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Wisconsin's battle with PFAS pollution and regulatory pushback

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Wednesday, March 13, 2024

A divided Wisconsin court recently upheld a decision limiting state environmental oversight on PFAS contaminants, a move that has sparked widespread discussion. Bennet Goldstein reports for Wisconsin Watch. In short: A Wisconsin appeals court affirmed a ruling that restricts the Department of Natural Resources from regulating PFAS under the state's spills law. New legislation, if not vetoed, would further limit state authority to mandate PFAS cleanups, allowing polluters to potentially evade responsibility. The legal and legislative efforts represent parallel attempts to weaken environmental protections against PFAS, a persistent and hazardous contaminant. Key quote: “DNR is really kind of being assaulted on all fronts for simply trying to protect the environment and the public health from what we all know, regardless of the contrived legal definition, are hazardous substances.” — Rob Lee, staff attorney with Midwest Environmental Advocates. Why this matters: Across the United States, many states have taken it upon themselves to establish stricter PFAS standards than those set by the federal government. These actions include setting lower allowable limits for PFAS in drinking water, soil, and air; mandating testing of water supplies; and requiring public notification of PFAS levels. Industry groups have voiced concerns over the state Department of Natural Resources setting standards for PFAS in the absence of comprehensive federal regulations. Are you replenishing your electrolytes with a dose of PFAS?

A divided Wisconsin court recently upheld a decision limiting state environmental oversight on PFAS contaminants, a move that has sparked widespread discussion.

Bennet Goldstein reports for Wisconsin Watch.

In short:

A Wisconsin appeals court affirmed a ruling that restricts the Department of Natural Resources from regulating PFAS under the state's spills law.
New legislation, if not vetoed, would further limit state authority to mandate PFAS cleanups, allowing polluters to potentially evade responsibility.
The legal and legislative efforts represent parallel attempts to weaken environmental protections against PFAS, a persistent and hazardous contaminant.

Key quote:

“DNR is really kind of being assaulted on all fronts for simply trying to protect the environment and the public health from what we all know, regardless of the contrived legal definition, are hazardous substances.”

— Rob Lee, staff attorney with Midwest Environmental Advocates.

Why this matters:

Across the United States, many states have taken it upon themselves to establish stricter PFAS standards than those set by the federal government. These actions include setting lower allowable limits for PFAS in drinking water, soil, and air; mandating testing of water supplies; and requiring public notification of PFAS levels. Industry groups have voiced concerns over the state Department of Natural Resources setting standards for PFAS in the absence of comprehensive federal regulations.

Are you replenishing your electrolytes with a dose of PFAS?

Read the full story here.

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Related News

Congress is killing Biden's cancer moonshot

Lawmakers aren’t willing to meet the president’s budget requests, casting doubt on reaching the program’s ambitious goal.

