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Do Not Pin Your Hopes for Guilt-Free Hamburgers on Seaweed

News Feed
Monday, October 28, 2024

Upton Sinclair, author of the scathing 1906 meat industry exposé The Jungle, would later in his life coin a particularly useful aphorism: “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on his not understanding it.” But if you’ve been following news about the meat and dairy industries this fall, that aphorism might well be rearranged to this: It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his tastes depend on not understanding it.At a time when the corpses of dairy cattle felled by the H5N1 avian flu are left to rot on roadsides in California’s Central Valley and human cases of the disease creep upward, and when water-guzzling feed crops for beef and dairy are driving the American West’s worsening water crisis, the biggest stories about livestock in the national media in the past few months were downright effusive about the industry’s future: With a few small fixes to their diets, these stories promised, cows can transform from climate villains to climate heroes, ushering in an era of net-zero beef and dairy. This blend of science, public relations, and status quo bias might be the best window yet into the meat industry’s quest to prevent any serious discussion about the environmental and public health problems posed by animal agriculture. The recent positive press about cows revolves around a red algae seaweed native to Australia called Asparagopsis taxiformis. Over the past half-decade, a number of studies have been published showing that, under small-scale and short-term experimental conditions, adding dried and processed asparagopsis to cows’ feed on feedlots and dairy farms can massively diminish the amount of methane they belch into the atmosphere. Two of the most widely cited studies report reductions of up to 80 percent and up to a stunning 98 percent. The news media has dutifully covered these studies, usually taking them at face value. The Guardian alone has run stories about the promise of feed additives in 2021, 2023, and this past August; since then asparagopsis has also been covered by The Wall Street Journal and on NBC. (I was a guest on the NBC segment, where I presented a very short version of the argument in this article.)If feeding cows seaweed really did reduce their total emissions by 98 percent, and if asparagopsis production and distribution could be scaled globally, this sort of reduction would be a game-changer. But it’s not clear that the math actually holds up. Feed additives are only really effective mixed into processed feed, meaning they work best in industrialized systems where ruminants are confined and fed a prepared diet rather than when they’re grazing on pasture. Most beef cattle are slaughtered between 18 and 24 months of age and spend the majority of their lives on pasture, only being rounded up on feedlots for the last few months of their lives and fed corn, soy, and grasses like alfalfa. This feed is designed to fatten cattle to slaughter weight, but it’s also much easier to digest, meaning that most beef cattle will only emit about 11 percent of their lifetime emissions on feedlots. Dairy cows, meanwhile, live longer than beef cattle and are kept in barns for most of their lives, where they are inseminated, separated from their young, and milked for their productive lives. This means dairy cattle eat an almost all-feed diet, but it also means they emit relatively less over their lifetime than beef cattle because they’re not digesting roughage.Back in 2021, seeing the discrepancy between the reduction promised by headlines and press releases and the basic facts of cows’ life cycles, New York University environmental science professor Matthew Hayek and I did some back-of-the-envelope calculations and came up with far less promising numbers. Assuming an 80 percent reduction of emissions on feedlots, where cattle emit 11 percent of their methane, we figured that would make asparagopsis lead to lifetime emissions reductions of about 9 percent. Even that bombastic 98 percent reduction estimate—which hasn’t been replicated in any other studies—would still only result in about an 11 percent total emissions reduction. Hardly game-changing numbers.Since then, longer-term trials have showed our calculations were, if anything, too optimistic. A 300-day study of Wagyu cattle on a feedlot in Australia—Wagyu are allowed to live longer than standard American Angus cattle and spend longer on feedlots to develop the fatty tissues for which their carcasses are so prized—showed only a 28 percent reduction in methane over those 300 days. If we again assume that only 11 percent of the Wagyu’s lifetime emissions take place on feedlots, that means algae additives would reduce only 28 percent of 11 percent of lifetime emissions, amounting to a 3 percent total reduction. But even if we assume that Wagyu emit more of their lifetime emissions on feedlots instead—say, a third of their total emissions—a 28 percent reduction of one-third of lifetime emissions still comes out to around 9 percent: pretty much exactly what Hayek and I calculated. Either way, the math throws cold water on the hype.Feeding algae to beef cattle, in short, doesn’t do much. So algae proponents have switched to touting the possible benefits of feeding algae to dairy cattle instead. Here, the numbers from long-term trials are a little more optimistic but still fall far short of upending agriculture as we know it: a 25 percent lifetime reduction in a Norwegian study and 38 percent in an Australian one. However, the Norwegian study noted that dairy cattle fed asparagopsis had lower milk yield and high milk iodine content, leading its authors to question the viability of large-scale asparagopsis use. If feeding cows algae reduces the quality or quantity of the goods they produce, this plan might not make practical or economic sense.This math may seem tedious. But ultimately, claims about emissions reductions are