold extraction,” Lee Bell, the lead author of the study and IPEN’s mercury and persistent organic pollutants policy advisor, tells Smithsonian magazine. “You’ve got food chain contamination, and Indigenous people are heavily reliant on fish from the rivers in the Amazon basin as their main dietary protein source,” he adds. “They have very little say in the impacts that are occurring, and there’s very little redress for them under the current arrangements, both at national and international level, to preserve their human rights.” Though it’s naturally occurring in the environment, mercury acts as a neurotoxin in the human body. According to the World Health Organization, the element “is toxic to human health, posing a particular threat to the development of the child in utero and early in life.” Its impacts include nervous system damage, developmental and behavioral disorders, and kidney problems. The amount of mercury in hair is considered a reflection of a person’s blood concentration of mercury at the moment of hair growth. Hair samples are collected in Puerto Arturo, Peru. IPEN “The results from this sampling project clearly indicate that women of childbearing age in Peru and Nicaragua are being impacted by mercury contamination of their environments,” the researchers write in the report. The local effects of the contamination—and its associated impacts on child development within the community—“far outweigh the economic gain for the few miners who succeed in extracting significant amounts of gold,” they conclude. William Pan, a researcher at the Duke Global Health Institute who studies mercury contamination but was not involved in the new report, tells Smithsonian magazine that while the study further confirms that mercury pollution is a problem in Indigenous communities in South America, it has a serious limitation: the fact that the sampling was not randomized. Instead, the women were selected based on different criteria, including their willingness to participate. The 105 women in the study represented about 25 percent of the women in their communities. “Normally, you would say a 25 percent sample is pretty good. But since it wasn’t randomized, you can’t say it’s representative of those women,” Pan explains. “That’s not to say the mercury levels aren’t high, but I don’t know why they did not randomize.” Bell notes that because the Indigenous communities that participated in the study are small, randomizing their sample would have been difficult. But given that the community members shared similar diets on the same rivers, “it is unlikely that randomization would have produced much different results,” he adds. If governments were to conduct larger studies in the future, he agrees that randomization would play a role there. The Minamata Convention on Mercury is an international treaty adopted in 2013 that aims to protect human health and the environment against the impact of mercury. Currently, it does not prohibit the use of mercury in artisanal and small-scale gold mining operations. “Minamata is just not doing enough to address that problem,” Pan tells Smithsonian magazine. “I think you really need to tackle the main problem. Let’s just stop mercury. Let’s figure out how to stop that.”  Marcos Orellana, an environmental lawyer and the United Nations special rapporteur on toxics and human rights who wrote the foreword to the report, also says the convention needs strengthening. “This may be a very good moment to think about ways to do that, now that the evidence keeps on mounting in regard to the gaps that hinder the Minamata Convention’s effectiveness when it comes to small-scale gold mining,” he tells Smithsonian magazine. The treaty’s governing body will meet in early November, and Bell says he hopes it bans the use of mercury in these mining operations, as well as the mercury trade. Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

Man, machine and mutton: Inside the plan to prevent the next SoCal fire disaster

Local fire crews are launching a sweeping effort to prevent future wildfires in the Santa Monica Mountains. It entails using both animals and machines to create fire breaks — a controversial solution in Southern California.

Nine months after one of the worst fires the region has seen in recorded history, a helicopter carrying two of the most consequential politicians in the fight against Southern California’s wildfires soared over the Santa Monica Mountains. Rows of jagged peaks slowly revealed steep canyons. The land was blotchy: some parts were covered in thick, green and shrubby native chaparral plants; others were blackened, comprised mostly by fire-stricken earth where chaparral used to thrive; and still others were blanketed by bone-dry golden grasses where the land had years ago been choked out by fire.Amid this tapestry was a scattering of homes and businesses with only a handful of roads snaking out: Topanga. The dangers, should a fire roar down the canyon, were painfully clear at a thousand feet.“If there are any issues on the Boulevard…” County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath said into her headset, trailing off.“The community is trapped,” said Wade Crowfoot, California Secretary for Natural Resources, finishing the thought.Over the same mountains where the Palisades fire roared, the supervisor and secretary were observing the state’s nearly 675-acre flagship project to stop the Santa Monica Mountains’ next firestorm from devouring homes and killing residents. Crews from the Los Angeles County Fire Department and the Mountains Recreation and Conservation Authority, a local land management agency, were cutting a miles-long web of fuel breaks in the Northern Santa Monicas between Topanga and Calabasas. In the spring, they hope to perform a prescribed burn along the break. Just northwest, on the other side of Calabasas, Ventura County Fire Department deployed 500 goats and 100 sheep to eat acres of invasive grasses that are prone to conflagration. A fire crew walks in the Santa Monica Mountains during a wildfire risk reduction project on Oct. 8. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times) It’s just a fraction of the work state leaders and local fire crews hope to someday accomplish, yet the scale and speed of the effort has already made some ecology and fire experts uneasy. (The goats, however, have enjoyed virtually universal praise.) While many firefighters and fire officials support the creation of fuel breaks, which offer better access to remote areas during a fire fight, fire ecologists warn that if not done carefully, fuel breaks can make the landscape even more fire-prone by inadvertently replacing chaparral with flammable invasive grasses.Yet, after the Palisades fire last January, many state leaders and residents in the Santa Monicas feel it’s better to act now — even if the plan is a bit experimental — given the mountains will almost certainly burn again, and likely soon. Goats help clear vegetation in the Upper Las Virgenes Canyon Open Space Preserve as part of a wildfire risk reduction project. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times) In March, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed an executive order streamlining the approval process for these projects. Instead of seeking multiple permits through separate lengthy processes — via the California Environmental Quality Act, Coastal Act, Endangered Species Act, and Native Plant Protection Act (among others) — applicants can now submit projects directly to the California Natural Resources Agency and California Environmental Protection Agency, which ensures compliance with all of the relevant laws.Consequently, the state has approved well over 100 projects in mere months. Before, it was not uncommon for projects to sit in limbo for years awaiting various approvals.In April, the state legislature and Newsom approved the early release of funds from a $10 billion climate bond that California voters approved last November for these types of projects. The Santa Monica Mountains Conservancy, which received over $31 million of that funding, awarded just over $3 million to L.A. County and Ventura County fire departments and the MRCA to complete the project.On Oct. 8, Horvath and Crowfoot watched from a ridgeline northwest of Topanga as crews below maneuvered a remote-controlled machine — named the Green Climber after its color and ability to navigate steep slopes — to chew up shrubs on the hillsides. Others used a claw affixed to the arm of a bright-red excavator to rip out plants. Los Angeles County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath flies over the Malibu coastline during a tour of a wildfire risk reduction project in the Santa Monica Mountains. (Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times) The goal was to create a new fuel break on a plot of land that is one of the few areas in the Santa Monicas that hasn’t burned in the last seven years, said Drew Smith, assistant fire chief with the L.A. County Fire Department. “Going into the fall, our biggest vulnerabilities are all this right here.”Left alone, chaparral typically burns every 30 to 130 years, historically due to lightning strikes. But as Westerners began to settle the region, fires became more frequent. For example, Malibu Canyon — which last burned in the Franklin fire, just a month before the Palisades fire — now experiences fire roughly every eight years.As the fire frequency chokes out the native chaparral ecosystem, fast growing, extremely flammable invasive grasses take over, making it even more likely that a loose cigarette or downed power line will ignite a devastating blaze. Scientists call this death spiral the human-grass-fire cycle. Stopping it is no simple task. And reversing it, some experts fear, may be borderline impossible.The state’s current approach, laid out by a panel of independent scientists working with California’s wildfire task force, is three-pronged.First: home hardening, defensible space and evacuation planning to ensure that if a monster fire starts, it causes the smallest amount of death and destruction. Second: Techniques to prevent fire ignitions in the first place, such as deploying arson watch teams on high-wind days.Third: Creating a network of fuel breaks. Fuel breaks are the most hotly debated, in part because fuel breaks alone do little to stop a wind-driven fire throwing embers miles away.But fire officials who have relied on fuel breaks during disasters argue that such fuel breaks can still play “a significant tactical role,” said Smith, allowing crews to reach the fire — or a new spot fire ignited by an ember — before it blows through a community. A Los Angeles County Fire Department excavator with a claw grapple clears vegetation in the Santa Monica Mountains. (Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times) But Dan Cooper, principal conservation biologist with the Resource Conservation District of the Santa Monica Mountains, said there’s little scientific evidence yet that indicates fuel breaks are effective.And because creating fuel breaks harms ecosystems and, at worst, can make them even more fire prone, fire ecologists warn they need to be deployed strategically. As such, the speed at which the state is approving projects, they say, is concerning.Alexandra Syphard, senior research scientist at the Conservation Biology Institute and a leading Southern California fire ecologist, noted that the fuel break the Santa Monica Mountains team is creating near Topanga seems to cut right through healthy chaparral. If the fire crews do not routinely maintain the fuel break, it will be flammable golden grasses that grow back, not more ignition-resistant chaparral. A remote controlled masticator — called the “Green Climber” — mulches flammable vegetation in Topanga to keep flames at a low height. (Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times) And the choices land managers make today can have significant consequences down the line: While fire crews and local conservationists are experimenting with how to restore chaparral to grass-filled areas, in the studies Syphard has looked at, once chaparral is gone, it seldom comes back.For Cooper, the trade-offs of wildfire risk reduction get at a fundamental tension of living in the Santa Monicas. People move to places like Topanga, in part, because they love the chaparral-dotted vistas, the backyard oak woodlands and the privacy of life in the canyon. Yet, it’s that same environment that imperils them. “What are you going to do about it? Pave the Santa Monicas? A lot of the old fire guys want to make everything grass in the Santa Monicas because grass fires are just easier to put out,” he said. “We need to learn how to live with fire — in a lot more sober way.”