President Joe Biden is scrambling to fund his cancer moonshot and its ambitious goal of cutting the death rate by half — an aim close to his heart that’s no longer a bipartisan priority.Lawmakers backed the initiative during the final days of Barack Obama’s presidency, passing the 21st Century Cures Act, and allotting $1.8 billion to the cause, nearly unanimously. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) called it "the most significant legislation passed by this Congress.”But times have changed. The spending package Congress passed in March doesn’t reup Cures moonshot money that dried up at the end of last year. Lawmakers rejected Biden’s request to fund Cures this year and also cut off his moonshot's most direct funding stream.The new budget is tight across the board, reflecting Republicans’ control of the House, deficit concerns and, not least, their desire to deny Biden a win months before the election. Congress’ decision has left Biden scrambling to fill the gap."Actions have consequences. Arbitrarily calling for spending cuts means the money will come from somewhere," Rep. Diana DeGette (D-Colo.), who with former Rep. Fred Upton (R-Mich.) spearheaded the Cures law in 2016, told POLITICO in an email. "It is a shame we cannot find more funding for cancer research and that this work will be impacted by partisan efforts to slash spending."Republicans see the cuts differently."When you're running a $1.6 trillion deficit, spending cuts aren't the problem," Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), the new chair of the House Appropriations Committee, told POLITICO. "We've been very generous,” he added, referencing the hundreds of millions in funding since the Cures law passed.The moonshot is important, Cole said, but the magnitude of the deficit requires tough choices and compromise on entitlement costs that Democrats aren’t willing to make.Rep. Michael Burgess (R-Texas), an OB/GYN who’s co-chair of the GOP Doctors Caucus, argues that the next big health care bill needs to focus on how to pay for medical innovation and make it affordable.The White House offers a holistic perspective on the funding fallout. "We are well prepared to take forward the cancer moonshot in a tough funding cycle," Danielle Carnival, deputy assistant to the president for the cancer moonshot, told POLITICO. "We avoided the critical cuts that the Republicans were proposing" to the broader National Institutes of Health budget."This is personal to them," Carnival said of the president and first lady Jill Biden. The initial moonshot program, launched under Obama, was named after Biden’s son Beau, who died of brain cancer in 2015. To get cancer funding back on track, Biden requested mandatory moonshot funding in his fiscal year 2025 budget request last month. The request both signals the president's commitment to the moonshot and foreshadows his priorities for a second term, but it's not money he gets without Congress’ assent.Such funding would require Cures-style legislation before it could be distributed to agencies like the NIH. In other words, it's a multi-step Hail Mary so long as Congress is divided.That has advocates of increased cancer research worried."If not this administration, then who?" Karen Knudsen, CEO of the American Cancer Society, asked, citing Biden’s personal commitment. “We really look for this administration to lead."In the meantime, Biden’s leaning on the agencies to keep moonshot programs going and pursuing private sector help that costs the government nothing. Last month, he said the country’s largest health insurers were expanding services to help patients and their families navigate health care treatments for cancer.But there’s only so much he can do, said Rep. David Trone (D-Md.), a cancer survivor on the Appropriations Committee who represents a district close to NIH headquarters: “Without funding, you can’t hire the best researchers, you can’t acquire cutting-edge technology. Put simply, you can’t innovate.”‘Tough break for NIH’NIH, which leads the moonshot effort, took a budget hit this year.Although the Cures Act contribution to NIH fell by $678 million in fiscal 2024, Congress took steps to make up for that by backfilling $300 million when it finally passed an agency budget last month.The NIH budget fell from $47.5 billion in fiscal 2023 to $47.1 billion this year, a net cut of $378 million."That was a kind of a tough break for NIH," said Erik Fatemi, a principal at lobbying firm Cornerstone Government Affairs and former Democratic staffer on the Senate Appropriations subcommittee with authority over health care spending.It could have been a lot worse, cancer research advocates said.Cures provided supplementary money for NIH, but those funds had to be offset each year. That structure meant Cures funding fluctuated significantly, from several million dollars to over a billion dollars, depending on the year."The way they wrote it, there were lots of ups and downs. Some years that was a windfall for NIH. And some years, it's a real problem for NIH," Fatemi said. "This year is one of the years where it's a real problem, because the money goes way down."Even so, the point of a moonshot is to spend big and get big returns. Biden's cancer moonshot is fashioned after President John F. Kennedy's 1960s push to put a man on the moon, a period in which the U.S. funded NASA at historically high levels. Five years after NASA's funding peaked, Neil Armstrong stepped onto the lunar surface.But Cures passed at a moment shielded from election pressures. Obama’s second term was ending and the 2016 election was over. By contrast, a cancer moonshot win this year would give Biden something to campaign on."Some see it as political," Jon Retzlaff, chief policy officer and vice president of science policy and government affairs at the nonprofit American Association for Cancer Research, said of the moonshot funding debate on Capitol Hill. "They see it as President Biden’s plan."That’s in keeping with larger politicization of science research funding since the pandemic, when Republicans objected to top NIH officials Anthony Fauci and Francis Collins’ handling of Covid-19.The NIH's effective budget cut this year stands in stark contrast to a decade of generous increases in which its budget rose an average of 5 percent a year.Congress opting not to invest in the cancer moonshot, while simultaneously tightening the NIH budget, will "further squeeze priorities," Ellen Sigal, founder of the advocacy group Friends of Cancer Research, said.‘Something dramatic may be necessary’By any definition, the American investment in cancer research continues to be huge.In addition to NIH, agencies ranging from NASA to the Environmental Protection Agency to Veterans Affairs are chipping in.DeGette and Carnival pointed to the fledgling Advanced Research Projects Agency for Health, which Biden created two years ago to take on high-risk, high-reward research.It announced a series of cancer-related grants and programs last year, including one to advance cancer surgery and another to research using bacteria to target tumor cells.Carnival also stressed partnerships the administration has forged with the private sector, including recent commitments from major health insurance companies to help patients access treatment. Ensuring all patients can access state-of-the-art care is crucial to meeting the moonshot’s goal of reducing the death rate by 50 percent over 25 years.And while experts said Biden's request for mandatory moonshot funding in his 2025 is unlikely to materialize, the White House is optimistic."We still believe that that's possible," Carnival said. "We still think that there is a way to get continued bipartisan support.”And Congress did give the National Cancer Institute, an arm of NIH, a $120 million boost this year. That came "despite very tough budget constraints imposed by Republicans,” Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), the chair of the Appropriations panel with control over the funding, told POLITICO in a statement.But cancer research advocates argue that even that boost is effectively a cut, due to inflation, rising research costs and salary raises for federal workers.Without the budget increases NIH is accustomed to, the agency will be forced to cut funding for promising clinical trials of new drugs, they said."That's what happens when there is a stall in research or when research dollars don't catch up with the pace of inflation," the American Cancer Society’s Knudsen said. “There's a direct impact on cancer patients through clinical trials and then an indirect impact through the scientific enterprise being stopped or slowed."Given the stakes, advocates and lobbyists are regrouping to fight for a robust 2025 NIH budget, which lawmakers are already beginning to consider.Concern hung over the American Association for Cancer Research’s annual meeting in San Diego this month, where Retzlaff and his allies in the cancer research community strategized about how to get Congress to invest in NIH next year.During the 2013 budget cuts that resulted from spending wars between Obama and the Republican-controlled House, AACR mobilized a ten thousand person rally for medical research.“Something dramatic may be necessary" again, Retzlaff said.Megan Wilson contributed to this report.