claims about math. So the best way to evaluate these claims is by asking three questions. First, does the math add up? That’s what I’ve explained above: In this case, it doesn’t. Second, can the solution be scaled such that the math can apply globally and really make a dent in total emissions? Scholars have been asking questions about the feasibility of large-scale asparagopsis use ever since studies about it started being published, and the answer to these questions is far from clear. Asparagopsis is a tropical seaweed that acts as an invasive species if it spreads to new habitats, meaning that growing it in marine environments would be tricky. It lends itself best to on-land aquaculture cultivation, but the economics of scaling this technology and getting the seaweed to any meaningful fraction of the planet’s billion-plus cows would be a herculean undertaking. Another problem with scaling up would involve dose control: The reason that asparagopsis reduces cows’ methane is because it contains bromoform, which is toxic to humans and currently classified by the Environmental Protection Agency as a “probable human carcinogen.” Initial research suggests the risk to humans is pretty low if the initial dose to the cow is low. But that does mean doses given to cows would have to be low enough that this didn’t find its way into their milk.Third, how does the reduced-emissions product compare to alternatives? For beef and dairy coming out of the asparagopsis trials, the answer is: terribly. Reducing beef emissions by 3 percent, or even 9 percent, would still leave beef at least five times as greenhouse gas–intensive as other meats, and even more so than plant-based proteins like beans, tofu, or Impossible burgers. And even 38 percent-less-emitting dairy emits more greenhouse gas than soy milk. So even if asparagopsis could be scaled, beef and dairy would still be the most climate-unfriendly foods available. This shouldn’t be surprising given the physical qualities of ruminants, which simply can’t be erased with a sprinkle of fairy—sorry, seaweed—dust. It’s the cow, not the how, as it were.Given all this, there’s a real risk that focusing on algae and other feed additives will distract from true food-systems emissions reduction and, instead, help “greenwash” the animal agriculture industry—making it seem more environmentally friendly than it actually is. That may already be happening.Since at least 2006, when the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization published the “Livestock’s Long Shadow” report showing the magnitude of the global livestock industry’s environmental and climate impact, that industry has divided its time between trying to discredit the science and scientists linking its emissions to climate change and promising that it can reduce those very emissions. As academic, government, and public scrutiny of the climate impacts of food have only increased, the animal agriculture industry has responded by making broad and often unsubstantiated promises about lower-emissions products or even about becoming net-zero. It’s the clean coal debacle all over again. For instance, Tyson Foods has been marketing its Brazen Beef brand as more climate friendly. Matthew Hayek and I broke down the dubious math of those claims for The New Republic last year. Now Tyson is being sued for false advertising of Brazen by the Environmental Working Group. This comes on the heels of JBS, the Brazil-based meat giant, being sued in New York state for false advertising over making unsubstantiated claims about its ability to reach net-zero. Greenwashing matters not simply because it’s often based on spurious claims but because it aims to stave off regulation by showing policymakers that polluters are being proactive in lowering their carbon footprints. Greenwashing also serves, as the New York state suit against JBS argues, to “provide environmentally conscious consumers with a ‘license’ to eat beef.” In others words, as environmental science increasingly points to the need to drastically reduce the amount of beef and dairy in our diets, the promise that beef and dairy can instead be made greener might stop consumers or institutions concerned with climate change from changing what food they choose to buy. Greenwashing eases or erases the concerns that might spur change. And people want their concerns to be eased. This is what makes the story of asparagopsis so appealing: The public is hungry for anything but change.This impulse quickly becomes self-rationalizing. For example, some argue that humans will keep eating meat and drinking dairy, so we should at least try to make them more sustainable. This feels like basic common sense. But behind it lurks the very complacency that greenwashing is designed to fuel: the assumption that change is unnecessary, undesirable, and perhaps even impossible. All of the talk about seaweed—including all of this article so far—falls victim to a much bigger issue: a carbon tunnel vision that reduces environmental impacts and sustainability measurements only to emissions. Merely reducing emissions from beef and dairy—no matter how much—does nothing to offset its other impacts on soil and water, on labor, on the animals themselves, or on public health. And it doesn’t address one of the biggest ways beef and dairy exacerbate both emissions and other forms of environmental degradation: by driving deforestation, as wilderness is replaced with grazing lands and crops grown for animal feed. We not only need more laws and lawsuits cracking down on corporate greenwashing, but we need changes in agricultural policy, diets, and technology that will allow us to shift our food system away from livestock toward more sustainable alternatives.Seaweed, then, doesn’t just fail to reduce emissions as well as promised. It sucks the air out of productive debate. Hoping for any simple solution to hack complex food system problems distracts us from both the complexity and the magnitude of the changes necessary. Red algae, in other words, is a red herring.