Punk Builds a Greener Future

A worldwide but borderless DIY culture rejects consumerism and embraces reuse — and focuses on mutual aid. The post Punk Builds a Greener Future appeared first on The Revelator.

In the suffocating heat of The Treehouse, we writhe in the basement, between the walls of peeling posters and rusted pipes, veins bulging, throats raw from screaming. A fist slams against the wall. A boot crashes into the concrete floor. I adjust my foam earplugs. I hate wearing them, but there’s this tinny, soft ringing sound in my head lately. Now my friends won’t let me go anywhere without them. It’s like that here — this tough love, this looking out for one another, this community. Drenched in other people’s sweat, I slither to check in on the bands in my kitchen, a makeshift green room. We talk like we know each other. They’re sitting on their amps, writing on my walls, plucking at their instruments. I ask if they need anything. They say no, and they ask me too. The Treehouse is more than just my home. It’s a refusal. Together, my housemates Austin, Savannah, and Matt scraped together what we had to build a hub of community, a stronghold against the stiff-collar, hypermasculine, Midwestern college-culture: a DIY music venue. Punk isn’t a sound — it’s a verb. It’s a pulse. It’s action. It’s where grief is communal and rage has a melody. It’s the blueprint we write together, in marker and melody and mutual aid. Punk, like the countercultures before it, is bound by folklore — a web of shared stories, anthems, and ethics passed hand to hand in photocopied zines and scrawled on bathroom walls. You learn to build from nothing. To sew patches over holes and turn them into declarations. To scrape together gas money for a friend’s tour and call it love. Here, we don’t consume culture — we create it. Rip it apart and hand it back stitched in threadbare glory. We mend what others throw out — stitching new life into castoffs, scavenging beauty from dumpsters, turning waste into resistance. We reject the disposability of things — and people. Punk’s environmentalism was never polished. It didn’t wear linen or shop organic. In Goths, Gamers, and Grrls, the 2010 book on youth subcultures, sociologist Ross Haenfler argues that punk’s fiercely anti-corporate, DIY ethic allowed working-class kids to reject not just the music industry’s glossy gatekeeping, but the consumer logic embedded in everyday life. Haenfler, who has followed the clean-living punk subculture known as “straight edge” for more than 35 years, tells me that his own rejection of alcohol began as a resistance to peer pressure but grew into a political consciousness. As he writes in his 2006 book Straight Edge: Clean-living Youth, Hardcore Punk, and Social Change, “Straight edge is more than just not drinking or using drugs; it is a way of life that includes values, shared ethics, and community.” In his work, Haenfler defines straight edge not only as personal abstinence from substances, but also a broader moral and political identity. He notes that for many, straight edge extends to vegetarianism or veganism, anti-consumerism, and feminist or anti-racist beliefs. It’s a countercultural response to mainstream norms around not only consumption, but to masculinity. “If you learn to question alcohol culture, you might also question other things we take for granted,” he says. For many straight edge punks, that questioning extended to factory farming, environmental destruction, and capitalist consumption itself. Their abstinence wasn’t just personal — it was political. Neo-Luddism, veganism, and anti-addiction activism emerged from that same ethos. “Subcultures like punk show how collective identity, fun, and resourcefulness can fuel powerful movements,” Haenfler told me. It’s DIY with a purpose — sustainability without sanctimony. Who Gets to Live Cleanly? In his essay “The Rise of Aesthetic Environmentalism,” originally published in the book Saving the Planet: The American Response to the Environment in the Twentieth Century, historian Peter Rothman describes how a shift from radical environmental politics to curated, upper-middle-class green lifestyles took shape in those very suburbs punk rejected. After the first Earth Day in 1970 and the formation of the EPA under Nixon, environmental concern entered the mainstream. But by the 1980s and ’90s, especially under Reagan and later Clinton’s neoliberal centrism, environmentalism was increasingly depoliticized. The countercultural energy of groups like Earth First! gave way to market-friendly “eco-chic” branding, where buying the right shampoo or driving a hybrid became substitutes for systemic change. Rothman argues that aesthetic environmentalism, rooted in a consumer identity, offered a soothing balm for the privileged — allowing people to feel virtuous without disrupting the structures that caused ecological harm in the first place. Punk stood in direct opposition. It asked: who gets to live cleanly? Straight edge kids refused not just drugs and alcohol, but factory farming and corporate food systems, making their bodies into sites of protest. DIY punks built alternative economies and infrastructures out of material necessity. If aesthetic environmentalism shopped its way toward a greener world, punk scavenged one into being — stitched from what had been discarded, loud enough to be heard through boarded-up buildings and abandoned lots. One was born from comfort; the other from collapse. Why Here, and Why Not Somewhere Louder? In December of 2024, the brick roads of Urbana, Illinois froze over. The biting cold burned through even my wool coat, and the ice made me stand still. My ears were ringing. I took a moment to look around, because despite its inconvenience, there was beauty to be found in the silence and desolation. I found myself across the street from a simple two-story home with white siding and a sloped roof, immortalized on the cover of the band American Football’s 1999 self-titled album. What was once just a student rental had become a kind of pilgrimage site, a quiet landmark in the emo and DIY geography of the Midwest. Emo and DIY found a home in the flatlands of the Midwest — especially Illinois, where suburban sprawl met post-industrial decline in perfect disharmony. There’s something about Illinois’s geography that lends itself to longing: endless highways, hollowed-out downtowns, a hundred miles between one sleepy town and the next. Out here, youth culture didn’t erupt in coastal clubs — it simmered in basements, VFW halls, and garages. The absence of mainstream infrastructure didn’t discourage kids; it demanded they make their own. As music journalist Leor Galil detailsn his 2013 Chicago Reader article “Midwestern Emo Catches its Second Wind,” the Midwest’s emo boom was enabled by the abundance of small towns and the lack of traditional music infrastructure, forcing young people to carve out space for themselves in overlooked corners of the map. Illinois became a nucleus. Urbana-Champaign, Bloomington-Normal, and Chicago’s sprawling collar suburbs gave rise to a circuit of basement shows and DIY tours that defied music industry logic. Bands like Cap’n Jazz, American Football, and Braid didn’t come from glossy studios — they came from rented houses with sagging porches and living rooms barely big enough to hold a drum kit. In his 2000 book Popular Music and Youth Culture: Music, Identity and Place, sociologist Andy Bennett argues that suburban alienation and a lack of youth-oriented public spaces drove young people toward DIY production, but Illinois gave this theory flesh: a place where isolation bred intimacy, and boredom became a crucible for art. This wasn’t just music — it was mythology, built night by night on folding chairs and word-of-mouth. And like any folklore, it carried values. Dr. Simon Bronner, a folklorist and scholar of youth subcultures, argues that punk is not just a music scene — it’s a tradition. “Punk culture, as I have known it, basks in its social difference and oppositional stance,” Bronner tells me, “Among its shared values has been a fight for rights — including animal rights. The environmental connection is countering, in its culture, the state of the planet owing to consumerism.” It’s an oral tradition carried in zines, show flyers, patches, tattoos. It’s a living archive, one that binds local scenes into a global movement. And through this folklore, punk carries with it a deep well of environmental ethics. Where Do You Go When You Need to Be Heard? I was eighteen when I slipped through the doors of the High Noon Saloon in Madison, Wisconsin, chasing the promise of noise and something that felt like