Cookies help us run our site more efficiently.

By clicking “Accept”, you agree to the storing of cookies on your device to enhance site navigation, analyze site usage, and assist in our marketing efforts. View our Privacy Policy for more information or to customize your cookie preferences.

Proposed Plastics Law Could Slash Wasteful Packaging

News Feed
Friday, May 17, 2024

CLIMATEWIRE | ALBANY, New York — Democratic lawmakers are still fine-tuning a sweeping measure aimed at reducing the amount of plastic and packaging trash headed to the state’s crammed landfills.The rebranded extended producer responsibility bill seeks to reduce the amount of packaging being used, increase recyclability and charge producers of consumer goods for the costs of disposing of packaging that mostly ends up in landfills.But tweaks are still expected to the current version, and some lawmakers have concerns about the costs for consumers with the legislative session set to end June 6.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins said there are still conversations ongoing.“We want to make sure that we have input so at least whatever we do legislatively not only reflects, to the extent possible, the real concerns that people bring to us and we weigh it against the real results that we’re trying to achieve,” the Democrat from Yonkers said Tuesday.“Obviously, we all are getting all kinds of things that should not be in landfills, so we are trying to get to a point where we’ve got a piece of legislation that will pass.”Broadly, the goal is to mandate producers of packaged consumer goods — think Amazon, Unilever, Procter & Gamble — to fund the recycling or disposal of what they sell. There’s also mandates to stop using potentially harmful substances.Money raised would be used to reimburse local governments for the costs of waste disposal and recycling programs.It’s a big shift in the way recycling is funded in New York.Most costs are currently borne by local governments. The state’s climate plan, approved in late 2022 to map out the path for New York to achieve dramatic emissions reductions, backs sweeping new “extended producer responsibility” legislation to begin reducing emissions from waste in landfills.Industry opponents of the bill warn the measure would increase costs and limit the convenient choices that grocery shoppers have come to expect. They say there aren’t readily available alternatives to some of the chemicals that would be banned.Most supporters acknowledge there would be changes, but argue that habits are already shifting and that healthier, more refillable and less disposable choices would become more widely available because of the new requirements.They’re also emphasizing that customers ultimately pay for sending the trash to the landfill anyway, and that reducing packaging material can lower costs.“You don’t have to wrap everything in plastic,” said Assemblymember Michaelle Solages, a Democrat from Nassau County who is the chair of the influential Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic, and Asian Legislative Caucus. “I think it is a sin to even wrap fruits and vegetables in plastic.”Solages said there’s still work to do on the details, although there’s support for the spirit of the proposal. She said there are concerns about costs, and there are currently discussions about how to ensure those costs aren’t only on consumers.“We’re just throwing all this waste in our garbage,” Solages said in an interview. “At the end of the day, it’ll cost us more to clean up all the impacts to the Earth.”Under the legislation, companies that are covered would have to reduce packaging by 10 percent within three years, increasing to 50 percent in 12 years. Recycling rates would also have to increase to 75 percent of packing material, including plastic, to be reused or recycled in 2050.Assemblymember Deborah Glick, a Democrat from Manhattan, said there are also health risks from current packaging. Glick sponsors the bill, and as chair of the Environmental Conservation Committee, she has made it her top priority as the end of the legislative session nears.“We have a variety of problems related to the chemicals that are in the plastic that is wrapped around our food,” she said. “We know we have a growing health problem.”Producers could give consumers more options than are currently available, said Vanessa Fajans-Turner, executive director of Environmental Advocates NY.“This is product agnostic. This is not a referendum on how we shop or what we shop for,” she said. “There are alternatives for packaging.”There’s also significant labor opposition to the bill, and supporters recognize the challenge.The New York State Conference of Teamsters and United Steelworkers District 4 oppose the bill, as does the New York State AFL-CIO.The steelworkers oppose the inclusion of paper products, given the high recycling rate already, while the teamsters who represent some sanitation workers have concerns about the potential for new organizations to be responsible for collecting waste.“This legislation is a direct assault on organized labor,” the Teamsters opposition memo states. “This legislation allows municipal waste removal forces, both public employee and currently contracted private companies, to be replaced by a state supervised private collection force without any regard to workers’ rights.”Meera Joshi, New York City deputy mayor for operations, said there have been discussions with organized labor, and the city agrees there might be some protections that could be added.The city estimates it would get $150 million if the bill were enacted, and it would have to pay less to ship waste to landfills, meaning additional savings.“Our sanitation system covers all the cost of packaging that’s not recycled,” Joshi said in an interview. “Many states have adopted this. … We’re not reinventing the wheel here.”Assembly Democrats are sensitive to the prospect of higher costs being passed on to consumers. The Assembly conferenced on the bill earlier this week.Assemblymember Carrie Woerner, a Democrat from Saratoga County, said that any policies that would increase costs in an inflationary environment are a concern. She said she has a “conceptual appreciation” for the goals of the bill.But she said she has questions about the time lines, given how many food suppliers are national brands and would face difficulty specifically making changes in New York. Policymakers should consider aligning implementation with California’s measure, which was signed in 2022, she said.“I think the industry is trying hard to reduce the plastics they use and improve recyclability,” Woerner said. Food suppliers “have to be on a time line that is consistent from state to state. California got there first.”Glick said the gradual implementation of the requirements to reduce plastics and other packaging helps address cost concerns.“We're just giving them an incentive to be innovative,” she said. “The less packaging they use, the less they pay into a fund. So they reduce their costs and the less packaging they use, the less money they spend on that material. So it's just an excuse to raise prices.”The opposition from companies, including makers of plastics represented by the American Chemistry Council, has been consistent since environmental groups began pushing for an extended producer responsibility program several years ago.The chemical industry opposes restrictions on chemical recycling counting as recycling, arguing it unfairly bars the technology.Sen. Peter Harckham, the chair of the Environmental Conservation Committee, has pointed out the bill includes a provision requiring a report every three years that could spur changes to the definition by lawmakers.Business groups, chemical makers and product manufacturers of everything from toys and home appliances to footwear have also objected to a list of chemicals that would bar material from being recycled. There would also be a ban on additional toxic substances in packaging including various chemicals used to make plastics, flame retardants and PFAS.“This overly broad prohibition disregards sound science and could potentially have major unintended socioeconomic, environmental, and public health consequences by arbitrarily eliminating packaging best suited for, among other uses, food preservation, medical supply and device protection and hazardous materials containers,” the groups wrote in a memo opposing the bill.Environmental advocates in the past were split on different versions of the measure and strategies to get it passed. So that has made it even more difficult to get a bill passed.Gov. Kathy Hochul proposed her own version of the extended producer responsibility for packaging plan in her 2022 and 2023 budget proposals, but her administration has concerns about the current version.That includes the large number of staff they expect would be needed to implement it.This year, however, a key organization hired a high-powered and well-connected lobbyist with close ties to Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie to work on the bill.Beyond Plastics retained the firm of Patrick Jenkins, Heastie’s former college roommate, on May 1, according to public records. The group is based at Bennington College in Vermont and led by former EPA regional administrator Judith Enck.“We don’t have the firepower that Albany lobbyists have, but we could only afford him for a month,” Enck said.So far, it appears to have helped: Shortly afterward, the measure moved through several key Assembly committees.But opponents have retained many more lobbyists to block the bill, and national companies have been actively involved in the effort.Enck said she’s open to some changes, including around recycled content requirements for plastics due to potential health concerns about plastic touching food and beverages.One issue she won’t budge on, though: any allowance for chemical recycling. And she’s pushing the Legislature to also keep it out of any final deal.“The industry opposition is ferocious to say the least, and we're trying to counter that with grassroots support,” Enck said. “This is the closest we’ve ever been.”Reprinted from E&E News with permission from POLITICO, LLC. Copyright 2024. E&E News provides essential news for energy and environment professionals.