Government

Health

Science

Jeepney strike under way in Philippines as deadline to modernise nears

Government tells operators they must join cooperatives by Tuesday and gradually replace their vehicles with greener optionsA three-day strike by drivers of jeepneys in the Philippines began on Monday as transport groups warned that thousands could be pushed off the roads by government modernisation plans.The jeepney is the backbone of the Philippines’ transport system. The customised, privately-owned buses, which look like a cross between a Jeep and a van and are decorated in flamboyant colours, ply routes in neighbourhood streets and city centres, offering rides for as little as 13 pesos (23 US cents). They have featured in pop songs and films – Pope Francis even travelled through Manila in a jeepney-inspired popemobile. Continue reading...

A three-day strike by drivers of jeepneys in the Philippines began on Monday as transport groups warned that thousands could be pushed off the roads by government modernisation plans.The jeepney is the backbone of the Philippines’ transport system. The customised, privately-owned buses, which look like a cross between a Jeep and a van and are decorated in flamboyant colours, ply routes in neighbourhood streets and city centres, offering rides for as little as 13 pesos (23 US cents). They have featured in pop songs and films – Pope Francis even travelled through Manila in a jeepney-inspired popemobile.The government has for years wanted to modernise the vehicles, which were originally built from repurposed US army Jeeps left over from the second world war, and are known to chug out pollutants.Operators – who own the jeepneys – and drivers have been told by the government that they must join corporations or cooperatives by Tuesday, and gradually replace their jeepneys with more environmentally friendly vehicles that have more safety features.The government has said it will subsidise the new vehicles, and that cooperatives will be able to access bank loans. It also says that jeepneys will not be immediately withdrawn.Operators, however, say the new vehicles are completely unaffordable and that they will be burdened with huge amounts of debt.“As a small-time operator, we can’t afford the expensive modernised Jeep they want us to have,” says Almira Molina, who has two jeepneys.The new vehicles will be fitted with engines that meet European emission standards, or electric motors, and will have wifi, CCTV and air conditioning. But the vehicles, along with admission into a cooperative, will cost up to 2.8m pesos ($48,500) – far more than a traditional jeepney, which is usually priced between 150,000 to 250,000 pesos.There are about 179,000 jeepneys – the vast majority of which are at least 15 years old – and the transport group PISTON says thousands of drivers and operators are at risk of losing their livelihoods.“Why do they want to erase this? It’s a big question for everyone,” said Ed Sarao, of jeepney maker Sarao Motors, whose father, Leornardo, was a pioneer of the jeepney.The vehicle was built, he says, “from the ashes of World War II”.An older model jeepney, colourfully decorated. Photograph: Ted Aljibe/AFP/Getty ImagesEvery jeepney is custom-made, and has its own unique designs – artwork can feature anything from the Virgin Mary, to basketball stars and images of agriculture or cartoon characters. The new minibuses in most cases do not have the same design as a classic jeepney – prompting fears its iconic shape could disappear from the streets.Groups representing operators and drivers say they are not opposed to change, but that the current government plans will unfairly hit the poorest.“The problem we see is that with the amount needed to modernise, small operators and jeepney drivers will not be able to afford this programme – and in the end huge corporations may take over the industry,” said Jan Atienza, of PISTON, which represents drivers and operators.Oscar Soria, 54, in his vehicle which is more than 20 years old. He says he’d prefer that the old vehicles are renovated. Photograph: Guill RamosOperators worry that if they are unable to keep up with debt repayments, their vehicles could be seized, and drivers left without work.The government argues that joining cooperatives or corporations will allow jeepney drivers and operators to pool resources, be more efficient, and get better access to finance. It says vehicles will be upgraded gradually, over a period of between five and eight years, and that this process will improve environmental standards and make the roads safer.Veteran jeepney driver Oscar Soria, 54, said his operator, who owns the vehicle he drives, has joined the government’s programme but he has yet to feel an impact.“I don’t think the electric jeepneys will last long,” he said.Given the choice, he said he would rather continue driving a traditional jeepney, and wants these vehicles to instead be renovated. “Because passengers are used to this kind of Jeep. And the fare is a little cheaper. Of course, the fare will increase when the modern jeepneys will be operational,” he said.Gina Gatarin, a researcher specialising in Philippine transport systems, said that past research into transport reforms in other Asian or African cities showed that such programmes were unlikely to succeed if they were pushed in a top-down manner.“It’s very important that we create a transport sector which is less polluting and more safe for everyone, but it should not be at the expense of these poor drivers being pushed out of the labour force,” Gatarin said.Jeepneys, which account for 40% of all motorised trips in the country, are the most affordable way for people to get around, at a time when many are already facing increases in the cost of food and other essentials.The strike will last until the end of Wednesday. The government has said previous strikes have been limited in their impact.