direction. The band was Days N Daze — gritty, chaotic, gutterpunk with banjos and washboards — and I didn’t know a single person there. That’s where I met Sam. He had a sharp grin, a denim vest heavy with patches, and a presence that made space feel less hostile. We danced like we already knew each other, screamed like we’d done it a hundred times. It wasn’t until much later that I found out — that was one of his first punk shows, too. We were both just kids, wide-eyed under the grime, trying to belong to something louder than ourselves. That night, something permanent settled in my ears — a soft, high whine that never left. My tinnitus started at that show. Years later, I heard the opening lines of Hemlock Chaser’s song at a show — “I don’t know much ‘bout social ecology…” and when the fiddle kicked in behind the fury, I pushed through the crowd to see the band. I knew it was Sam. He was there, bow in hand, weaving resistance into melody. Photo: Danny Talaga. Used with permission. That night in Madison wasn’t just a show. It was the beginning of a throughline — of people, of noise, of care made loud. By the time I transferred to the University of Illinois in the middle of my sophomore year, I felt like I’d already missed the window to belong anywhere. Everyone had their friend groups, their routines, their lives already underway. I thought I’d be alone for a long time. But then I found the house shows. The Mirror, Waluigi’s Mansion, Green House — names that sounded like inside jokes until they became sacred spaces. You didn’t need to know anyone to be welcomed in. The shows felt like they ran on instinct, like someone had just decided that the living room needed to be louder. No one cared that I was a transfer student, they cared that I showed up. The Champaign scene didn’t just make space for me — it gave me something to help build. Showing up turned into helping out — loading gear, working the door, talking cops away. Eventually, my basement became The Treehouse. Not because I planned it, but because punk scenes grow like weeds — wild, resilient, thriving wherever they’re allowed to take root. We strung a circus tent from the tree in the front yard and cleared enough space in the basement for amps, bodies, and borrowed lighting. We built a computer out of things we found in the trash during move-in. Can a Local Ethic be Global? The Treehouse isn’t just a venue — it’s an ecosystem. Bands crashed on our couches, people brought food donations for the local shelter, and I patched a hole in the hall someone kicked in. What I’d seen in Madison — what Sam had shown me — was alive here too: punk as mutual care, as rhythm you live by, not just a genre you consume. We weren’t just making shows. We were building something that could hold all of us. The more I traveled, the more I realized how far The Treehouse extended beyond its basement walls. I went to shows in Bloomington-Normal, where the pits were just as wild and the hospitality just as generous. I drove through snowstorms to catch sets in Minnesota, where strangers passed me plates of food like I’d lived there my whole life. No one asked who I was — they asked if I needed anything. Every basement felt familiar. Every off-key group chorus pointed to something shared. The lyrics might change, the weather might shift, but the ethos remained: care over clout, presence over polish. That’s when I started to understand that these scenes were decentralized but uncannily aligned. That’s the power of folklore. Bronner tells me that folklore enables geographically distant communities to mirror each other. “Subcultures form trends that pervade adult society,” he says. The punk scenes of Central Illinois aren’t anomalies — they’re part of a uniform, borderless network of resistance. And that network doesn’t stop at the Atlantic. When I spoke with Michal, a Czech organizer and co-founder of Fluff Fest — a European hardcore festival centered on veganism, environmentalism, and inclusion — he was candid about the cost of commitment. “The festival ended out of exhaustion and complete burnout,” he told me. “It was one of the most wasteful things on earth. We had to truck in water, power everything with gas generators. Weather became unpredictable. I’m still in debt from the final edition.” For over a decade, Michal and his team hosted thousands of punks on a grassy airfield in Rokycany. They raised funds for refugee support, animal rights, and grassroots organizations. And yet, even this act of resistance was haunted by the contradictions of the modern world — emissions, consumption, and the ever-lurking threat of capitalist co-optation. Michal’s reflection is vital. Punk doesn’t always win. But its failures are often more honest than institutions’ successes. Fluff Fest wasn’t perfect, but it was transparent, intentional, and brave. “I don’t want to enforce lifestyle on anyone,” Michal said. “Straight edge and veganism can be powerful choices, but they’re not my identity anymore. What matters is making people think. Asking them to reflect on how they consume, where their money goes.” Who Builds the Future? This ethos — critical, flexible, values-driven — is exactly what makes punk a blueprint for environmentalism. Not a perfect one, but a real one. This ethos finds sharp expression in radical environmental groups like Earth First! Founded in 1980, Earth First! rejects compromise and embraces direct action. Tree sits, road blockades, anti-logging protests — these aren’t hypothetical ideals. They’re inherited tactics, borrowed from the same DIY playbook punk lives by. Earth First! shares more than an ethos with punk — it shares its methods, aesthetics, and values. Their benefit shows feel like hardcore gigs. Their pamphlets read like zines. Their defiance, like the music that fuels them, is raw and immediate. Likewise, Food Not Bombs — an anarchist collective reclaiming food waste to cook free vegan meals in public — turns punk’s anti-consumerism into survival. It began in the 1980s and now exists in over 1,000 cities worldwide. They feed communities, fight corporate food systems, and center mutual aid as the alternative to capitalist neglect. Like Michal’s festival or my own shows, Food Not Bombs isn’t about saving the world all at once. It’s about showing up, using what you have, and trusting that a better world begins at the street level. Institutions have failed. Governments delay. Corporations greenwash. Environmental NGOs make compromises that leave frontline communities behind. Punk doesn’t promise perfection. But it offers something else: persistence. It teaches us that rebellion can be ritual. That defiance can be joyful. That movements built on shared stories — not savior complexes — are the ones that last. DIY venues like The Treehouse may never appear in policy reports or climate models. But in basements and backyards across the world, young people are organizing food drives, printing radical literature, fundraising for land defenders, and building communities that refuse to look away. Punk’s folklore isn’t handed down by institutions — it’s whispered between sets, scrawled in notebooks, screamed in choruses. And that folklore carries something vital: not just a critique of the world, but a vision for what else could be. There is a future not built for us, but by us. Resistance isn’t inherited. It’s learned from the people beside you, from the songs and stories that refuse to die. In the ruins of the systems that failed us, punk offers tools. Not escape, but engagement. Not utopia, but solidarity. Not saviors, but friends. All Noise Is Signal The ringing in my ears hasn’t gone away. Some nights, it’s louder than others — like a quiet alarm I can’t turn off. It’s the cost of screaming, of listening, of being there. Memory etched in sound. The afterimage of music, of bodies, of resistance. A reminder that this movement lives in the body. That punk isn’t clean or consequence-free. It’s loud. It leaves marks. But those marks mean we were here. That we showed up. That we chose noise over silence, and community over comfort. It’s what follows you home from the show — what hums beneath the quiet, what binds you to every basement, every flyer, every friend who handed you earplugs, a mic, or a plate of food. It’s folklore with frequency. A personal archive, vibrating in your bones long after the amps are shut down. Punk’s refusal to die lives in that ringing. It’s not just a warning. It’s a thread. A signal. A stubborn pulse that says: We were here. And we’re still listening. Previously in The Revelator: Moby: Veganism, Skepticism and Punk Rock The post Punk Builds a Greener Future appeared first on The Revelator.