A law proposed in New York State seeks to reduce plastic packaging, ban certain plastic chemicals and mandate that producers of packaged consumer goods fund the recycling or disposal of what they sell

CLIMATEWIRE | ALBANY, New York — Democratic lawmakers are still fine-tuning a sweeping measure aimed at reducing the amount of plastic and packaging trash headed to the state’s crammed landfills.

The rebranded extended producer responsibility bill seeks to reduce the amount of packaging being used, increase recyclability and charge producers of consumer goods for the costs of disposing of packaging that mostly ends up in landfills.

But tweaks are still expected to the current version, and some lawmakers have concerns about the costs for consumers with the legislative session set to end June 6.


On supporting science journalism

If you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.


Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins said there are still conversations ongoing.

“We want to make sure that we have input so at least whatever we do legislatively not only reflects, to the extent possible, the real concerns that people bring to us and we weigh it against the real results that we’re trying to achieve,” the Democrat from Yonkers said Tuesday.

“Obviously, we all are getting all kinds of things that should not be in landfills, so we are trying to get to a point where we’ve got a piece of legislation that will pass.”

Broadly, the goal is to mandate producers of packaged consumer goods — think Amazon, Unilever, Procter & Gamble — to fund the recycling or disposal of what they sell. There’s also mandates to stop using potentially harmful substances.