Upton Sinclair, author of the scathing 1906 meat industry exposé The Jungle, would later in his life coin a particularly useful aphorism: “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on his not understanding it.” But if you’ve been following news about the meat and dairy industries this fall, that aphorism might well be rearranged to this: It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his tastes depend on not understanding it.At a time when the corpses of dairy cattle felled by the H5N1 avian flu are left to rot on roadsides in California’s Central Valley and human cases of the disease creep upward, and when water-guzzling feed crops for beef and dairy are driving the American West’s worsening water crisis, the biggest stories about livestock in the national media in the past few months were downright effusive about the industry’s future: With a few small fixes to their diets, these stories promised, cows can transform from climate villains to climate heroes, ushering in an era of net-zero beef and dairy. This blend of science, public relations, and status quo bias might be the best window yet into the meat industry’s quest to prevent any serious discussion about the environmental and public health problems posed by animal agriculture. The recent positive press about cows revolves around a red algae seaweed native to Australia called Asparagopsis taxiformis. Over the past half-decade, a number of studies have been published showing that, under small-scale and short-term experimental conditions, adding dried and processed asparagopsis to cows’ feed on feedlots and dairy farms can massively diminish the amount of methane they belch into the atmosphere. Two of the most widely cited studies report reductions of up to 80 percent and up to a stunning 98 percent. The news media has dutifully covered these studies, usually taking them at face value. The Guardian alone has run stories about the promise of feed additives in 2021, 2023, and this past August; since then asparagopsis has also been covered by The Wall Street Journal and on NBC. (I was a guest on the NBC segment, where I presented a very short version of the argument in this article.)If feeding cows seaweed really did reduce their total emissions by 98 percent, and if asparagopsis production and distribution could be scaled globally, this sort of reduction would be a game-changer. But it’s not clear that the math actually holds up. Feed additives are only really effective mixed into processed feed, meaning they work best in industrialized systems where ruminants are confined and fed a prepared diet rather than when they’re grazing on pasture. Most beef cattle are slaughtered between 18 and 24 months of age and spend the majority of their lives on pasture, only being rounded up on feedlots for the last few months of their lives and fed corn, soy, and grasses like alfalfa. This feed is designed to fatten cattle to slaughter weight, but it’s also much easier to digest, meaning that most beef cattle will only emit about 11 percent of their lifetime emissions on feedlots. Dairy cows, meanwhile, live longer than beef cattle and are kept in barns for most of their lives, where they are inseminated, separated from their young, and milked for their productive lives. This means dairy cattle eat an almost all-feed diet, but it also means they emit relatively less over their lifetime than beef cattle because they’re not digesting roughage.Back in 2021, seeing the discrepancy between the reduction promised by headlines and press releases and the basic facts of cows’ life cycles, New York University environmental science professor Matthew Hayek and I did some back-of-the-envelope calculations and came up with far less promising numbers. Assuming an 80 percent reduction of emissions on feedlots, where cattle emit 11 percent of their methane, we figured that would make asparagopsis lead to lifetime emissions reductions of about 9 percent. Even that bombastic 98 percent reduction estimate—which hasn’t been replicated in any other studies—would still only result in about an 11 percent total emissions reduction. Hardly game-changing numbers.Since then, longer-term trials have showed our calculations were, if anything, too optimistic. A 300-day study of Wagyu cattle on a feedlot in Australia—Wagyu are allowed to live longer than standard American Angus cattle and spend longer on feedlots to develop the fatty tissues for which their carcasses are so prized—showed only a 28 percent reduction in methane over those 300 days. If we again assume that only 11 percent of the Wagyu’s lifetime emissions take place on feedlots, that means algae additives would reduce only 28 percent of 11 percent of lifetime emissions, amounting to a 3 percent total reduction. But even if we assume that Wagyu emit more of their lifetime emissions on feedlots instead—say, a third of their total emissions—a 28 percent reduction of one-third of lifetime emissions still comes out to around 9 percent: pretty much exactly what Hayek and I calculated. Either way, the math throws cold water on the hype.Feeding algae to beef cattle, in short, doesn’t do much. So algae proponents have switched to touting the possible benefits of feeding algae to dairy cattle instead. Here, the numbers from long-term trials are a little more optimistic but still fall far short of upending agriculture as we know it: a 25 percent lifetime reduction in a Norwegian study and 38 percent in an Australian one. However, the Norwegian study noted that dairy cattle fed asparagopsis had lower milk yield and high milk iodine content, leading its authors to question the viability of large-scale asparagopsis use. If feeding cows algae reduces the quality or quantity of the goods they produce, this plan might not make practical or economic sense.This math may seem tedious. But ultimately, claims about emissions reductions are claims about math. So the best way to evaluate these claims is by asking three questions. First, does the math add up? That’s what I’ve explained above: In this case, it doesn’t. Second, can the solution be scaled such that the math can apply globally and really make a dent in total emissions? Scholars have been asking questions about the feasibility of large-scale asparagopsis use ever since studies about it started being published, and the answer to these questions is far from clear. Asparagopsis is a tropical seaweed that acts as an invasive species if it spreads to new habitats, meaning that growing it in marine environments would be tricky. It lends itself best to on-land aquaculture cultivation, but the economics of scaling this technology and getting the seaweed to any meaningful fraction of the planet’s billion-plus cows would be a herculean undertaking. Another problem with scaling up would involve dose control: The reason that asparagopsis reduces cows’ methane is because it contains bromoform, which is toxic to humans and currently classified by the Environmental Protection Agency as a “probable human carcinogen.” Initial research suggests the risk to humans is pretty low if the initial dose to the cow is low. But that does mean doses given to cows would have to be low enough that this didn’t find its way into their milk.Third, how does the reduced-emissions product compare to alternatives? For beef and dairy coming out of the asparagopsis trials, the answer is: terribly. Reducing beef emissions by 3 percent, or even 9 percent, would still leave beef at least five times as greenhouse gas–intensive as other meats, and even more so than plant-based proteins like beans, tofu, or Impossible burgers. And even 38 percent-less-emitting dairy emits more greenhouse gas than soy milk. So even if asparagopsis could be scaled, beef and dairy would still be the most climate-unfriendly foods available. This shouldn’t be surprising given the physical qualities of ruminants, which simply can’t be erased with a sprinkle of fairy—sorry, seaweed—dust. It’s the cow, not the how, as it were.Given all this, there’s a real risk that focusing on algae and other feed additives will distract from true food-systems emissions reduction and, instead, help “greenwash” the animal agriculture industry—making it seem more environmentally friendly than it actually is. That may already be happening.Since at least 2006, when the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization published the “Livestock’s Long Shadow” report showing the magnitude of the global livestock industry’s environmental and climate impact, that industry has divided its time between trying to discredit the science and scientists linking its emissions to climate change and promising that it can reduce those very emissions. As academic, government, and public scrutiny of the climate impacts of food have only increased, the animal agriculture industry has responded by making broad and often unsubstantiated promises about lower-emissions products or even about becoming net-zero. It’s the clean coal debacle all over again. For instance, Tyson Foods has been marketing its Brazen Beef brand as more climate friendly. Matthew Hayek and I broke down the dubious math of those claims for The New Republic last year. Now Tyson is being sued for false advertising of Brazen by the Environmental Working Group. This comes on the heels of JBS, the Brazil-based meat giant, being sued in New York state for false advertising over making unsubstantiated claims about its ability to reach net-zero. Greenwashing matters not simply because it’s often based on spurious claims but because it aims to stave off regulation by showing policymakers that polluters are being proactive in lowering their carbon footprints. Greenwashing also serves, as the New York state suit against JBS argues, to “provide environmentally conscious consumers with a ‘license’ to eat beef.” In others words, as environmental science increasingly points to the need to drastically reduce the amount of beef and dairy in our diets, the promise that beef and dairy can instead be made greener might stop consumers or institutions concerned with climate change from changing what food they choose to buy. Greenwashing eases or erases the concerns that might spur change. And people want their concerns to be eased. This is what makes the story of asparagopsis so appealing: The public is hungry for anything but change.This impulse quickly becomes self-rationalizing. For example, some argue that humans will keep eating meat and drinking dairy, so we should at least try to make them more sustainable. This feels like basic common sense. But behind it lurks the very complacency that greenwashing is designed to fuel: the assumption that change is unnecessary, undesirable, and perhaps even impossible. All of the talk about seaweed—including all of this article so far—falls victim to a much bigger issue: a carbon tunnel vision that reduces environmental impacts and sustainability measurements only to emissions. Merely reducing emissions from beef and dairy—no matter how much—does nothing to offset its other impacts on soil and water, on labor, on the animals themselves, or on public health. And it doesn’t address one of the biggest ways beef and dairy exacerbate both emissions and other forms of environmental degradation: by driving deforestation, as wilderness is replaced with grazing lands and crops grown for animal feed. We not only need more laws and lawsuits cracking down on corporate greenwashing, but we need changes in agricultural policy, diets, and technology that will allow us to shift our food system away from livestock toward more sustainable alternatives.Seaweed, then, doesn’t just fail to reduce emissions as well as promised. It sucks the air out of productive debate. Hoping for any simple solution to hack complex food system problems distracts us from both the complexity and the magnitude of the changes necessary. Red algae, in other words, is a red herring.