Complex Life May Have Evolved Multiple Times

Controversial evidence hints that complex life might have emerged hundreds of millions of years earlier than previously thought—and possibly more than once

In his laboratory at the University of Poitiers in France, Abderrazak El Albani contemplates the rock glittering in his hands. To the untrained eye, the specimen resembles a piece of golden tortellini embedded in a small slab of black shale. To El Albani, a geochemist, the pasta-shaped component looks like the remains of a complex life-form that became fossilized when the sparkling mineral pyrite replaced the organism’s tissues after death. But the rock is hundreds of millions of years older than the oldest accepted fossils of advanced multicellular life. The question of whether it is a paradigm-shifting fossil or merely an ordinary lump of fool’s gold has consumed El Albani for the past 17 years.In January 2008 El Albani, a talkative French Moroccan, was picking over an exposed scrape of black shale outside the town of Franceville in Gabon. Lying under rolling hills of tropical savanna, cut in places by muddy rivers lined by jungle, the rock layers of the Francevillian Basin are up to 2.14 billion years old. The strata are laced with enough manganese to support a massive mining industry. But El Albani was there pursuing riches of a different kind.Most sedimentary rocks of that age are thoroughly “cooked,” transformed beyond recognition by the brutal heat and pressure of deep burial and deeper time. Limestone is converted to marble, sandstone to quartzite. But through an accident of geology, the Francevillian rocks were protected, and their sediments have maintained something of their original shape, crystal structure and mineral composition. As a result, they offer a rare window into a stretch of time when, according to paleontologists, oxygen was in much shorter supply and Earth’s environments would have been hostile to multicellular organisms like the ones that surround us today.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.El Albani had been invited out by the Gabonese government to conduct a geological survey of the ancient sediments. He spent half a day wandering the five-meter-deep layer of the quarry, peeling apart slabs of shale as if opening pages of a book. The rocks were filled with gleaming bits of pyrite that occurred in a variety of bizarre shapes. El Albani couldn’t immediately explain their appearance by any common sedimentary process. Baffled, he took a few samples with him when he returned to Poitiers. Two months later he scraped together funding to head back to the Francevillian quarry. This time he went home with more than 200 kilograms of specimens in his luggage.In 2010 El Albani and a team of his colleagues made a bombshell claim based on those finds: the strangely shaped specimens they’d recovered in Franceville were fossils of complex life-forms—organisms made up of multiple, specialized cells—that lived in colonies long before any such thing is supposed to have existed. If the scientists were right, the traditional account of life’s beginning, which holds that complex life originated once around 1.6 billion years ago, is wrong. And not only did complex multicellular life appear earlier than previously thought, but it might have done so multiple times, sprouting seedlings that were wiped away by a volatile Earth eons before our lineage took root. El Albani and his colleagues have pursued this argument ever since.Rocks from the Francevillian Basin in Gabon are filled with gleaming shapes that have been interpreted as fossils of complex life-forms from more than two billion years ago.Abderrazak El Albani/University of PoitiersThe potential implications of their claims are immense—they stand to rewrite nearly the entire history of life on Earth. They’re also incredibly controversial. Almost immediately, prominent researchers argued that El Albani’s specimens are actually concretions of natural pyrite that only look like fossils. Mentions of the Francevillian rocks in the scientific literature tend to be accompanied by words such as “uncertain” and “questionable.”Yet even as most experts regard the Francevillian specimens with a skeptical eye, a slew of recent discoveries from other teams have challenged older, simpler stories about the origin of life. Together with these new finds, the sparkling rock El Albani held in his hands has raised some very tricky questions. What conditions did complex life need to emerge? How can we recognize remains of life from deep time when organisms then would have been entirely different from those that we know? And where do the burdens of proof lie for establishing that complex life arose far earlier than previously thought—and more than just once?By most accounts, life on Earth first emerged around four billion years ago. In the beginning, the oxygen that sustains most species today had yet to suffuse the world’s atmosphere and oceans. Single-celled microbes reigned supreme. In the anoxic waters, bacteria spread and fed on minerals around hydrothermal vents. Then, maybe 2.5 billion years ago, so-called cyanobacteria that gathered in mats and gave rise to great stone domes called stromatolites began feeding themselves using the power of the sun. In doing so, they kick-started a slow transformation of the planet, pumping Earth’s seas and atmosphere full of oxygen as a by-product of their feeding.That transformation would eventually devastate the first, oxygen-averse microbial residents of Earth. But amid a gathering oxygen apocalypse, something new appeared. Roughly two billion years ago a symbiotic union between two groups of single-celled organisms—one of which was able to process oxygen—gave rise to the earliest eukaryotes: larger cells with a membrane-bound nucleus, distinctive biochemistry and an aptitude for sticking together. Somewhere in the vast sweep of time between then and now, in something of a glorious accident, those eukaryotes began banding together in specialized ways, forming intricate and increasingly complex multicellular organisms: algae, seaweeds, plants, fungi and animals.Scholars have long endeavored to understand when that transition from the single-celled to the multicellular happened. By the mid-19th century researchers noticed that the fossil record got considerably livelier at a certain point, which we now know was around 540 million years ago. During this period, called the Cambrian, multicellular eukaryotes seemed to explode in diversity out of nowhere. Suddenly the seas were filled with trilobites, meter-long predatory arthropods, and even the earliest forerunners of vertebrates, the backboned lineage of animals to which we humans belong.But it wasn’t long before scientists began finding older hints of multicellular organisms, suggesting that complex life proliferated before the Cambrian. In 1868 a geologist proposed that tiny, disk-shaped objects from sediments more than 500 million years old in Newfoundland were fossils—only for other researchers to dismiss them as inorganic concretions. Similarly ancient fossils from elsewhere in the world turned up over the first half of the 20th century. The most famous of them—discovered in Australia’s Ediacara Hills by geologist Reginald Claude Sprigg, who took them to be jellyfish—helped to push the dawn of complex life back to least 600 million years ago, into what came to be called the Ediacaran period.Still, a gap of more than a billion years separates the earliest known eukaryotes and their great flowering in the Ediacaran. The contrast between the apparent evolutionary stasis of the bulk of this period and the eventful periods before and after it is so stark that researchers variously refer to it as “the dullest time in Earth’s history” and the “boring billion.” Why didn’t many-celled eukaryotes start diversifying earlier, wonders Susannah Porter, a paleontologist at the University of California, Santa Barbara? Why didn’t they explode until the Ediacaran?Researchers have historically blamed environmental conditions on ancient Earth for the delay. The dawn of the Ediacaran, they note, coincided with a noticeable shift in global conditions 635 million years ago. In the wake of a world-spanning glacial event—the so-called Snowball Earth period, when great sheets of ice scraped the continents and covered the seas—the available nutrients in the oceans shifted amid a surge in levels of available oxygen. The friendlier water chemistry and more abundant oxygen provided new opportunities for eukaryotic organisms that could exploit them. They diversified quickly and dramatically, first into the stationary animals of the Ediacaran and eventually into the more active grazers and hunters of the Cambrian. It’s a commonly cited explanation for the timing of life’s big bang, one that the field tends to accept, Porter says. And it may well be correct. But if you asked El Albani, he’d say it’s not the whole story—far from it.As a kid growing up in Marrakech, El Albani wasn’t interested in geology; football and medicine held more appeal. He drifted into the field when he was 20 largely because it let him spend time outside. He then fell in love with it in part because like his father, a police officer, he enjoys a good investigation, working out what happened in some distant event by laying out multiple lines of evidence.In the case of the ancient Gabon “fossils,” the first line of evidence involves the unusual geology of the Francevillian formation. Unlike most sedimentary rocks laid down two billion years ago—fated for deep burial and transformative heat and pressure—the Francevillian strata sit within a bowl of much tougher rock, which prevented them from being cooked. The result: shales able to preserve both biological forms and something close to the primary chemicals and minerals present in the marine sediments. “It gives us the possibility of actually reconstructing this environment that existed in the past, at a scale that we don’t see anywhere around this time,” says Ernest Chi Fru, a biogeochemist at Cardiff University in Wales, who has worked with El Albani on the Francevillian material. If you were searching for fossils of relatively large, soft-bodied multicellular organisms from this period, the Francevillian is exactly the kind of place you’d look in.“I don’t know what we need to show to prove, to convince.” —Abderrazak El Albani University of PoitiersEl Albani’s team has recovered quite a few such specimens. Three narrow rooms in the geology building at the University of Poitiers house the Francevillian collection. More than 6,000 pieces—all of them collected from the same five-meter scrape of Gabonese shale—sprawl over wood shelves and tables and glass display cabinets, the black slabs arranged in puzzle-piece configurations under white walls. El Albani is eager to show them off. He plucks out rock after rock, no sooner highlighting one when he’s distracted by another. Here are the ripplelike remnants of bacterial mats. There are the specimens encrusted with pyrite: the common, tortellinilike “lobate” forms that made the cover of the journal Nature in 2010, “tubate” shapes that resemble stethoscopes and spoons, and other forms similar to strings of pearls several centimeters long. There are strange, wormlike tracks that the team has suggested could be traces of movement. There are nonpyritized remains, too: sand-dollar-like circles ranging from one to several centimeters across imprinted on the shales.“Et voilà,” El Albani says, tapping one specimen and then another. “You see? This is totally different.” The sheer variety of forms is why he’s always surprised that people could look at them and assume they aren’t in fact fossils. Nevertheless, his lab has been exploring ways to attempt to prove their identity.One approach El Albani’s lab has taken recently is looking into the chemistry of the specimens. Eukaryotic organisms tend to take up lighter forms, or isotopes, of elements such as zinc rather than heavy ones. When examining the sand-dollar-shaped impressions in 2023, the team found that the zinc isotopes in them were mostly lighter forms, suggesting the impressions could have been made by eukaryotes. (An independent team ran a similar study of one of the pyritized specimens and reached a similar conclusion.)Earlier this year El Albani’s Ph.D. student Anna El Khoury reported another potential chemical signal for life in the contested rocks. Organisms in areas thick with arsenic sometimes absorb the poisonous chemical instead of necessary nutrients such as phosphate. Whereas confirmed mineral concretions from the Francevillian show a random distribution of arsenic in the rock, the possibly organic specimens El Khoury looked at showed dramatic concentrations of the toxin only in certain parts of the specimens, as would be expected if an organism’s cells were working to isolate the absorbed substance from more vulnerable tissues.What El Albani and his colleagues find most telling, however, are the environmental conditions that are now known to have prevailed when the putative fossils formed. The sediments that make up the Francevillian strata appear to have been deposited in something like an inland sea. The rocks show signals of dramatic underwater volcanism and hydrothermal vent activity from long before the first fossil specimens appear, which left the basin awash in nutrients such as phosphorus and zinc that are crucial for the chemical processes that power living cells.Chemical analyses of the Francevillian specimens suggest that they are the remains of eukaryotic organisms.Abderrazak El Albani/University of PoitiersWhat is more, the Francevillian samples, like the Ediacaran fossils, are from a time after a major period of ice ages: the Huronian glaciation event, wherein a surge in oxygen levels and a reduction in the greenhouse effect 2.4 billion to 2.1 billion years ago unleashed massive walls of ice from the poles. According to some analyses, that spike in oxygen levels might have hit