Money raised would be used to reimburse local governments for the costs of waste disposal and recycling programs.

It’s a big shift in the way recycling is funded in New York.

Most costs are currently borne by local governments. The state’s climate plan, approved in late 2022 to map out the path for New York to achieve dramatic emissions reductions, backs sweeping new “extended producer responsibility” legislation to begin reducing emissions from waste in landfills.

Industry opponents of the bill warn the measure would increase costs and limit the convenient choices that grocery shoppers have come to expect. They say there aren’t readily available alternatives to some of the chemicals that would be banned.

Most supporters acknowledge there would be changes, but argue that habits are already shifting and that healthier, more refillable and less disposable choices would become more widely available because of the new requirements.

They’re also emphasizing that customers ultimately pay for sending the trash to the landfill anyway, and that reducing packaging material can lower costs.

“You don’t have to wrap everything in plastic,” said Assemblymember Michaelle Solages, a Democrat from Nassau County who is the chair of the influential Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic, and Asian Legislative Caucus. “I think it is a sin to even wrap fruits and vegetables in plastic.”

Solages said there’s still work to do on the details, although there’s support for the spirit of the proposal. She said there are concerns about costs, and there are currently discussions about how to ensure those costs aren’t only on consumers.

“We’re just throwing all this waste in our garbage,” Solages said in an interview. “At the end of the day, it’ll cost us more to clean up all the impacts to the Earth.”

Under the legislation, companies that are covered would have to reduce packaging by 10 percent within three years, increasing to 50 percent in 12 years. Recycling rates would also have to increase to 75 percent of packing material, including plastic, to be reused or recycled in 2050.

Assemblymember Deborah Glick, a Democrat from Manhattan, said there are also health risks from current packaging. Glick sponsors the bill, and as chair of the Environmental Conservation Committee, she has made it her top priority as the end of the legislative session nears.

“We have a variety of problems related to the chemicals that are in the plastic that is wrapped around our food,” she said. “We know we have a growing health problem.”

Producers could give consumers more options than are currently available, said Vanessa Fajans-Turner, executive director of Environmental Advocates NY.

“This is product agnostic. This is not a referendum on how we shop or what we shop for,” she said. “There are alternatives for packaging.”

There’s also significant labor opposition to the bill, and supporters recognize the challenge.

The New York State Conference of Teamsters and United Steelworkers District 4 oppose the bill, as does the New York State AFL-CIO.

The steelworkers oppose the inclusion of paper products, given the high recycling rate already, while the teamsters who represent some sanitation workers have concerns about the potential for new organizations to be responsible for collecting waste.

“This legislation is a direct assault on organized labor,” the Teamsters opposition memo states. “This legislation allows municipal waste removal forces, both public employee and currently contracted private companies, to be replaced by a state supervised private collection force without any regard to workers’ rights.”

Meera Joshi, New York City deputy mayor for operations, said there have been discussions with organized labor, and the city agrees there might be some protections that could be added.

The city estimates it would get $150 million if the bill were enacted, and it would have to pay less to ship waste to landfills, meaning additional savings.

“Our sanitation system covers all the cost of packaging that’s not recycled,” Joshi said in an interview. “Many states have adopted this. … We’re not reinventing the wheel here.”

Assembly Democrats are sensitive to the prospect of higher costs being passed on to consumers. The Assembly conferenced on the bill earlier this week.

Assemblymember Carrie Woerner, a Democrat from Saratoga County, said that any policies that would increase costs in an inflationary environment are a concern. She said she has a “conceptual appreciation” for the goals of the bill.

But she said she has questions about the time lines, given how many food suppliers are national brands and would face difficulty specifically making changes in New York. Policymakers should consider aligning implementation with California’s measure, which was signed in 2022, she said.

“I think the industry is trying hard to reduce the plastics they use and improve recyclability,” Woerner said. Food suppliers “have to be on a time line that is consistent from state to state. California got there first.”

Glick said the gradual implementation of the requirements to reduce plastics and other packaging helps address cost concerns.

“We're just giving them an incentive to be innovative,” she said. “The less packaging they use, the less they pay into a fund. So they reduce their costs and the less packaging they use, the less money they spend on that material. So it's just an excuse to raise prices.”

The opposition from companies, including makers of plastics represented by the American Chemistry Council, has been consistent since environmental groups began pushing for an extended producer responsibility program several years ago.

The chemical industry opposes restrictions on chemical recycling counting as recycling, arguing it unfairly bars the technology.

Sen. Peter Harckham, the chair of the Environmental Conservation Committee, has pointed out the bill includes a provision requiring a report every three years that could spur changes to the definition by lawmakers.