Upton Sinclair, author of the scathing 1906 meat industry exposé The Jungle, would later in his life coin a particularly useful aphorism: “It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on his not understanding it.” But if you’ve been following news about the meat and dairy industries this fall, that aphorism might well be rearranged to this: It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his tastes depend on not understanding it.

At a time when the corpses of dairy cattle felled by the H5N1 avian flu are left to rot on roadsides in California’s Central Valley and human cases of the disease creep upward, and when water-guzzling feed crops for beef and dairy are driving the American West’s worsening water crisis, the biggest stories about livestock in the national media in the past few months were downright effusive about the industry’s future: With a few small fixes to their diets, these stories promised, cows can transform from climate villains to climate heroes, ushering in an era of net-zero beef and dairy. This blend of science, public relations, and status quo bias might be the best window yet into the meat industry’s quest to prevent any serious discussion about the environmental and public health problems posed by animal agriculture.

The recent positive press about cows revolves around a red algae seaweed native to Australia called Asparagopsis taxiformis. Over the past half-decade, a number of studies have been published showing that, under small-scale and short-term experimental conditions, adding dried and processed asparagopsis to cows’ feed on feedlots and dairy farms can massively diminish the amount of methane they belch into the atmosphere. Two of the most widely cited studies report reductions of up to 80 percent and up to a stunning 98 percent. The news media has dutifully covered these studies, usually taking them at face value. The Guardian alone has run stories about the promise of feed additives in 2021, 2023, and this past August; since then asparagopsis has also been covered by The Wall Street Journal and on NBC. (I was a guest on the NBC segment, where I presented a very short version of the argument in this article.)

If feeding cows seaweed really did reduce their total emissions by 98 percent, and if asparagopsis production and distribution could be scaled globally, this sort of reduction would be a game-changer. But it’s not clear that the math actually holds up. Feed additives are only really effective mixed into processed feed, meaning they work best in industrialized systems where ruminants are confined and fed a prepared diet rather than when they’re grazing on pasture. Most beef cattle are slaughtered between 18 and 24 months of age and spend the majority of their lives on pasture, only being rounded up on feedlots for the last few months of their lives and fed corn, soy, and grasses like alfalfa. This feed is designed to fatten cattle to slaughter weight, but it’s also much easier to digest, meaning that most beef cattle will only emit about 11 percent of their lifetime emissions on feedlots. Dairy cows, meanwhile, live longer than beef cattle and are kept in barns for most of their lives, where they are inseminated, separated from their young, and milked for their productive lives. This means dairy cattle eat an almost all-feed diet, but it also means they emit relatively less over their lifetime than beef cattle because they’re not digesting roughage.