a peak close to that in the Ediacaran before eventually falling again. In other words, the same environmental conditions that are thought to have allowed complex life to flower during the Ediacaran also occurred far earlier and could have set the stage for the emergence of Francevillian life-forms.Talk with the people in El Albani’s lab about the Francevillian, and they’ll paint you a picture of an alien world. Ancient shorelines run under the brooding gaze of distant mountains, silent but for the wind and the waves. Thick mats of bacteria stretch across the underwater sediments. Swim down 20 meters offshore, through waters thick with nutrients and heavy metals such as arsenic, and you might see colonies of spherical and tube-shaped organisms clustered amid the mats. In the oxygen-rich water column, soft-bodied organisms drift like jellyfish, sinking now and then into the mire. Below the silt, unseen movers leave spiraling mucus trails in the ooze.What were these strange forms of life? Not plants or animals as we understand them. Based on the sizes, shapes and geochemical signatures of the putative fossils, El Albani thinks they might belong to a lineage of colonial eukaryotes—perhaps something resembling a slime mold—that independently developed the complex multicellular processes needed to survive at large sizes. These colonial organisms would have been comparatively early offshoots of the eukaryotic tree, making them an entirely independent flowering of complex multicellular life from the Ediacaran bloom that took place more than a billion years later.The Francevillian organisms flourished for a time, but they did not last. After a few millennia, underwater volcanism started up again, and oxygen levels crashed. A billion years would pass before another global icebox phase and another oxygen spike gave multicellular eukaryotes another shot at emergence.This story flies in the face of decades of thinking about how complex life arose. El Albani’s team argues that rather than long epochs of stillness and stasis, rather than the rise of complex life being an extraordinary and long-brewing accident in Earth’s long history, multicellular organisms might not have been a singular innovation. “It seems to me that [the Francevillian material] is showing that complex life might have evolved twice in history,” Chi Fru says. And if ancient complex life can emerge so quickly when conditions are right, who knows where else in Earth’s rocks—or another planet’s—signs of another blossoming might turn up next? “If,” of course, being the operative word.Skeptics of El Albani’s Francevillian “fossils”—and there are many—have tended to gather around similar sticking points, says Leigh Anne Riedman, a paleontologist at the University of California, Santa Barbara. For one thing, the bizarre shapes of the rocks show a lot more variety than tends to be seen in accepted early complex multicellular forms, and with their amorphous, asymmetrical features, they do not scan easily as organisms.The pyritized nature of the rocks may also be cause for concern. Colonies of bacteria living in oxygen-poor environments often deposit pyrite as a by-product. Although such colonies can grow a sparkling rind around biological material, the mineral concretions can also develop on their own, developing lifelike appearances without any biological process. Critics of the Francevillian hypothesis point to a well-known phenomenon of pyrite “suns” or “flowers,” superficially fossil-like accumulations of minerals that occasionally turn up in sediments rich in actual fossils. Shuhai Xiao, a paleontologist at Virginia Tech specializing in the Precambrian era, notes that the Francevillian material resembles similar-looking inorganic structures from Michigan that date to 1.1 billion years ago.If ancient complex life can emerge so quickly when conditions are right, who knows where else signs of another blossoming might turn up next?Even scientists who are more amenable to the idea that El Albani’s specimens are fossils tend to conclude that the pyritized specimens are probably just the remains of bacterial mats, not complex life-forms. An independent radiation of colonial eukaryotes at such an age? That’s a hard sell. “I have no problem with there being oxygen oases and there being certain groups that proliferated during those periods,” Riedman says. But the idea that they would have proliferated to that size—a jump in scale that another researcher equated to that between a human and an aircraft carrier—without any similar fossils turning up elsewhere gives her pause. “It just seems a little bit of a stretch.”Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence, however. In the case of the Proterozoic fossil record, the lack of other candidate fossils of complex life as old as those from the Francevillian may reflect a lack of effort in searching for them. That is, the apparent quiet of the deep past may be an illusion—less the “boring billion” than, as Porter puts it, the “barely sampled billion.”The dullness of vast chunks of the Proterozoic has been a self-fulfilling prophecy, Riedman says. After all, who wants to devote time and scarce funding to a period when nothing much is supposed to have happened? “That name, man,” Riedman says of the boring billion. “We’ve got to kill it. Kill it with fire.”Recent findings may help reform the Proterozoic’s cursed reputation—and cast the Francevillian rocks in a more plausible light. Just last year Lanyun Miao of the Nanjing Institute of Geology and Paleontology at the Chinese Academy of Sciences and her colleagues announced that they had discovered the oldest unequivocal multicellular eukaryotes in 1.6-billion-year-old rocks from northern China. The fossils preserve small, threadlike organisms. They’re a far cry from the much larger, more elaborate forms associated with complex multicellularity. But they show that these simpler kinds of multicellular life existed some 500 million years earlier than previously hypothesized.There’s good reason to think the roots of the eukaryote family tree could run considerably deeper than that. Analyses of genome sequences and fossils have hinted that the earliest common ancestor of all living eukaryotes may have appeared as long as 1.9 billion years ago.Critics argue that the forms evident in the Francevillian rocks are merely mineral concretions, not fossils of complex eukaryotic organisms.Abderrazak El Albani/University of PoitiersAnd complex multicellularity itself may develop surprisingly fast. In a fascinating experiment published a few years ago, a team at the Georgia Institute of Technology was able to get single-celled eukaryotes—in this case, yeasts—to chain together in multicellular forms visible to the naked eye in just two years. These findings, along with the growing fossil record, suggest to some researchers that multicellular eukaryotes have a deeper history than is generally recognized.But recognizing early life in the rock is notoriously tricky. Brooke Johnson, a paleontologist at the University of Liège in Belgium, has visited Ediacaran outcrops in the U.K. with his colleagues and sometimes struggled to spot the specific fossils he knows are there.Assessing unfamiliar structures is even more fraught. Researchers constantly second-guess themselves for fear of overinterpreting any given shape or shadow in the stone. The specter of crankhood—of being the kind of researcher who drives their work off a cliff by refusing to be proved wrong—hangs over everybody. “It’s very easy to get yourself tricked into thinking that you can see something that isn’t there, because you’re used to seeing a particular pattern,” Johnson says.One spring morning in 2023, while working through hundreds of samples of rock more than one billion years old from drill cores from Australia, Johnson knocked over one of the pieces. The rock rolled into a strip of sunlight cutting through the blinds. Johnson abruptly noticed structures picked out by the low-angle light like tiny, quilted chains across the surface of the stone. A careful reexamination of many of the drill cores—rocks many previous geologists had handled without comment—showed the structures were common across the samples.Johnson speaks cautiously about the structures and has yet to publish his findings on them formally. But he thinks they might be some type of colony-living eukaryote of a size significantly larger than the microscopic examples known from elsewhere in the early fossil record.The fact that Johnson noticed the structures in the drill core samples only by chance has shaken his initial skepticism of El Albani’s work. “Something like the Francevillian stuff, people might have found it already in other rocks and just not seen it,” he says. “It just might be because they haven’t looked at it in the right way.”The sheer vanity of forms is why El Albani is surprised that people could look at them and assume they aren’t fossils.Dealing with material like the Francevillian requires trying to understand a time when Earth looked virtually nothing like the world we know now, Porter says. Much of the history of multicellular life occurred across an abyss of time on what was effectively an alien planet, with environmental conditions that were remarkably different from those of the past 600 million years. These conditions affected life in ways that are still only dimly understood. And the further back in time one goes, the more likely it is that any fossils will be difficult to recognize, to say nothing of categorize.The temptation for the field to dismiss “fossil-ish” forms as mineral concretions or the product of some other nonbiological process rather than a biogenic one therefore exerts a nearly gravitational pull. “I would imagine they’re probably frustrated [and thinking], ‘Why isn’t everybody already excited about this and coming along with us?’” Riedman says of El Albani and his colleagues. “And we’re just like, ‘We’re stuck on step one, man. We haven’t gotten past the biogenic part.’”“I don’t know what we need to show to prove, to convince,” El Albani says, his expression hangdog. He’s sitting in his office below a poster of the cover of a June 2024 issue of Science in which he and his team published their discovery of a remarkable trilobite fossil. “There’s no trouble with trilobites,” he remarks wistfully. El Albani is not a bomb thrower by nature and is not in a rush to name names. But a visible exasperation creeps in when he discusses the Gabonese specimens, along with a tendency to simultaneously pick at and try to dismiss the wound.At the end of the day, it is a question not really of belief but of arguments, El Albani says. If his critics believe the Gabonese specimens are concretions, they need to try to prove that rather than simply asserting it. If they disagree that the rocks contain fossils of eukaryotes, nothing is stopping them from subjecting the specimens to their own analyses. So far he feels that nobody has published any research that takes their conclusions apart point by point and reckons with all the strands of evidence they’ve marshaled. “If I give my opinion that your iPhone is Samsung,” he says, pulling a phone across the desk, “I should explain why!”Porter, the U.C.S.B. paleontologist, agrees. She’s not convinced by the team’s arguments for what the Francevillian samples represent—an independent lineage of colonial multicellular organisms, swiftly flowering, swiftly snuffed out. But the idea that they’re all just mineral concretions has never satisfied her. If they’re concretions, that’s something researchers need to affirmatively show, she says. Doing so, after all, would add to the field’s knowledge about how pseudofossils form in a way that simply writing them off does not. “We don’t want to discourage people from publishing these weird structures that are difficult to understand,” Porter says.“It’s fine if they’re wrong,” Porter says of El Albani and his colleagues. Everyone is offering competing hypotheses, which are always subject to new evidence from the fossil record. In the end, “we’ll probably all be somewhat wrong about our interpretation, actually.”Seventeen years after El Albani first stopped to examine a glinting blob in the Gabonese shale, his lab shows no signs of slowing down. There are always more specimens to publish, avenues of research to pursue, dissertations to finish. Members of the group are working on closer comparisons between the different environments preserved in the Francevillian quarry and the Cambrian deposits, between the chemistry of the Gabonese specimens and fossils from the Ediacaran and the Burgess Shale.They’re also digging further into the question of how, precisely, chemistry can definitively distinguish between biological and nonbiological origins for a given specimen. Findings from research like theirs could eventually be used to evaluate rock samples from other planets. In 2020 a team of researchers reported that the NASA Mars Science Laboratory rover Curiosity had photographed millimeter-size, sticklike structures in an ancient lake bed that resembled fossils left by miniature tunnelers on Earth. To date, it’s been impossible to disprove nonbiological explanations for their presence. But if a lab could develop a reliable conceptual model for chemically distinguishing between signs of life and nonlife, “you could apply this on Mars or another planet based on the sediment,” El Albani says.Every year El Albani and his team make the trip to Gabon to work the scrape of black stone that reoriented his life. There they comb the flaking shales, prying apart slabs, alert to the glimmer of pyrite or the soft, subtle impression of a circular form stamped in the petrified silt. Sometimes El Albani live-streams the expeditions to French schoolchildren, explaining to them how the cellular revolution that gave rise to them lies far back in the mists of prehistory. Sometimes he bends down to examine a glittering form in the rock. It’s probably something. The question, as always, is what.