Government

Agriculture

Food

Biden administration bars drilling on millions of acres in Alaska

The Biden administration is restricting drilling on millions of acres of government-owned lands in Alaska — and taking the penultimate step toward blocking a mining access road in the same state. The administration announced on Friday that it would block off oil and gas drilling on 13 million acres in the Western Arctic that are part of an area known as the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska. The 23-million-acre National Petroleum Reserve, found in Alaska’s North Slope, was set aside in 1923 by then-President Warren G. Harding as an emergency supply of oil for the Navy. The area is also home to caribou herds, threatened and sensitive bird species, and other animals including polar bears. The administration also issued a document indicating that it would not approve a proposed industrial road through northwestern Alaskan wilderness toward deposits of copper and zinc — disrupting Ambler Metals’ effort to mine there. The administration cited its finding that the road would significantly restrict activities for more than 30 Alaska Native communities. The Hill previously reported the Biden administration had reached this decision Tuesday. “Today’s historic actions to protect lands and waters in the western Arctic will ensure continued subsistence use by Alaska Native communities while conserving these special places for future generations,” White House adviser John Podesta said in a statement. “With these new announcements, the Biden-Harris administration has now protected more than 41 million acres of lands and waters across the country, leaving a huge mark on the history of American conservation,” he added. The Biden administration has a mixed record on energy- and conservation-related issues in Alaska, most notably approving the Willow Project last year — which will allow ConocoPhillips to drill in Alaska for about 30 years. That move was particularly controversial among progressives, who said the administration should not allow significant new oil infrastructure amid the transition away from fossil fuels. One day prior to that decision, the administration announced its proposed expansion of protections in the petroleum reserve that was finalized on Friday. It reverses a Trump-era effort to open up significantly more of the area for drilling. The Biden administration’s move to bar the Ambler road’s construction technically is not final, as the government is required to wait at least 30 days before issuing a formal Record of Decision. The actions taken by the Biden administration have been opposed by Alaska’s bipartisan congressional delegation, with lawmakers arguing that the move will have negative impacts on the area’s economy, including for Alaska Native Corporations. The moves were met with praise from many environmental and tribal advocates. “The Biden Administration's choice to reject the Ambler Road Project is a monumental step forward in the fight for Indigenous rights and environmental justice,” Chief Chair Brian Ridley of the Tanana Chiefs Conference said in a statement.

Government

Animals

Energy

South Texas farmers are in peril as the Rio Grande Valley runs dry — again

With the hottest days still ahead, local leaders have declared emergencies. And farmers are lobbying for the U.S. government to pressure Mexico to release water.

Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news. MERCEDES — Across the street from a red barn, a 40-acre field once covered by a sea of green sugar cane leaves now sits dry and thirsty. Irrigation water is dangerously elusive for the fields of the Rio Grande Valley. Mike England, who owns England Farms and Cattle Company located 29 miles east of McAllen, raises cattle and has grown several types of crops including cotton, corn and — until recently — sugar cane. Earlier this year, the state’s last sugar mill closed due to a lack of water — effectively ending the decades-old industry. In recent years, the mill yielded 160,000 tons of raw sugar and 60,000 tons of molasses, according to the sugar mill. It also employed about 500 workers in a normal production year. England had no choice but to destroy the 500 acres worth of sugar cane he'd grown. "And now that I don't have any water, what am I going to plant there?" England said. Several factors contribute to the Valley’s water scarcity, including a lack of rainfall and Mexico’s slow delivery of water to the United States under the terms of a 1944 treaty. Levels at the Amistad International and Falcon International reservoirs are dire. And the Rio Grande Basin reached record low levels last fall and has not improved, according to a report from the National Weather Service in Brownsville. Aerial view of farmer and rancher Mike England's land near Mercedes on April 18. Credit: Ben Lowy for The Texas Tribune England lobbied Hidalgo County officials to issue a disaster declaration in hopes of raising awareness on farmers' plight at the state and national level. He's been successful. On Tuesday, Hidalgo County commissioners extended a disaster declaration issued by the county’s highest-elected official, Judge Richard F. Cortez, citing "exceptional drought conditions." The declaration does not impose water restrictions. Those decisions are left up to individual water systems. Cities in South Texas are putting those into place already, ahead of the summer’s hottest days. McAllen, the largest city in Hidalgo County with more than 144,000 residents, is currently under Stage 2 of their Water Conservation and Drought Contingency Plan, which is triggered when water supply from Amistad and Falcon Dam are below 25%. Levels are currently at 22%, according to Mark Vega, general manager of the McAllen Public Utility. The Rio Grande Valley Sugar Growers’ sugar mill in Santa Rosa. Two years of drought and a dwindling water supply forced Texas’ last sugar mill to close after more than 50 years of operation. Credit: Eli Hartman/The Texas Tribune At Stage 2, the city limits the use of water sprinkling systems for residences and businesses. It also limits water for washing vehicles with exceptions for commercial car washes, and restricts the refilling or adding of water to swimming pools. Just east of Hidalgo County, Cameron County Judge Eddie Treviño, Jr., also issued a disaster declaration on Monday. Also in place is Gov. Greg Abbott’s own disaster proclamation stemming from the 2022 drought — the worst in a decade. It applies to dozens of counties including Hidalgo and Cameron counties, authorizing the use of all state resources to reasonably cope with the disaster. Abbott renewed the declaration this month. Brian Jones, a state director for the Texas Farm Bureau and a fourth generation farmer, met with U.S. State Department officials this week to stress the need to pressure Mexico into releasing more water. Under terms of the 1944 treaty, Mexico is required to deliver water to the U.S. from six tributaries that feed into the Rio Grande. In exchange, the U.S. delivers water from the Colorado River to Mexico. Related Story April 12, 2024 The treaty requires the Mexican government to release 1,750,000 acre-feet of water every five years for an average annual amount of 350,000 acre-feet. The current five-year cycle doesn't end until October 2025, so while Mexico hasn't yet violated the terms of the treaty, it is behind on its water deliveries by more than 700,000 acre-feet as of April 6, according to International Boundary & Water Commission, the agency tasked with overseeing the water and boundary treaties. Mexican officials cite their own drought conditions for their inability to deliver water to the U.S. The treaty provides for some flexibility depending on the severity of the drought. But Frank Fisher, public affairs chief for the commission, said there are political factors there that are complicating the situation. Still, he insists the commission is continuing to engage with their Mexican counterparts at the Comisión Internacional de Límites y Aguas Entre México y Estados Unidos. He adds the state department is actively trying to resolve the issue diplomatically, including negotiating a new addition