Business groups, chemical makers and product manufacturers of everything from toys and home appliances to footwear have also objected to a list of chemicals that would bar material from being recycled. There would also be a ban on additional toxic substances in packaging including various chemicals used to make plastics, flame retardants and PFAS.

“This overly broad prohibition disregards sound science and could potentially have major unintended socioeconomic, environmental, and public health consequences by arbitrarily eliminating packaging best suited for, among other uses, food preservation, medical supply and device protection and hazardous materials containers,” the groups wrote in a memo opposing the bill.

Environmental advocates in the past were split on different versions of the measure and strategies to get it passed. So that has made it even more difficult to get a bill passed.

Gov. Kathy Hochul proposed her own version of the extended producer responsibility for packaging plan in her 2022 and 2023 budget proposals, but her administration has concerns about the current version.

That includes the large number of staff they expect would be needed to implement it.

This year, however, a key organization hired a high-powered and well-connected lobbyist with close ties to Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie to work on the bill.

Beyond Plastics retained the firm of Patrick Jenkins, Heastie’s former college roommate, on May 1, according to public records. The group is based at Bennington College in Vermont and led by former EPA regional administrator Judith Enck.

“We don’t have the firepower that Albany lobbyists have, but we could only afford him for a month,” Enck said.

So far, it appears to have helped: Shortly afterward, the measure moved through several key Assembly committees.

But opponents have retained many more lobbyists to block the bill, and national companies have been actively involved in the effort.

Enck said she’s open to some changes, including around recycled content requirements for plastics due to potential health concerns about plastic touching food and beverages.

One issue she won’t budge on, though: any allowance for chemical recycling. And she’s pushing the Legislature to also keep it out of any final deal.

“The industry opposition is ferocious to say the least, and we're trying to counter that with grassroots support,” Enck said. “This is the closest we’ve ever been.”

Reprinted from E&E News with permission from POLITICO, LLC. Copyright 2024. E&E News provides essential news for energy and environment professionals.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

California governor under pressure over bill to ban cookware made with Pfas

Gavin Newsom, who has vetoed environmental bills before, feeling push from industry and celebrity chefs on next stepsGavin Newsom, the California governor, is facing intense pressure from industry, and even some celebrity chefs, as he weighs whether or not to sign a bill that bans the sale of cookware made with Pfas or “forever chemicals”.The legislation, approved by the California legislature on 12 September, comes as Newsom contemplates a run for the Democratic presidential nomination, heightening the scrutiny of his decision. Continue reading...