Can Genetic Testing Predict Type 1 Diabetes? Experts Say Earlier Treatment Is Possible

Genetic screening can mean that people at risk of type 1 diabetes get earlier treatment and better outcomes

This article is part of “Innovations In: Type 1 Diabetes,” an editorially independent special report that was produced with financial support from Vertex.In 2024 Stephen Rich and his colleagues published a study in which they assessed the genetic risk of developing type 1 diabetes for more than 3,800 children from across Virginia. Almost immediately Rich, a genetic epidemiologist at the University of Virginia, was inundated by e-mails and calls from parents who had read the article and wanted their kids tested, too. Unfortunately the study was over, so Rich couldn’t help them. But the experience exemplified the growing interest in genetic risk tests for the disease, he says.There is currently no cure for type 1 diabetes, a chronic condition in which the body’s immune system attacks and kills insulin-producing beta cells in the pancreas. Knowing someone’s genetic predisposition to type 1 diabetes, however, can help doctors identify whom to flag for follow-up tests. It can also lead to earlier adoption of therapeutics to manage the disease or delay its onset. “There’s tremendous power in terms of understanding the genetics of type 1 diabetes,” says Todd Brusko, director of the Diabetes Institute at the University of Florida. As more therapies become available, he adds, the eventual hope is to use genetic profiling to determine who will respond best to one drug versus another.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Recent advances in genetic screening tools have not only revealed an intricate interaction between a person’s genes and their immune system but also made it possible to imagine a future in which every newborn is screened for type 1 diabetes risk. Some health-care authorities are already beginning to consider universal screening. “It’s very exciting times,” says Maria Jose Redondo, a physician and professor of pediatric diabetes and endocrinology at the Baylor College of Medicine. “A lot of progress has been made, and now we’re at the point of applying it.”In the U.S., around one in 300 people develops type 1 diabetes. Although the disease is best known for manifesting in children, adults account for almost half of new diagnoses. Scientists still don’t know what triggers it. Environmental factors seem to play a crucial role in promoting the disease’s development and progression, but the exact causative agents are unknown. “We know less about the environmental factors than we know about the genetic factors,” Redondo says.In a large study called TEDDY (for “the environmental determinants of diabetes in the young”), launched in 2004 in Europe and the U.S., researchers followed 8,676 individuals with high genetic risk to try to identify triggers for type 1 diabetes. They found just one consistent environmental factor linked to higher likelihood of acquiring the disease: early infection with enteroviruses, a type of virus that can infect beta cells. Not all children who get these common infections go on to develop type 1 diabetes, though, so additional factors are probably at play. In addition, the incidence of the disease has been increasing steadily over the past 60 years, suggesting that some change in environmental exposures or the removal of protective factors—or both—may be involved.Genetics accounts for about half of a person’s risk of developing the disease, meaning what is written into someone’s DNA is “not destiny,” Rich says. “If you have a high [genetic] risk, it doesn’t mean you’ll get it, and if you have a not-high risk, that doesn’t mean you’re protected.”For people with a close relative with type 1 diabetes, the risk goes up to about 18 in 300. Those with an identical twin with the disease have the highest risk—about one in two. They are 150 times likelier to develop the illness than someone with no family history and eight times likelier than someone with a parent or sibling who has been diagnosed. Even so, around 90 percent of people who are diagnosed with type 1 diabetes have no relatives with the disease. Until recently, population-level genetic screening, which would include individuals regardless of their known risk factors for the condition, was not a practical option. But new breakthroughs have begun to change that.Scientists have identified at least 90 regions in the human genome that hold genes connected to type 1 diabetes. Researchers are most interested in a gene cluster called the human leukocyte antigen system (HLA), which encodes proteins that help the immune system distinguish self from nonself. This gene group accounts for around half of a person’s genetic risk of developing the disease. Because it helps to protect us from infections, HLA is also highly variable, says Mark Anderson, director of the Diabetes Center at the University of California, San Francisco. “There’s selective pressure for us to have different HLA genes because that way, a virus or bacterium that comes along won’t wipe everyone out.”Most people who acquire type 1 diabetes have at least one of two specific-risk-conferring gene variants, or alleles, in this region. “This region is so critically important to whether we’re susceptible to autoimmune diseases that just by measuring variation there, we can capture risk,” says Richard Oram, a professor of diabetes and nephrology at the University of Exeter in England. Some HLA variants increase risk up to 20-fold, he adds, whereas others decrease risk by the same amount. In effect, it’s as if 10 to 15 percent of people with European ancestry carried a genetic vaccine to type 1 diabetes, Oram says, referring to the HLA gene alleles that decrease risk.In 2015 Oram and his colleagues developed the first version of what is now one of the most widely used tests for type 1 diabetes genetic risk, administered primarily in research settings (the U.S. has yet to approve any test for type 1 diabetes risk for real-world use in doctor offices). Rather than just adding up the contribution of each variant, Oram and his colleagues’ test incorporates the complex interactivity of various alleles with one another, including ones with protective effects. They also incorporated dozens of other non-HLA sites—mostly from genes also related to the immune system—that contribute small amounts of individual risk but can add up to larger cumulative risk.The original version of the test examined just 10 alleles and “worked pretty well,” Oram says. The latest version, developed in 2019, uses 67 alleles and produces “highly sophisticated” results, Redondo says, adding that it now represents “the golden standard to date.”When Oram originally developed his test, he did not have risk prediction in mind; rather he was trying to decipher the type of diabetes in a group of his patients. The individuals he was working with, who were 20 to 40 years old, had overlapping features of type 1 and type 2 diabetes. People who fall into this “gray area” of symptoms are commonly misdiagnosed, he says. While brainstorming solutions over coffee with a colleague, Oram realized a genetic test could offer clues for people with a less clear presentation of the disease.After successfully developing the test, Oram learned that other research groups were interested in tests to determine genetic risk for type 1 diabetes. Fortunately his test “also turned out to be really good for that,” he says.With Oram’s test, doctors can identify the highest-risk individuals, who can then get tested for the antibodies that attack the body’s beta cells. “If you do HLA screening followed by antibody testing at specific ages, you’ll pick up far and away the vast majority of cases,” says William Hagopian, a research professor of pediatrics at the Indiana University School of Medicine. Investigators leading vaccine and pharmaceutical trials for type 1 diabetes are also using genetic tests to maximize efficiency and funding by identifying participants who are most likely at risk for the disease.Genetic risk scores can also help doctors identify people who should be prescribed teplizumab, the first therapy able to delay the onset of an autoimmune condition. Approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration in 2022, this monoclonal antibody is given before the body becomes dependent on insulin, and it can delay more severe illness by two to three years. “The whole field has changed because now we have something we can do to delay progression to clinical diabetes,” says Kevan Herold, an immunologist and endocrinologist at Yale University. “Any time without diabetes is a gift, particularly for children and their families.” Other drugs are in various stages of clinical testing.People aware of their risk might also be on the lookout for symptoms such as excessive urination and lethargy; when those pop up, people can seek treatment before they develop diabetic ketoacidosis (DKA), a potentially life-threatening condition caused by a lack of insulin. Among those who don’t know they are at risk, about 40 percent wind up in this critical state, but that number drops as low as 4 percent for those who are aware. “If people can identify some of the symptoms of progression toward disease, they could go to a GP instead of an ER and prevent a real crisis,” Brusko says.There is some evidence to support these benefits, based on outcomes from one of the largest testing efforts to date, launched in 2020 by investigators at Sanford Health, a nonprofit health-care system based in Sioux Falls, S.D. As of July 2025, the study had enrolled more than 13,000 children for genetic risk testing and antibody screening for type 1 diabetes and celiac disease. Children with persistent positive antibodies are offered ongoing monitoring. Of the 75-plus children in monitoring, five have progressed to hyperglycemia, warranting clinical care, and none of these children developed DKA. Kurt Griffin, principal investigator of the study and a pediatric endocrinologist at the Benaroya Research Institute in Seattle, says the findings have already demonstrated that it is feasible to integrate type 1 diabetes screening into routine pediatric care.Type 1 diabetes has been most prevalent among people of European ancestry. It does occur in those of African, Hispanic and Asian ancestry, but the vast majority of data used to inform genetic screening results is from people of white, European descent, Rich says. This lack of representation is problematic for people of different ancestries because genetic risk factors differ across populations.In an unpublished study, Rich and his colleagues tested how well the most common HLA variants used in genetic tests predicted risk in people with European, Hispanic, African American or Finnish ancestry. They found that genetic ancestry for important HLA regions—and the many other regions of the genome associated with type 1 diabetes risk—does not transfer well from one population to another. “One of the biggest needs in the field is to understand what confers genetic risk in a much more diverse genetic ancestry,” Brusko says.Scientists are working to fill this gap. For instance, Breakthrough T1D, a nonprofit organization funding research on type 1 diabetes, provides grants of up to $900,000 for research aimed at improving the prediction power of genetic risk scores across diverse populations. For the next version of the genetic risk score test, the plan is to incorporate specific HLA types present in Africans, East Asians, and several other groups, says Hagopian, who collaborates with Oram.Genetic risk tests for type 1 diabetes are inching closer to use in clinical care. Last year Randox , a company based in Northern Ireland, released one developed with Oram and his colleagues. Commercial tests are not available yet in the U.S., but they are becoming more affordable for researchers who use them in laboratory-based settings. This affordability will translate to clinical settings once tests make their way to doctor offices. “The price has dropped and is predicted to drop even more,” Redondo says. Now the biggest remaining obstacles are political and logistical rather than scientific or financial, experts say. “All the tools are there; we just haven’t quite got countries over the line to figure out how they’re going to do it,” says Colin Dayan, a professor of clinical diabetes and metabolism at Cardiff University in Wales.Europe has been at the forefront of these efforts, Brusko says. In 2023 Italy became the first nation to pass a law mandating type 1 diabetes genetic screening across its population, but it has yet to implement this screening in practice, Dayan says. Other countries, including the U.K., are debating whether they should do the same. This past June the U.K. also announced plans to sequence the genomes of all babies within the next decade. The data obtained could be used for risk screening as well, says Emily K. Sims, a pediatric endocrinologist at the Indiana University School of Medicine. In the U.S., genetic screening for type 1 diabetes is still done primarily in research environments. “We really need federal and state authorities to decide that this testing is worth it and that they want to adopt it into general practice,” Hagopian says. The easiest way to implement such a program would be to screen at birth.What to do with the information that testing would generate, though, is a more complicated question. Health-care officials would have to set up a system for contacting the families of babies at high risk to appropriately communicate the results. There would also need to be a system to remind families to get their child checked for autoantibodies at certain intervals. States handle newborn screenings differently, so each would have to come up with its own solutions. This issue is “a major complication that has to be figured out,” says Rich, who continues to field e-mails and calls from parents interested in the testing.As the science is refined, more treatment options will be made available, and the uncertainty surrounding who will and will not go on to develop type 1 diabetes is likely to be narrowed. Redondo and her colleagues are pursuing a large project using genetic risk scores and other variables to try to more accurately predict disease development. They are also working on models to determine who will respond best to new disease-modifying therapies. As Redondo says, “personalizing prevention of type 1 diabetes is the goal.”

How indigenous practices can help protect forests

The Post followed cultural burning practices, an Indigenous tradition now permitted under California law and used to help protect forests from wildfires.