to the treaty which would amend how Mexico would meet its water obligations. "We can't give up, it's too crucial for folks of South Texas,” Fisher said. Mexican officials echoed Fisher. Manuel Morales, secretario de la Sección Mexicana for CILA, was adamant that Mexico's intention has always been to comply with its obligations under the treaty. In his 38 years of planting, Jones said 2024 is his first without irrigation water, which affects row crops such as sorghum, cotton and corn as well as specialty crops such as vegetables and citrus. Jones warns they're all on the verge of meeting the same fate as the sugar cane industry. "Right now, we do have a delay in water deliveries, that's the reality this current cycle, but our intention is to mitigate that deficit as much as possible," Morales said. "We want to continue complying with the treaty." Jones believes the citrus industry could fall next given that the industry consists of permanent trees that need additional water to produce a crop on top of the water they need to stay alive. Overall, the Valley stands to lose $495.8 million this year in total crop production, according to a December report from Texas A&M AgriLife Extension. Jones is already feeling those losses –– he only planted half his farm this year. He's had to cut employees entirely and cut back the hours of others. England has resorted to the same measures. "It kills me because these guys are some of the best people I've ever known," England said. "One of them has worked for me for 40-some-odd years. We were just past teenagers when he started here. You think I liked laying him off?" While both farmers hope the state department leans on Mexico to fulfill its water obligations, Jones doesn't believe Mexican officials have any intention of releasing water any time soon. "They're keeping it, they're using it," Jones said. "They're growing products that are competing with our products." Jones, echoing a familiar and drastic refrain, said it would take a hurricane or other major tropical event for them to make up their large deficit by October 2025. "Waiting on the weather is not a great plan, but actually waiting on the weather seems like a better plan than waiting on Mexico," Jones said. Hidalgo County is waiting for neither the weather nor Mexico. In March, the county hired H2O Partners, an Austin-based environmental consulting firm, to help develop a countywide plan to address projected water shortages. As part of that strategy, Cortez, the county judge, requested records from the IBWC and the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality for data on inflows to the Rio Grande. Water marks are seen on the dam gates and concrete at the Falcon Dam in Starr County on Aug. 18, 2022. The reservoir levels are below 25%, triggering some local water restrictions. Credit: Michael Gonzalez for The Texas Tribune Cortez said the county’s analysis suggests that Mexico’s noncompliance with the treaty doesn’t account for all the missing water and believes that the flows from the U.S. side had also dropped. "There could be nothing wrong with it, there could be more demand north from us that are using it more than others," Cortez said. "If that's the case, then that's what it is, but if I don't ask the questions, I don't know the answers." The county’s disaster declaration would enable the county to access state funding if it suffered damages from wildfires such as the historic wildfires that scorched the Texas Panhandle in February and March. Cortez added that affected farmers in the county would be in a position to receive financial relief in the likely scenario of financial losses from the water shortage. The declaration would allow farmers such as Jones and England to apply for loans at a lower interest rate. But without more water, that type of financial assistance won't solve their issues. "Without water, what are we using to grow our crops? What are we able to pay back those loans with?" Jones said. This year, England did what little he could on a few acres of land –– planting hay on land that still had a bit of moisture and planting cotton on their best sandy land. "I just took a chance on a few acres of planting," England said. "But we're in desperate need of a rain right now or it's not going to make anything." Mike England walks across one of the fields on his farm near Mercedes on April 18. Credit: Ben Lowy for The Texas Tribune Reporting in the Rio Grande Valley is supported in part by the Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas. Disclosure: Texas A&M AgriLife and Texas Farm Bureau have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here. Tickets are on sale now for the 2024 Texas Tribune Festival, happening in downtown Austin Sept. 5-7. Get your TribFest tickets before May 1 and save big!