Back in 2021, seeing the discrepancy between the reduction promised by headlines and press releases and the basic facts of cows’ life cycles, New York University environmental science professor Matthew Hayek and I did some back-of-the-envelope calculations and came up with far less promising numbers. Assuming an 80 percent reduction of emissions on feedlots, where cattle emit 11 percent of their methane, we figured that would make asparagopsis lead to lifetime emissions reductions of about 9 percent. Even that bombastic 98 percent reduction estimate—which hasn’t been replicated in any other studies—would still only result in about an 11 percent total emissions reduction. Hardly game-changing numbers.

Since then, longer-term trials have showed our calculations were, if anything, too optimistic. A 300-day study of Wagyu cattle on a feedlot in Australia—Wagyu are allowed to live longer than standard American Angus cattle and spend longer on feedlots to develop the fatty tissues for which their carcasses are so prized—showed only a 28 percent reduction in methane over those 300 days. If we again assume that only 11 percent of the Wagyu’s lifetime emissions take place on feedlots, that means algae additives would reduce only 28 percent of 11 percent of lifetime emissions, amounting to a 3 percent total reduction. But even if we assume that Wagyu emit more of their lifetime emissions on feedlots instead—say, a third of their total emissions—a 28 percent reduction of one-third of lifetime emissions still comes out to around 9 percent: pretty much exactly what Hayek and I calculated. Either way, the math throws cold water on the hype.

Feeding algae to beef cattle, in short, doesn’t do much. So algae proponents have switched to touting the possible benefits of feeding algae to dairy cattle instead. Here, the numbers from long-term trials are a little more optimistic but still fall far short of upending agriculture as we know it: a 25 percent lifetime reduction in a Norwegian study and 38 percent in an Australian one. However, the Norwegian study noted that dairy cattle fed asparagopsis had lower milk yield and high milk iodine content, leading its authors to question the viability of large-scale asparagopsis use. If feeding cows algae reduces the quality or quantity of the goods they produce, this plan might not make practical or economic sense.


This math may seem tedious. But ultimately, claims about emissions reductions are claims about math. So the best way to evaluate these claims is by asking three questions.

First, does the math add up? That’s what I’ve explained above: In this case, it doesn’t.

Second, can the solution be scaled such that the math can apply globally and really make a dent in total emissions? Scholars have been asking questions about the feasibility of large-scale asparagopsis use ever since studies about it started being published, and the answer to these questions is far from clear. Asparagopsis is a tropical seaweed that acts as an invasive species if it spreads to new habitats, meaning that growing it in marine environments would be tricky. It lends itself best to on-land aquaculture cultivation, but the economics of scaling this technology and getting the seaweed to any meaningful fraction of the planet’s billion-plus cows would be a herculean undertaking.

Another problem with scaling up would involve dose control: The reason that asparagopsis reduces cows’ methane is because it contains bromoform, which is toxic to humans and currently classified by the Environmental Protection Agency as a “probable human carcinogen.” Initial research suggests the risk to humans is pretty low if the initial dose to the cow is low. But that does mean doses given to cows would have to be low enough that this didn’t find its way into their milk.

Third, how does the reduced-emissions product compare to alternatives? For beef and dairy coming out of the asparagopsis trials, the answer is: terribly. Reducing beef emissions by 3 percent, or even 9 percent, would still leave beef at least five times as greenhouse gas–intensive as other meats, and even more so than plant-based proteins like beans, tofu, or Impossible burgers. And even 38 percent-less-emitting dairy emits more greenhouse gas than soy milk. So even if asparagopsis could be scaled, beef and dairy would still be the most climate-unfriendly foods available. This shouldn’t be surprising given the physical qualities of ruminants, which simply can’t be erased with a sprinkle of fairy—sorry, seaweed—dust. It’s the cow, not the how, as it were.

Given all this, there’s a real risk that focusing on algae and other feed additives will distract from true food-systems emissions reduction and, instead, help “greenwash” the animal agriculture industry—making it seem more environmentally friendly than it actually is. That may already be happening.


Since at least 2006, when the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization published the “Livestock’s Long Shadow” report showing the magnitude of the global livestock industry’s environmental and climate impact, that industry has divided its time between trying to discredit the science and scientists linking its emissions to climate change and promising that it can reduce those very emissions. As academic, government, and public scrutiny of the climate impacts of food have only increased, the animal agriculture industry has responded by making broad and often unsubstantiated promises about lower-emissions products or even about becoming net-zero.

It’s the clean coal debacle all over again. For instance, Tyson Foods has been marketing its Brazen Beef brand as more climate friendly. Matthew Hayek and I broke down the dubious math of those claims for The New Republic last year. Now Tyson is being sued for false advertising of Brazen by the Environmental Working Group. This comes on the heels of JBS, the Brazil-based meat giant, being sued in New York state for false advertising over making unsubstantiated claims about its ability to reach net-zero.

Greenwashing matters not simply because it’s often based on spurious claims but because it aims to stave off regulation by showing policymakers that polluters are being proactive in lowering their carbon footprints. Greenwashing also serves, as the New York state suit against JBS argues, to “provide environmentally conscious consumers with a ‘license’ to eat beef.”