As wildfires intensify and pose a growing risk in the American West, tribal leaders and community members are bringing fire back to their forests to save them.For thousands of years, Indigenous people stewarded their forests with fire. This cultural burning is part traditional food and craft production, part environmental protection and part ceremony with the land. Western settlement transformed the region with mining and logging, uprooting Native peoples and putting out cultural fire practices.In the 19th century, California lawmakers suppressed the burns. An 1850 law made it legal to fine or punish anyone burning land. The 1911 Weeks Act instituted a policy of total fire suppression, dictating that state and federal agencies should control wildland fires to prevent their spread. This made cultural fire illegal at a federal level. Native people were shot and imprisoned for starting fires.Bill Tripp at the Tishaniik Farm burn in June.A tree ring chronology of the forest burn scars from 1600s to 2015. The text points out where in 1850, California banned cultural fire. Again in 1911, as part of the Weeks Act, the U.S. passed measures to suppress fires nationwide.Now, after a new generation of tribal and community members organizing, educating and lobbying about the benefits of bringing fire back to the land, this time-honored practice is returning. Last fall, California enacted legislation allowing federally recognized Native American tribes to conduct cultural burning, acknowledging their sovereignty and history with the land.The legislative victory allows tribes to set fires with less federal oversight and recognizes cultural burning as a way to make the state resilient to wildfires. Two Washington Post reporters traveled to Northern California to witness the practices firsthand.We watched them paint with fire. Water hoses in hand, two men corralled a three-foot-high fire as it moved through an open field, hosing down grass to keep the flames under control. It’s a scene that normally spells wildfire disaster. And yet the fire moved alongside the group.They’re cultural fire practitioners: trained and recognized by tribes to guide and manage blazes. This particular group was led by Bill Tripp, the director of natural resources and environmental policy for the Karuk Tribe. It was the end of June when we caught up with them as they burned farmland in Orleans, California, about 50 miles south of the Oregon border.Like most burns for tribes native to this stretch of the Klamath River, their activity encourages native species growth, reduces wildfire risk and protects raw materials for craft. They conducted it on the Karuk-owned Tishaniik Farm, an agriculture project that started during the pandemic to provide food for the community.As they moved along the field, so went the fire.In its burned path the “black line” appeared.There’s clear skill in reading a fire: when to stop it, how to use the terrain to their advantage, when to let it go. The crew has now erected a perimeter around the field working counterclockwise. They stopped when the black line reached the top of a hill, extinguished the flames, doubled back from where they were to start new fires and then let the prevailing wind and slope work with the fresh fires.From the back of the truck, two men hosed down either side of the fire. They guided the flames to move along and cut perimeter around the field. By encircling the grasses, they can contain the blazes.They’re using the terrain, Tripp pointed out, so the fire will burn up toward the other end of the black line without getting out of control.A burn is different from a prescribed fire, which the U.S. Forest Service uses to protect against major wildfires. While the agency works to reduce fodder for a possible blaze, Indigenous-led fires aim to protect their way of life.Both can produce harmful smoke, detractors of the practices point out. Research shows prescribed fires produce around 17 percent of the fine particle pollution of a comparable wildfire, and make uncontrolled blazes less likely in the future.While the acreage involved in burns can be much smaller, it can benefit the landscape in the same ways as a prescribed fire. Some researchers emphasize centering traditional knowledge in managing fire-prone forests and vegetation since these communities often take steps to avoid having blazes run out of control. New Mexico’s worst-ever recorded fire, the Hermit’s Peak/Calf Canyon fire in 2022, took place when the Forest Service’s prescribed burns spread during windy conditions.Such incidents are rare, however. Fire practitioners pay attention to local conditions to determine when and for how long to burn. Tripp started the burns late in the afternoon, aiming to slow the fires with the rising humidity.By 6 p.m., the truck returned roadside along the river with a fresh tank of water. They moved the fire downhill toward the road, completing the perimeter. The seven-foot-wide burned path is meant to keep the fire from spreading, and the nearby gravel road will not burn. Earlier Bill pointed out a patch of yellow grass running through the black line. Easy to miss, but he said they would wet it down so the fire wouldn’t escape and burn a nearby field.Once the outer edges of the area were completed, everyone began lighting around the field from the outside in. Aaron Pole, a Hoopa tribe member and natural resource technician, passed by us just shy of a jog to pull the truck out and said: “Now the hard work’s done and you let the fire do its thing.”The flames changed in velocity and size within 10 minutes, stretching up as high as a house. One could feel their heart pulsing under their skin. Seeing the billowing fires confuses the brain on whether one should panic or not. A rush of air picked up as the fires consumed the oxygen from inside the field. Everything sped up while little vortexes of grass and flame would spin up and peter out. Excited whoops went out from around the site.And just like that, by 8:30 p.m., the fires were gone. Bringing fire back to the landII.The Cultural Fire Management Council (CFMC), which practices on the neighboring Yurok Reservation and its ancestral lands, postponed its burns that week after spotting quail eggs in a nest. The organization has been training the next generation of community members leading burns for over a decade. Margo Robbins, the council’s co-founder and executive director, said that the fires would wait until fledglings can make their way to safety.A 2024 paper on cultural burning estimates that before Western colonization, the Karuk Aboriginal territory along the Klamath River had nearly 7,000 ignitions a year. That’s an average of 19 ignitions a day over an area 3½ times the size of New York City. Researchers estimate that at the time, every Indigenous person ignited two to a dozen fires a year.Robbins came to cultural burning through weaving baskets, for which Yurok tribes are renowned. These technological marvels can be watertight and can be used for cooking, for carrying infants and toddlers, and in ceremonial rituals. The weaving material, though, needs fire to exist.The California Hazelnut, a squat underbrush shrub, grows its shoots straight when burned. When Robbins started, the raw materials were hard to come by.The CFMC launched its burns in 2012, working with their community group, California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection and the Yurok Tribal Council, burning seven acres. The next year, they burned 67 acres. Working with the Nature Conservancy, four local tribes, and state and local parks, the council now has 23 employees.Robbins’ grandmother, a masterful weaver, never completed this basket. But Robbins has hopes to finish it one day herself. Large piles of hazelnut branches lay in wait to be split and bound in Robbins’ craft room. At her home, she showed us piles of hazelnut branches in her craft room lying in wait to be split and bound. Along her shelves are beaded necklaces, some for the flower dance ceremony, and smaller baskets she’s made. Robbins held up an incomplete one — a tight matrix of bright blond and dark material — that her late grandmother started but never completed. Maybe she’ll finish it one day, she said with a smile, placing it back.Frank Lake, a research ecologist with the U.S. Forest Service and co-author of the 2024 study simulating precolonial burn rates, says it’s clear tribes native to this region intentionally modified the landscape. Lake, who has Karuk ancestry with Yurok family members, centers much of his scientific work on tribal knowledge, bearing out what is known through recorded history, oral history and available data.Lake pointed to the impacts of excluding fire in the region, including overgrowth of trees in the Klamath Mountains, loss of biodiversity and denser tree crowns ripe for severe wildfires.“The landscape is sick,” said Lake, a tribal resident and liaison.Using the Karuk word “pikyav,” meaning “to fix,” he called the recent adoption of fire practice a powerful moment where national interests can be met when tribal leadership is empowered. As Lake’s grandfather put it, “fire is medicine.”Since colonization, forests and vegetation have shifted from their historic roots. Invasive plant growth can make wildfires more severe, a risk that researchers say is compounded by drought and hotter temperatures.This map shows vegetation departure from pre-colonization overlaid on wildfire risk as a measure of how non-native forests and vegetation might contribute to fire risk.Lake challenged assumptions about what’s “natural” with his understanding of the landscape. If fires tended the hillside by protecting acorn-bearing tan oak trees, is that a forest, or is that an orchard? His research shows tribes have shaped crops with fire for centuries. Now living in a time where burns are legal again, he spoke about how he feels privileged to raise his son in this moment. But the Trump administration, which has pushed for the “immediate suppressing of fires,” could reverse some of the new policies aimed at reintroducing fires to the landscape.“We hustle because we know time is limited,” Lake said.“The more you work in the West, the more you work with fire.” That was Gavin Jones’s experience when his study on spotted owl habitats pivoted after the birds’ roosts went to ash.Jones is a research ecologist with the Rocky Mountain Research Station. Studying the threatened species, he found that wildfires play a role in where the birds choose to live. The owls prefer a Goldilocks-home: not pristine, not too fire scarred, something burned just so.Historically, Jones said, fire was an enormous part of the landscape in much of the western United States. But fire suppression policies led to dramatic changes by the late 1800s. In colder and wetter forests like those in the Pacific Northwest, a fire’s ability to spread is now dictated by warmer temperatures, while blazes in forests like those along the Sierra Nevada range became fuel-limited, meaning they depend on available fuel sources like dry grasses, combustibles or water-stressed trees.Centuries of excluding fire from these forests meant higher tree density and less biodiversity. Jones says that on the evolutionary scale, fire adaptation can happen pretty rapidly, especially after a sudden shift. “It is a strong selection force.”The black line's burn scar.Burns encourage more variation in the forest landscape, which leads to greater biodiversity — but there are hard limits. Even in species like the black-backed woodpecker, which needs a burned area for its habitat, few were found after the 2013 Rim and 2014 King wildfires.Researchers like Tom Swetnam, a professor emeritus of dendrochronology and fire history at the University of Arizona, warn that cultural fire can’t be applied to all forests, since in some places this traditional knowledge has been lost.“It’s not an obvious solution for everywhere,” Swetnam said.Robbins with the CFMC took us to the Weitchpec transfer station, a 20-minute drive from the Tishaniik Farm, where some of the oldest continually treated forest projects are. We saw how different the understory could feel. Sunlight blankets what is otherwise a claustrophobic and shady part of the woods.Robert McConnell — the council’s burn boss, or fire manager — reached out to grab a hazelnut branch basking in the sun as he told us about the group’s first burn here in 2012. As he petted the low brush with care, I noticed the stark contrast with a darker patch of forest over his shoulders: That land is off limits to burning. Dense with fir trees, you could scarcely see through it, while we stood in an open area marked by thickets of low grasses, shrubs and oak trees.Robert peered into the hollow burn scar in a conifer, its dark corners now an animal’s storehouse for hazelnuts. Nearby, native potatoes and berries grew unabated. McConnell examined where someone had been harvesting branches for basket materials, concluding that it must have been recent. These resources are all made possible from burning here, he said, pausing to listen for the call of a variegated woodpecker.A recent study by Gavin Jones found that continuing under the status quo of fire exclusion in the Sierra Nevada range would mean a 64 percent chance of complete forest loss in the next 50 years. That risk increased to a near total loss by the end of the century. Forest restoration through mechanical thinning and beneficial fire, like cultural burns, reduce these chances to single digits.When massive fires break out, both prescribed and managed burned forests do better. A study by Jones and others from earlier this year found that treated areas in southwestern New Mexico burned less severely by 21 to 55 percent. Good fire-centered forest management is filtering into how the country reduces wildfire risk.All Hands All Lands, a cooperation of tribal and civic organizations leading burns in the region, cleared out brush and set fires along the sloping hillside by the Klamath River. Staring at the blazes along Sandy Bar Ranch, her home and business, Blythe Reis said she feels protected when the temperature reaches 100 degrees and when lightning strikes come. “We’ve been doing controlled burns on our property for eight to 10 years now. It just makes you feel safer.”Robert McConnell inspects the treatment area.On our last day with Tripp, he took us through back roads to a site where they first started prescribed burns. Along the way we stopped for a sip of fresh spring water flowing from a rocky hillside, noting that burns improve the health of nearby springs.Tripp started burning at the age of four, after his grandmother caught him making fires and told him that he might as well be useful. He figured out how to move the fire, contain it, and kindle new areas in his backyard. For the next few years his grandmother would tell him stories of cultural fire every night, and one night when he was eight, she asked him, “Now that you have this knowledge, what are you going to do with it?The next day, a few miles from the Oregon border, I found myself talking with a postal worker in the town of Happy Camp who suggested I drive some 40 minutes up the road to see the burn scar. Though it has been five years since the devastating Slater fire, the landscape feels as though fires tore through recently. There’s barely a sound, and wind sweeps freely through the matchstick remains of conifers.A burn scarred landscape.About this storyReporting for this story was made possible in part by a grant from the Institute for Journalism & Natural Resources.Design and development by Emily Wright. Photos by Daniel Wolfe and Alice Li. Motion graphics by CJ Riculan. Editing by Simon Ducroquet, Juliet Eilperin and Dominique Hildebrand.