Gavin Newsom, the California governor, is facing intense pressure from industry, and even some celebrity chefs, as he weighs whether or not to sign a bill that bans the sale of cookware made with Pfas or “forever chemicals”.The legislation, approved by the California legislature on 12 September, comes as Newsom contemplates a run for the Democratic presidential nomination, heightening the scrutiny of his decision.The industry pressure is part of a broader attack that aims to derail similar bans on Pfas in cookware in other states, public health advocates say. Newsom has a history of vetoing some environmental bills around toxic chemicals, including a ban on Pfas in household cleaners and artificial turf that were made amid similar industry pressure. But advocates say they have worked with the administration to address concerns.“Industry is putting so much pressure on Newsom, and they’re doing it in the press, scaring the public and high profile people are writing to him saying the sky will fall,” said Andria Ventura, legislative director for Clean Water Action, which has lobbied for the bills. “We’re not sure where he’ll land on this.”Newsom’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment. He has until 13 October to veto the bill.Pfas are a class of about 16,000 chemicals most frequently used to make products water-, stain- and grease-resistant. The compounds have been linked to cancer, birth defects, decreased immunity, high cholesterol, kidney disease and a range of other serious health problems. They are dubbed “forever chemicals” because they do not naturally break down in the environment.The Cookware Sustainability Alliance, a trade group founded by two of the world’s largest cookware manufacturers, Groupe SEB and Meyer, is leading the charge against the ban. Steve Burns, a lobbyist from the group, said he is particularly concerned about restaurants that use Pfas throughout the kitchen.“Some of the top chefs in the nation rely on nonstick,” he said. “They need this in their restaurants.”Burns claimed butter and oil used in pans is more unhealthy than Ptfe exposure and said the cookware industry is unfairly maligned because it did not create the chemicals.“We’re two steps removed yet we’re the ones who are being held accountable,” Burns said.Chefs who have come out in opposition to the bill include Thomas Keller, David Chang and Rachael Ray – each has had cookware lines that could take a financial hit from the ban. That has drawn criticism from actor and anti-Pfas activist Mark Ruffalo, who supports the ban.The state’s legislature is the seventh to pass a ban on the sale of Pfas in cookware, and is part of a package that would prohibit the chemicals’ use in six product categories. State legislatures across the US have proposed hundreds of limits on Pfas’s use in consumer goods in recent years, which is pressuring companies to move away from the often dangerous chemicals in non-essential uses.“These are avoidable uses of Pfas that we can eliminate now,” said Avi Kar, senior director of the toxics program at the Natural Resources Defense Council, which is lobbying in support of the bill. “Pfas is such a large problem and we need to do everything we can to reduce exposures. This is a clear cut case, and there are already alternatives, so it’s not going to cause hardship.”Advocates say they worked with industry in other product categories but only cookware makers were hostile toward legislation. The industry previously sued in federal court in an attempt to overturn a similar ban in Minnesota, but the suit was dismissed.skip past newsletter promotionSign up to Detox Your KitchenA seven-week expert course to help you avoid chemicals in your food and groceries.Privacy Notice: Newsletters may contain information about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. If you do not have an account, we will create a guest account for you on theguardian.com to send you this newsletter. You can complete full registration at any time. For more information about how we use your data see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionSimilar tactics and claims are being deployed in California. Industry has said, without providing firm evidence, that the bans caused cookware shortages on store shelves. Maine was among the first states to ban Pfas in cookware and the industry has claimed brides in the state are upset because they can’t get Teflon pans on their registries, advocates say.Pfas compounds like Ptfe, also called Teflon, are most commonly used in pans and industry has claimed the chemical is safe and should not be classified as a Pfas. New Mexico exempted Ptfe from its cookware ban, but most governments classify it as a Pfas and regulate it. While science suggests Ptfe poses less of a health threat in isolation than other more dangerous Pfas, some peer-reviewed research highlights risks throughout its life cycle.Highly toxic Pfas are used to manufacture Ptfe, and the former can end up in the environment or leftover on a pan. When Ptfe cookware is scratched or chipped, it can shed micro- or nanoplastics into food. Research has linked Ptfe in combination with other microplastics to decreased sperm quality, among other health issues, and Ptfe fumes emitted from a pan can cause flu-like symptoms.Ventura noted the California water and sewer utility trade group endorses the ban because utilities are left with the cost of trying to remove PFAS pollution from drinking water.Industry has also run ads in California claiming the state is in a cost-of-living crisis, and the ban would force families to spend more than $300 buying new pots and pans. In one ad that ran on Instagram, a woman standing in a kitchen states that she can’t afford to buy new pans.But Ventura noted the ban only covers selling new cookware with Pfas and wouldn’t prohibit owning the products or buying them out of state. Though industry claims alternatives are more expensive, most companies also make stainless steel, cast iron or nonstick ceramic products, and many are the same price.“All you have to do is walk into a Marshalls or Macy’s and you can see they’re the same price, and the companies are making the alternatives,” Ventura said. “Nobody is going to go into your house or the kitchen of your restaurant and take away [the Teflon pans].”

Industrial Chemical Linked To Parkinson's Disease

By Dennis Thompson HealthDay ReporterTHURSDAY, Oct. 2, 2025 (HealthDay News) — Long-term exposure to a chemical used in metal degreasing and dry...