In others words, as environmental science increasingly points to the need to drastically reduce the amount of beef and dairy in our diets, the promise that beef and dairy can instead be made greener might stop consumers or institutions concerned with climate change from changing what food they choose to buy. Greenwashing eases or erases the concerns that might spur change. And people want their concerns to be eased. This is what makes the story of asparagopsis so appealing: The public is hungry for anything but change.

This impulse quickly becomes self-rationalizing. For example, some argue that humans will keep eating meat and drinking dairy, so we should at least try to make them more sustainable. This feels like basic common sense. But behind it lurks the very complacency that greenwashing is designed to fuel: the assumption that change is unnecessary, undesirable, and perhaps even impossible.

All of the talk about seaweed—including all of this article so far—falls victim to a much bigger issue: a carbon tunnel vision that reduces environmental impacts and sustainability measurements only to emissions. Merely reducing emissions from beef and dairy—no matter how much—does nothing to offset its other impacts on soil and water, on labor, on the animals themselves, or on public health. And it doesn’t address one of the biggest ways beef and dairy exacerbate both emissions and other forms of environmental degradation: by driving deforestation, as wilderness is replaced with grazing lands and crops grown for animal feed. We not only need more laws and lawsuits cracking down on corporate greenwashing, but we need changes in agricultural policy, diets, and technology that will allow us to shift our food system away from livestock toward more sustainable alternatives.

Seaweed, then, doesn’t just fail to reduce emissions as well as promised. It sucks the air out of productive debate. Hoping for any simple solution to hack complex food system problems distracts us from both the complexity and the magnitude of the changes necessary. Red algae, in other words, is a red herring.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Legal Immunity for Pesticide Companies Removed from EPA Funding Bill

January 6, 2026 – After a legislative fight led by Representative Chellie Pingree (D-Maine), members of Congress stripped a controversial provision out of the latest version of a bill that funds the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The bill is expected to move forward in the House this week, as lawmakers rush to finalize the 2026 […] The post Legal Immunity for Pesticide Companies Removed from EPA Funding Bill appeared first on Civil Eats.

January 6, 2026 – After a legislative fight led by Representative Chellie Pingree (D-Maine), members of Congress stripped a controversial provision out of the latest version of a bill that funds the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The bill is expected to move forward in the House this week, as lawmakers rush to finalize the 2026 appropriations process by Jan. 30 to avoid another government shutdown. The provision, referred to as Section 435, would have made it harder for individuals to sue pesticide manufacturers over alleged health harms. Bayer, which for years has been battling lawsuits alleging its herbicide Roundup causes non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, has lobbied for the provision, among other political and legal efforts to protect the corporation’s interests. When the provision first appeared in the bill earlier this year, Pingree quickly introduced an amendment to remove it. At that time, she wasn’t able to get enough votes to take it out. “It had fairly strong Republican support,” she told Civil Eats in an exclusive interview. (In December, the Trump administration also sided with Bayer in a Supreme Court case that could deliver a similar level of legal immunity through the courts instead of legislation.) Pingree said she kept up the battle, and, over the last several months a number of other groups put pressure on Congress to remove the rider, including environmental organizations, organic advocates, and MAHA Action, the biggest organization supporting the Trump administration and Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Make America Healthy Again agenda. MAHA Action celebrated the development with a post on X that said, “WE DID IT!,” though they did not mention Pingree. Kelly Ryerson, a prominent MAHA supporter who led efforts to lobby against the rider, thanked a group of Republicans on X for the end result. Pingree said she’s happy to share the credit with advocates. “It was my fight, but nobody does this alone. There are advocates on the environment and organic side that have been at this for a long time. But Republicans got a lot of calls going into the markup, they knew there was a lot of interest on the MAHA side,” she said. “It’s important to have a win to show there is widespread bipartisan support for restricting these toxic chemicals in our food and our environment.” Pingree said she’s been told the rider will likely come up again if the farm bill process restarts, and its supporters could also try to insert it in other legislation. The funding bill also rejects deep cuts to the EPA budget that the Trump administration requested and instead proposes a small decrease of around 4 percent. And, like the agriculture appropriations bill passed in November, it includes language that restricts the ability of the EPA to reorganize or cut significant staff without notifying Congress. (Link to this post.) The post Legal Immunity for Pesticide Companies Removed from EPA Funding Bill appeared first on Civil Eats.

10 Farm Bill Proposals to Watch in 2026

Called marker bills, the proposals cover a wide range of farm group priorities, from access to credit to forever-chemical contamination to investment in organic agriculture. House Agriculture Committee Chair G.T. Thompson (R-Pennsylvania) told Politico in December that he would restart the farm bill process this month. In an interview with Agri-Pulse, Senate Agriculture Committee Chair […] The post 10 Farm Bill Proposals to Watch in 2026 appeared first on Civil Eats.