Government

Water

Conservation

Former lawmaker Brian Clem to spend $1 million to elect moderate Democrats to Oregon Legislature

The contribution is the second largest in Oregon this year.

Former Democratic lawmaker Brian Clem of Salem is preparing to spend $1 million to elect centrist Democrats to the Legislature, campaign finance filings show.He gave that sum Sunday to a political action committee he created in 2022 to carry out that aim. The contribution is the second largest in Oregon this year, behind the $2 million that Nike co-founder Phil Knight gave to a Republican-aligned political action committee last month.Clem, who served in the Oregon House from 2007 to 2021, formed Oregonians Are Ready to elect moderate lawmakers to the Legislature. Five other former lawmakers joined in that effort, but Clem has contributed about 85% of the money the PAC has taken in.Clem told The Oregonian/OregonLive Tuesday that one of the first candidates to receive a portion of the $1 million will be Peter Grabiel, an environmental lawyer and Democrat vying to represent Portland’s west side in the Oregon House.The committee gave Grabiel $5,000 last week, campaign finance filings show, but Clem said in a text, “We are just getting started for Pete. We will definitely be making sure he has the resources he needs to run a competitive race.”The group also gave Rep. Paul Evans, D-Monmouth, $5,000 in February. Clem didn’t say what other candidates the committee intends to support.“Our group will be making decisions in the coming days,” Clem said. “This spending will be focused on candidates in this election cycle and we are looking to support common sense problem solvers.”Grabiel is competing against doctor Brian Duty and health care clinic CEO Shannon Jones Isadore in the May 21 Democratic primary for House District 33, a seat currently held by Rep. Maxine Dexter, who is running for Congress. Whoever wins the primary is expected to coast to victory in November, as registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans more than seven-to-one in the district.As of Tuesday, Duty has raised about $96,000, Grabiel has raised $73,000 and Isadore has brought in $15,100, campaign finance filings show.Grabiel told The Oregonian/OregonLive he was not expecting financial backing from Clem’s political committee, but said it makes sense because he’s “willing to moderate from the standard line of things that far left Democrats want to see.”“I know that [Clem] wants to see more pragmatism come out of Portland,” Grabiel said. “He knows that I’m a pragmatic liberal Democrat that shares that value with him, and he thinks that I can be a breakthrough where others have not been.”For example, Grabiel said, he was the only Democratic candidate in his race who spoke in favor of rolling back Measure 110, Oregon’s landmark drug decriminalization law, before this year’s legislative session.“That was a moderate position, that was a risky position to take,” Grabiel said. “For months, I was alone in this position, which is now a mainstream position in the party. I believe taking this moderate position caused a number of left leaning special interest groups to refuse to endorse me.”— Carlos Fuentes covers state politics and government. Reach him at 503-221-5386 or cfuentes@oregonian.com.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