By Dennis Thompson HealthDay ReporterTHURSDAY, Oct. 2, 2025 (HealthDay News) — Long-term exposure to a chemical used in metal degreasing and dry cleaning might increase the risk of Parkinson’s disease, a new study says.Seniors living in places with the highest airborne levels of trichloroethylene showed a 10% higher risk for Parkinson’s than those in areas with the lowest levels, researchers report in the journal Neurology.Further, risk of Parkinson’s increased fourfold for people living one to five miles downwind of an Oregon factory that used the chemical, researchers found.“Long-term exposure to trichloroethylene in outdoor air was associated with a small but measurable increase in Parkinson’s risk,” said lead researcher Brittany Krzyzanowski, an assistant professor at the Barrow Neurological Institute in Phoenix.“These findings add to a growing body of evidence that environmental exposures may contribute to Parkinson’s disease,” she said in a news release.Trichloroethylene (TCE) is known to cause kidney cancer, and studies have linked the chemical to blood cancers and liver cancer, according to the National Cancer Institute.It’s a persistent environmental pollutant in air, water and soil across the United States, researchers noted. A 2000 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency  (EPA) report estimated that up to 30% of the nation’s drinking water supplies were contaminated with TCE. In 2024, the EPA issued a ban on the chemical for all consumer and commercial uses that was set to start in 2025. However, the ban was stayed pending a legal challenge, and the chemical remains in use.For the new study, researchers used Medicare data to identify seniors older than 67 newly diagnosed with Parkinson’s between 2016 and 2018, and compared each participant to five other seniors who didn’t have the disease.Parkinson’s occurs when brain cells that produce the neurotransmitter dopamine either die or become impaired. When that happens, people start to have movement problems that include shaking, stiffness, and difficulty with balance and coordination, according to Cleveland Clinic.All told, the study included nearly 222,000 people with Parkinson’s and more than 1.1 million people without the disease, researchers said.Using ZIP codes and EPA data, researchers mapped everyone’s exposure to outdoor TCE concentrations two years prior to their diagnosis.Researchers concluded that people exposed to the highest levels of TCE appeared to have a greater risk of Parkinson’s, after controlling for other risk factors for the disorder.“While the increased risk was modest, the sheer number of people exposed to TCE in the environment means the potential public health impact could be substantial,” Krzyzanowski said.The team also identified several geographic “hot spots” where outdoor TCE levels were highest, particularly in the Rust Belt region, as well as three facilities that operated as the nation’s top TCE-emitting facilities in 2002.Results showed that Parkinson’s risk was higher close to two of the three facilities. At one of those sites, Parkinson’s risk clearly rose the closer people lived to the facility. People living one to five miles downwind from a lithium battery plant in Lebanon, Oregon, had a more than four times greater risk of Parkinson’s than those living up to 10 miles away.“This underscores the need for stronger regulations and more monitoring of industrial pollutants,” Krzyzanowski said.The researchers noted that their study could not draw a direct cause-and-effect link between TCE and Parkinson’s. Their results only show an association.However, previous reports have also linked TCE to Parkinson’s, researchers said.For example, TCE contamination of the drinking water at Camp Lejeune, a Marine Corps base in Jacksonville, N.C., has been linked with a 70% higher risk of Parkinson’s among service members stationed there.SOURCES: American Academy of Neurology, news release, Oct. 1, 2025; Neurology, Oct. 1, 2025Copyright © 2025 HealthDay. All rights reserved.

Why Is This Remote and Rugged River in Alaska Turning Orange?

New research suggests the Salmon River is full of toxic metals that are likely harming fish and other aquatic creatures

Why Is This Remote and Rugged River in Alaska Turning Orange? New research suggests the Salmon River is full of toxic metals that are likely harming fish and other aquatic creatures Sarah Kuta - Daily Correspondent October 1, 2025 4:56 p.m. New research suggests that the Salmon River in northwest Alaska is full of toxic metals. Ray Koleser Alaska’s Salmon River was once so clean that author John McPhee described it as the “clearest, purest water I have ever seen flowing over rocks.” Now, however, the remote waterway is a muddy, orangish-yellow mess. It’s brimming with toxic metals, at concentrations that are likely harmful to aquatic life. The culprit? Thawing permafrost resulting from climate change, according to a study published in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences last month. “It’s a sobering study,” says Diane McKnight, a geochemist at the University of Colorado Boulder who was not involved with the research, to Chemical & Engineering News’ Fionna Samuels. The Salmon River winds 70 miles through Kobuk Valley National Park in northwest Alaska, flowing from Mount Angayukaqsraq to the Kobuk River. The federal government designated it a National Wild and Scenic River in 1980, noting its large salmon runs and its “water of exceptional clarity.” However, around 2019, the once-crystal-clear waters of the Salmon River and its tributaries turned orange and murky. Patrick Sullivan, an ecologist at the University of Alaska Anchorage, and Roman Dial, a now-retired biologist at Alaska Pacific University, first noticed the unusual hue during an unrelated research trip in the region. Fun Fact Alaska archaeology Alaska is home to the oldest known evidence of salmon fishing in the Americas—11,500-year-old fish bones. The Salmon River had become what’s known as a “rusting river,” a phenomenon caused by the presence of high amounts of iron and other metals. Sullivan, Dial and their colleagues returned to the waterway to take samples in 2022 and 2023. Based on their analyses, they suspect it has fallen victim to sulfide mineral weathering, also known as acid-rock drainage, which can occur when permafrost thaws. Found primarily in the Arctic and some high-elevation regions, permafrost is the name given to soil, sand, sediment and rock that remains at or below freezing temperatures for at least two years. The bedrock beneath some permafrost contains sulfide minerals, which are typically inaccessible to groundwater. However, when permafrost thaws, those minerals become exposed to water and oxygen for the first time in hundreds or even thousands of years. As the minerals dissolve, they produce acids, which in turn cause metals to leach out of rocks. In this way, acid-rock drainage is a form of natural pollution that can occur far from humans—even though it’s caused by human activity. “There are few places left on Earth as untouched as these rivers,” says co-author Tim Lyons, a geochemist at the University of California Riverside, to BBC Wildlife Magazine’s Daniel Graham. “But even here, far from cities and highways, the fingerprint of global warming is unmistakable. No place is spared.” The team’s analyses show the Salmon River is chock-full of metals—including aluminum, cadmium, copper, iron, nickel, and zinc—at concentrations above the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s safe limits for aquatic life. “If there were a mine that were operating in the headwaters of the Salmon, they would be facing regulatory intervention at this point,” Sullivan tells Chemical & Engineering News. Pollution from mines is typically limited to a single source and can be managed with treatment systems. Acid-rock drainage caused by permafrost thaw, on the other hand, is occurring at various sites and is nearly impossible to mitigate, the researchers say. “The only hope for solving this problem…is the recovery of the permafrost, which of course would involve pretty massive emissions reductions at this point,” Sullivan tells Chemical & Engineering News. And the ripple effects of permafrost thaw are not limited to the Salmon River. The process can occur in any waterway located near permafrost covering sulfide-rich bedrock, and scientists are using satellite imagery to look for other rivers and streams that might be affected. The high levels of toxic metals in the Salmon River might help explain a recent drop in the number of chum salmon returning to spawn, the researchers say. But, they add, they need to conduct more research to confirm that hunch. Even if the pollution is not to blame for the depressed salmon runs, it’s likely still affecting the local food chain. “It would be very hard, for instance, for a bear to fish for a salmon just because of the turbidity,” Sullivan tells the Alaska Beacon’s Yereth Rosen. “Raptors would have a really hard time catching a fish if they were fishing there.” The water is simply too cloudy, he says, citing his own failed attempts to fish the river. The metals also seem to be harming aquatic insects, such as stoneflies and mayflies, a source of food for many fish, per Science’s Warren Cornwall. In parts of the Salmon River with high levels of aluminum and iron, for instance, the scientists found very few insect larvae. “We have no idea when that process might reach its conclusion and how many new acid seeps might develop,” Sullivan tells the Alaska Beacon. Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