A Michigan town hopes to stop a data center with a 2026 ballot initiative

Local officials see millions of dollars in tax revenue, but more than 950 residents who signed ballot petitions fear endless noise, pollution and higher electric rates.

Early this year, Augusta Charter Township resident Travis Matts had seen a few headlines about the problems data centers caused in towns across the country. He thought the impacts on water, air and utility bills sounded awful, but it also seemed like a far-away issue. Until it suddenly hit home in May.  That is when Matts learned, through his group of volunteers that cleans up area litter, that a data center was proposed for an 822-acre property largely in Augusta Township, a small farming community southeast of Ann Arbor. Township leadership fully supported it.  Matts and others responded by quickly forming a new residents group in opposition, and began collecting ballot initiative signatures to put a rezoning for the data center in front of voters. The debate consumed local politics and bitterly divided some residents in this town of about 8,000 people, leading to accusations of harassment and threats.  “It’s sad that we residents have to fight as hard as we do to keep these facilities out of our backyards, but if we don’t then who will?” he asked. “We’re taking it into our own hands.”  By August, the group, Protect Augusta Charter Township (PACT), had collected enough signatures for a referendum, and PACT is confident residents will vote the project down, Matts added. An aerial view of Google’s New Albany data center campus in Central Ohio. Courtesy of Google The grassroots effort is part of a growing number of municipal fights that are playing out in towns throughout Michigan—and across the U.S.—that could derail data center plans. The centers are opposed by people from across the political spectrum, and the controversy here is unfolding as neighboring Saline Township rejected a similar data center plan in September.  In Augusta Township, the proposal has pitted nearly 1,000 residents who signed the ballot initiative against the township Board of Trustees, which in July unanimously approved the rezoning, and the developer behind the proposal, New York City-based real estate firm Thor Equities. Thor builds data centers but has not announced a client, though a planning report noted tech companies like Google and Microsoft use the type of facility that is proposed here. The centers typically house infrastructure for artificial intelligence and other computing uses.  Few details on how the center would look are yet available, but it would include at least five large buildings on what is currently farmland and wetlands, according to plans. The center may consume 1 million gallons of water daily, local news outlet MLive reported, and would include large generators. The Board of Trustees and supporters point to potential benefits, including increased tax revenue for the financially struggling township, and water and sewer infrastructure improvements.  “It would just be so huge for us,” said Augusta Township Clerk Kim Gonczy. The level of tax revenue is still unclear, she said, but added it is likely “millions of dollars.”  “It could make such a big difference for the township,” she added. The project’s opponents questioned the economic impact. They fear an increase in noise and light pollution, and that the massive facility would destroy Augusta’s rural character while pushing up utility bills and causing brownouts. PACT’s effort is about preserving the “sense of place,” said Matts, whose family has lived in Augusta for 100 years.  “With this data center plan they’re basically saying, ‘We know that, but business is more important,’” Matts said. “Landscape and preserving the identity of a place does not register on their needs list.” Residents needed to collect 561 signatures to get the issue on the ballot, and they turned in 957 gathered during an approximately two-week period in August. Township officials must certify the signatures, then develop language for the ballot that will be voted on during a special election in May 2026 at the earliest. Matts estimated PACT spoke with 1,200 to 1,400 residents, and a strong majority signed the petition. As data centers’ financial and environmental tolls have become clearer, the public is broadly growing more concerned. In many communities, their massive electricity and water consumption has increased residential utility bills. In Michigan and elsewhere, they have already required more fossil fuel plants to be built or stay open, and threaten to derail the transition to clean energy. Meanwhile, they can be a source of light, noise, water and air pollution.  The local battles playing out across the state are residents’ best line of defense, said Tim Minotas, legislative coordinator for the Sierra Club of Michigan. “This is where people live and raise their family so in the absence of state or federal protections, it’s really the responsibility of our local communities to take a stand to protect themselves,” Minotas said.  “That’s harassment” An incident detailed in a previous news report and confirmed by four residents to Inside Climate News described how a township official in August allegedly called police on PACT members. PACT had set up a canopy and table on the side of the road to collect signatures for the ballot initiative near the township hall. The responding officer allegedly found the campaigners had done nothing wrong, but asked them to move the table back from the road. PACT questioned the township’s intent.  “Calling the cops, that’s harassment,” resident Deborah Fuqua-Frey, who is opposed to the project, said during a public comment session after the incident.  Gonczy did not respond to Inside Climate News questions about the incident. In a late-August statement to the news outlet Planet Detroit, Gonczy said the campaigners were set up too close to a dangerous intersection.  Read Next Data centers gobble Earth’s resources. What if we took them to space instead? Sophie Hurwitz Meanwhile, residents said they have received anonymous handwritten notes in their mailboxes that they perceived as threats. Video shows the township supervisor, Todd Waller, would not allow residents to talk about the data center during public comment at board meetings. Some residents questioned the ethics of Waller’s rule, and said it was part of a larger pattern of officials trying to silence the project’s critics. Waller did not respond to requests for comment.  The local issues came after a battle in the state legislature in which progressive legislators sought to add consumer and environmental protections to incentives for data centers. Those were not included in the bills that passed, and may have helped alleviate some of the problems now being dealt with at the local level, said Denise Keele, director of the nonprofit Michigan Climate Action Network.  “It’s one thing if there is NIMBY-ism, and people saying ‘I don’t want this in my community,’ but with data centers the fears are real,” Keele said. “The centers suck up energy and more importantly they will raise our energy rates.”  Merits and drawbacks Township officials have downplayed PACT’s litany of issues with the project. Responding to concerns about light pollution, Gonczy said the property’s lights will be pointed toward the ground, so they won’t flood the surrounding region. She also told Inside Climate News that officials traveled to Toledo to visit a data center, used a noise meter to measure the decibels, and found the level would not violate Augusta Township ordinances.  Moreover, the project would be built in the township’s southwest corner, far away from most residents, Gonczy said. She added that she has not seen any evidence that it would decrease grid reliability or increase bills.  “I don’t understand all of that, and I don’t know where it’s coming from,” Gonczy told Inside Climate News.  The project’s opponents see it differently. They argue that the financial benefit is not worth the cost, and still suspect the lights will be a problem.  Read Next A coal-fired plant in Michigan was supposed to close. But Trump forced it to keep running at $1M a day. Oliver Milman, The Guardian “It won’t be dark at night because there are going to be acres and acres of lights,” said one township resident who declined to use her name for fear of retribution. “It’s no longer your dark cornfield because there’s a glow that never goes away.” The project’s opponents also questioned the accuracy of the sound meter readings, and said those do not take into account the effects of a steady din. Data centers include generators that frequently run on diesel fuel, and those are used monthly as routine maintenance to ensure they work, which could contribute to air and noise pollution.  More important, Matts said, is the loss of the rural character. State leaders didn’t consider these issues, nor has Augusta Township’s Board of Trustees, Matts said, which he called “frustrating.”  “People have lived here for a long time and we understand that things come and go and there’s change and development, but something of this scale and magnitude—1,000 industrial acres—is asinine in a community like this,” Matts said. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A Michigan town hopes to stop a data center with a 2026 ballot initiative on Oct 14, 2025.

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