As lawmakers wrapped up 2025 and agriculture leaders signaled they intend to move forward on a five-year farm bill early this year, many introduced bills that would typically be included in that larger legislative package. Called marker bills, the proposals cover a wide range of farm group priorities, from access to credit to forever-chemical contamination to investment in organic agriculture. House Agriculture Committee Chair G.T. Thompson (R-Pennsylvania) told Politico in December that he would restart the farm bill process this month. In an interview with Agri-Pulse, Senate Agriculture Committee Chair John Boozman (R-Arkansas) said his chamber would work on it “right after the first of the year.” But most experts say there’s no clear path forward for a new farm bill. The last five-year farm bill expired in September 2023. Because Congress had not completed a new one, they extended the previous bill, then extended it again in 2024. In 2025, Republicans included in their One Big Beautiful Bill the biggest-ever cuts to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and a boost in commodity crop subsidies, and later extended other farm programs in the bill package that ended the government shutdown. The SNAP actions torpedoed Democrats’ willingness to compromise (some have signaled they won’t support a farm bill unless it rolls back some of the cuts), while the extension of the big farm programs took pressure off both parties. Still, that didn’t stop lawmakers from introducing and reintroducing over the last month many marker bills they hope to get in an actual farm bill package if things change. Here are 10 recent proposals important to farmers, most of which have bipartisan support. Fair Credit for Farmers Act: Makes changes to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Farm Service Agency (FSA) to make it easier for farmers to get loans. Introduced by Representative Alma Adams (D-North Carolina) in the House and Senator Peter Welch (D-Vermont) in the Senate. Key supporters: National Family Farm Coalition, RAFI. FARM Home Loans Act: Increases rural homebuyers’ access to Farm Credit loans by expanding the definition of “rural area” to include areas with larger populations. Introduced by Representatives Kristen McDonald Rivet (D-Michigan) and Bill Huizeng (R-Michigan). Key supporters: Farm Credit Council. USDA Loan Modernization Act: Updates USDA loan requirements to allow farmers with at least a 50 percent operational interest to qualify. Introduced by Representatives Mike Bost (R-Illinois) and Nikki Budzinski (D-Illinois). Key supporters: Illinois Corn Growers Association, Illinois Pork Producers Association. Relief for Farmers Hit With PFAS Act: Sets up a USDA grant program for states to help farmers affected by forever-chemical contamination in their fields, test soil, monitor farmer health impacts, and conduct research on farms. Introduced by Senators Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Jeanne Shaheen (D-New Hampshire) in the Senate and Representatives Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) and Mike Lawler (R-New York) in the House. Key supporters: Maine Organic Farmers and Gardeners Association. EFFECTIVE Food Procurement Act: Requires the USDA to weigh factors including environmental sustainability, social and racial equity, worker well-being, and animal welfare in federal food purchasing, and helps smaller farms and food companies meet requirements to become USDA vendors. Introduced by Senator Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts) and several co-sponsors in the Senate, and Representative Alma Adams (D-North Carolina) and several co-sponsors in the House. Key supporters: National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition. AGRITOURISM Act: Designates an Agritourism Advisor at the USDA to support the economic viability of family farms. Introduced by Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (D-New York) and several co-sponsors in the Senate, and Representatives Suhas Subramanyam (D-Virginia) and Dan Newhouse (R-Washington) in the House. Key supporters: Brewers Association, WineAmerica. Domestic Organic Investment Act: Creates a USDA grant program to fund expansion of the domestic certified-organic food supply chain, including expanding storage, processing, and distribution. Introduced by Senators Tammy Baldwin (D-Wisconsin) and Susan Collins (R-Maine) in the Senate, and Representatives Andrea Salinas (D-Oregon) and Derrick Van Orden (R-Wisconsin) in the House. Key supporters: Organic Trade Association. Zero Food Waste Act: Creates a new Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) grant program to fund projects that prevent, divert, or recycle food waste. Introduced by Representatives Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) and Julia Brownley (D-California) in the House, and Senator Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) in the Senate. Key supporters: Natural Resources Defense Council, ReFed. LOCAL Foods Act: Allows farmers to process animals on their farms without meeting certain regulations if the meat will not be sold. Introduced by Senator Peter Welch (D-Vermont) and several co-sponsors in the Senate, and Representative Eugene Vindman (D-Virginia) and several co-sponsors in the House. Key supporters: Rural Vermont, National Family Farm Coalition. PROTEIN Act: Directs more than $500 million in federal support over the next five years toward research and development for “alternative proteins.” Introduced by Senator Adam Schiff (D-California) in the Senate, and Representative Julia Brownley (D-California) in the House. Key supporters: Good Food Institute, Plant-Based Foods Institute. The post 10 Farm Bill Proposals to Watch in 2026 appeared first on Civil Eats.

China and South Korea Pledge to Bolster Ties as Regional Tensions Rise

South Korea and China have pledged to boost trade and safeguard regional stability