Bills Target Crucitas Gold Mining Mess in Costa Rica

Crucitas ranks among Costa Rica’s most severe environmental setbacks. Illegal gold mining has ravaged the area for years, bringing crime, community unrest, water pollution, and deaths among those risking their lives in unauthorized operations. The once-rich natural zone now shows clear signs of decline, with forests cleared and rivers tainted by chemicals. Recent events highlight […] The post Bills Target Crucitas Gold Mining Mess in Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Crucitas ranks among Costa Rica’s most severe environmental setbacks. Illegal gold mining has ravaged the area for years, bringing crime, community unrest, water pollution, and deaths among those risking their lives in unauthorized operations. The once-rich natural zone now shows clear signs of decline, with forests cleared and rivers tainted by chemicals. Recent events highlight the ongoing trouble. Just this month, authorities detained five Nicaraguans for illegal mining, and earlier, two young brothers from Nicaragua died when a tunnel collapsed on them. Rescue teams recovered their bodies after hours of work, a grim reminder of the dangers. These incidents add to a long list of fatalities, as people cross borders chasing gold amid poverty. Lawmakers in the Legislative Assembly are pushing several bills to tackle this mess. The government’s plan stands out—it would permit gold exploration and extraction in Crucitas to curb the chaos from illegal activities. The Alajuela Commission gave it a green light on September 11 with an 8-1 vote, sending it to the full assembly for debate. It awaits scheduling, and motions could still alter it. Supporters argue that regulated mining would bring order, generate jobs, and fund cleanup, but critics question the fit with Costa Rica’s eco-friendly reputation. Open-pit methods, which the bill would allow under strict rules, carry heavy costs. They strip away land, wipe out habitats, and reduce plant and animal diversity. Air gets dusty, water sources shift or get contaminated, and noise drives away wildlife. Communities nearby face health risks from pollutants, as seen already in Crucitas where mercury and cyanide have seeped into streams. Despite bans since 2010, illegal digs persist, often tied to organized groups, making the site a hotspot for violence and smuggling. Another bill, backed by the Frente Amplio party and the Civic Environmental Parliament, takes a different path. It proposes a Sustainable Development Hub for the Huetar Norte region, focusing on recovery without mining. At its core is the Crucitas International Environmental Geopark, covering wooded hills between Fortuna and Botija. A natural and historical museum would join it, highlighting the area’s past and ecology. This approach draws from UNESCO geoparks, with 13 already in Latin America, including one in Nicaragua. Costa Rica’s planning ministry has approved a similar site in Rio Cuarto. The idea is to protect resources while allowing research and low-key recreation. No gold digging permitted—that aligns with the country’s green identity. The hub would put the National System of Conservation Areas in charge of oversight. Locals could run small-scale businesses with support from the Development Bank and rural agencies. Educational programs through the National Learning Institute and universities would train people, creating opportunities on the ground. Tax breaks aim to attract private projects that fit the goals, like eco-tourism or studies. A key part involves cleaning up the damage. Remediation targets the toxins left behind, aiming to restore soil and water. Some still push for mining as the fix, claiming it would stop illegals and boost the economy, but that ignores the added harm to an already battered spot. The debate boils down to priorities: quick cash from gold versus long-term protection. Costa Rica has built its image on sustainability, drawing tourists to parks and beaches. Reopening to mining could shift that, while the hub option builds on strengths in conservation. As bills move forward, locals watch closely, hoping for a solution that heals rather than harms. The post Bills Target Crucitas Gold Mining Mess in Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Extraordinary pictures show what a common antibiotic does to E. coli