Government

Health

Suggested Viewing

The Fellowship of the Springs

Florida’s artesian springs are a natural wonder of the world. As unique as the geysers of Yellowstone and as mesmerizing as Vernal Falls in Yosemite, these blue jewels surrounding the north Florida landscape are considered a treasure by many who see them. The state contains the largest and highest concentration of fresh water springs on earth. But today, the future of Florida’s springs is uncertain. With flow levels declining and nitrate pollution on the rise, the springs today bear the scars of a profound struggle. Florida's own government continues to approve permits for large companies that want to pump water from the springs and their springsheds, for nominal permit fees that often cost less than a day pass to Disney World. The Fellowship of the Springs takes viewers behind the scenes of the fight to save Florida's springs, from the halls of the state capitol in Tallahassee to deep caves of Ichetucknee spring.

Water

Government

Business

Waters of the U.S.

The current administration is rolling back crucial protections for streams and wetlands across the country in a direct assault on the Clean Water Act. This incredibly beautiful film tells the story of the rivers, streams, and wetlands of Alabama to illustrate the dangers of the proposed regulation. By doing so, it shows the economic benefits, ecological health, and cultural way of life that hang in the balance. The director hails from Miami, Florida, with a strong passion for environmental advocacy. With a degree in Editing, Writing & Media from Florida State University and a background in environmental journalism, he intends to make documentaries to inspire protection wildlife and our natural resources.

Government

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Pollution

Descended: The Fight for Harris Neck

The documentary film “Descended: The Fight for Harris Neck” explores an ongoing land battle in Harris Neck, Georgia. In 1942 the U.S. war department seized 2,687 acres of land from a self-reliant community of seventy-five African American families. Since 1962 the land has been a national wildlife refuge. The film seeks to answer the pivotal question: How has a community been shaped by its common goal to reclaim their land?

Social Justice

Government

Nature

Lake Victoria: An Ecosystem in Turmoil

Decades of mismanagement, environmental changes and a burgeoning population have created tensions for the 40 million people living on the shores of the world's second largest freshwater lake, Lake Victoria. Desperate fishermen use illegal nets and overfish the East African lake's dwindling stocks, while many fishermen have had to turn to other forms of work - much of which has a detrimental impact on the health of the lake and its residents. Lake Victoria: An Ecosystem in Turmoil follows some of those trying to eek out a living on the lake: a Kenyan fisherman who illegally crosses the border into Uganda in the search for fish; a Ugandan who gave up fishing to become a palm oil farmer; and a Tanzanian gold miner using mercury with his bare hands to extract the precious mineral from unregulated mines on the lake's shores. But how well do they comprehend the pressure that they’re putting on the lake, and can the regional governments and communities take action before irreversible damage happens?

Land Use

Water

Government