A commonly used class of antibiotics seems to kill bacteria like E. coli by breaking down their tough armour

The top image shows an untreated E.coli bacterium; the bottom shows a bacterium after 90 minutes of being exposed to the antibiotic polymyxin BCarolina Borrelli, Edward Douglas et al./Nature Microbiology The way antibiotics called polymyxins pierce the armour of bacteria has been revealed in stunning detail by high-resolution microscopy, which could help us develop new treatments for drug-resistant infections. Polymyxins are commonly used as a last-resort treatment against some so-called gram-negative bacteria, which can cause infections such as pneumonia, meningitis and typhoid fever. “The top three World Health Organization priority pathogens are all gram-negative bacteria, and this is largely a reflection of their complex cell envelope,” says Andrew Edwards at Imperial College London. Around their inner cell, these bacteria have an outer surface layer containing molecules called lipopolysaccharides, which act like armour. We knew polymyxins target this outer layer, but how exactly they disrupt it and then kill bacteria wasn’t understood; neither was why the drugs don’t always work. Now, Edwards and his colleagues have used biochemical experiments and atomic force microscopy – in which a needle just a few nanometres wide creates an image of a cell by sensing its shape – to reveal that one of the two types of polymyxin used therapeutically, called polymyxin B, causes strange bulges to break out on the surface of the gram-negative bacterium E. coli. Minutes after the protrusions appear, the bacterium begins to quickly shed its lipopolysaccharides, which the researchers detected in the solution it was in. The researchers say the antibiotic’s presence triggers the bacterium to try to put more and more “bricks” of lipopolysaccharide in its defensive wall. But as it adds bricks, it is also shedding some, temporarily leaving gaps in its defences that allow the antibiotic to enter and kill it. “The antibiotics are a bit like a crowbar that helps these bricks come out of the wall,” says Edwards. “The outer membrane doesn’t disintegrate; it doesn’t fall off. But there are clearly gaps where the antibiotic can then get to the second membrane.” He and his colleagues also uncovered why the antibiotic doesn’t always work: it only affected bacteria that were active and growing. When bacteria were dormant, a state they can enter to survive environmental stress such as nutrient deprivation, the polymyxin B was ineffective, because it wasn’t producing its armour. Images of E. coli exposed to polymyxin B, showing changes to the outer layer of its membrane, from left to right: untreated; bacterium after 15 minutes of antibiotic exposure; after 30 minutes; after 60 minutes; after 90 minutesCarolina Borrelli, Edward Douglas et al. / Nature Microbiology However, the researchers found that providing sugar to the E. coli cells woke them from this dormant state and, within 15 minutes, armour production resumed and the cells were killed. The same is expected to apply to the other polymyxin antibiotic used therapeutically, polymyxin E. Edwards says it might be possible to target dormant bacteria by giving people sugars, but there are dangers to waking these pathogens from their dormant state. “You don’t necessarily want bacteria at an infection site to start multiplying rapidly because that has its own downsides,” he says. Instead, he adds, it might be possible to combine different drugs to bypass the hibernation state without waking the bacteria up.

Suggested Viewing

Join us to forge
a sustainable future

Our team is always growing.
Become a partner, volunteer, sponsor, or intern today.
Let us know how you would like to get involved!

CONTACT US

sign up for our mailing list to stay informed on the latest films and environmental headlines.

Subscribers receive a free day pass for streaming Cinema Verde.
Thank you! Your submission has been received!
Oops! Something went wrong while submitting the form.