BEIJING (AP) — China and South Korea’s leaders pledged to boost trade and safeguard regional stability on Monday during a visit to Beijing by the South Korean president that was overshadowed by North Korea’s recent ballistic missile tests.South Korean President Lee Jae Myung met Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of his four-day trip to China — his first since taking office, in June.As Xi hosted Lee at the imposing Great Hall of the People, the Chinese president stressed the two countries’ “important responsibilities in maintaining regional peace and promoting global development,” according to a readout of their meeting broadcast by state-run CCTV.Lee spoke about opening “a new chapter in the development of Korea-China relations” during “changing times.”“The two countries should make joint contributions to promote peace, which is the foundation for prosperity and growth,” Lee said.The visit comes as China wants to shore up regional support amid rising tensions with Japan. Beijing and South Korea’s ties themselves have fluctuated in recent years, with frictions over South Korea’s hosting of U.S. military troops and armaments. North Korea launches ballistic missiles ahead of the meeting Just hours before Lee’s arrival in China, North Korea launched several ballistic missiles into the sea, including, it said, hypersonic missiles, which travel at five times the speed of sound and are extra-difficult to detect and intercept.The tests came as Pyongyang criticized a U.S. attack on Venezuela that included the removal of its strongman leader Nicolás Maduro.North Korea, which has long feared the U.S. might seek regime change in Pyongyang, criticized the attack as a wild violation of Venezuela's sovereignty and an example of the “rogue and brutal nature of the U.S.”China had also condemned the U.S. attack, which it said violated international law and threatened peace in Latin America.China is North Korea’s strongest backer and economic lifeline amid U.S. sanctions targeting Pyongyang's missile and nuclear program. China’s frictions with Japan also loom over the visit Lee’s visit also coincided, more broadly, with rising tensions between China and Japan over recent comments by Japan’s new leader that Tokyo could intervene in a potential Chinese attack on Taiwan, the island democracy China claims as its own.Last week, China staged large-scale military drills around the island for two days to warn against separatist and “external interference” forces. In his meeting with Lee, Xi mentioned China and Korea’s historical rivalry against Japan, calling on the two countries to “join hands to defend the fruits of victory in World War II and safeguard peace and stability in Northeast Asia.”Regarding South Korea's military cooperation with the U.S., Lee said during an interview with CCTV ahead of his trip that it shouldn't mean that South Korea-China relations should move toward confrontation. He added that his visit to China aimed to “minimize or eliminate past misunderstandings or contradictions (and) elevate and develop South Korea-China relations to a new stage.” Agreements in technology, trade and transportation China and South Korea maintain robust trade ties, with bilateral trade reaching about $273 billion in 2024.During their meeting, Xi and Lee oversaw the signing of 15 cooperation agreements in areas such as technology, trade, transportation and environmental protection, CCTV reported.Earlier on Monday, Lee had attended a business forum in Beijing with representatives of major South Korean and Chinese companies, including Samsung, Hyundai, LG and Alibaba Group.At that meeting, Lee and Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng oversaw the signing of agreements in areas such as consumer goods, agriculture, biotechnology and entertainment.AP reporter Hyung-jin Kim in Seoul contributed to this report.Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

GOP lawmakers’ power transfers are reshaping North Carolina

North Carolina’s Republican-led legislature has siphoned off some of the governor’s traditional powers

North Carolina voters have chosen Democrats in three straight elections for governor; the state’s Republican-led legislature has countered by siphoning off some of the powers that traditionally came with the job. These power grabs have had a profound effect on both democracy in the state and on the everyday lives of North Carolina residents, Democrats argue. The changes are “weakening environmental protections, raising energy costs, and politicizing election administration,” Josh Stein, North Carolina’s governor, said in a text message responding to questions from ProPublica. Republican leaders in the General Assembly did not respond to requests for comment or emailed questions about the power shifts. In the past, they have defended these actions as reflecting the will of voters, with the senate president describing one key bill as balancing “appointment power between the legislative and executive branches.” Former state Sen. Bob Rucho, a Republican picked to sit on the state elections board after lawmakers shifted control from Stein to the Republican state auditor, said the changes would fix problems created by Democrats. “Republicans are very proud of what’s been accomplished,” Rucho said. Shifting authority over the elections board, he argued, would “reestablish a level of confidence in the electoral process” that Democrats had lost. ProPublica recently chronicled the nearly 10-year push to take over the board, which sets rules and settles disputes in elections in the closely divided swing state. Decisions made by the board’s new leadership — particularly on the locations and numbers of early voting sites — could affect outcomes in the 2026 midterms. Below, we examine how other power transfers driven by North Carolina’s Republican legislature are reshaping everything from the regulations that protect residents’ drinking water to the rates they pay for electricity to the culture of their state university system. Related “Biblical justice for all”: How North Carolina’s chief justice transformed his state Environmental Management Commission What it is: The Environmental Management Commission adopts rules that protect the state’s air and water, such as those that regulate industries discharging potentially carcinogenic chemicals in rivers. Power transfer: In October 2023, Republican legislators passed a law shifting the power to appoint the majority of the commission’s members from the governor to themselves and the state’s commissioner of agriculture, who is a Republican. What’s happened since: The new Republican-led commission has stymied several efforts by the state’s Department of Environmental Quality to regulate a potentially harmful chemical, 1,4-dioxane, in drinking water. Advocates for businesses, including the North Carolina Chamber of Commerce, had criticized some regulations and urged the commission to intervene. “Clean water is worth the cost, but regulators should not arbitrarily establish a level that is low for the sake of being low,” the chamber said in a press release. The Southern Environmental Law Center, which has pressed the state to regulate the chemical, has said the commission’s rulings are “crippling the state’s ability to protect its waterways, drinking water sources, and communities from harmful pollution.” Utilities Commission What it is: The North Carolina Utilities Commission regulates the rates and services of the state’s public utilities, which include providers of electricity, natural gas, water and telephone service. The commission also oversees movers, brokers, ferryboats and wastewater. Power transfer: In June 2025, a trial court sided with the General Assembly in allowing a law passed in 2024 to take effect, removing the governor’s power to appoint a majority of the commission’s members and transferring that power to legislative leaders and the state treasurer, who is a Republican. What’s happened since: The state’s primary utility, Duke Energy, has backed off from some plans to rely more on clean energy and retire coal-fired power plants. In November, the company said it would seek the commission’s approval to raise rates by 15%. In response to a new resource plan the company filed in October, the executive director of NC WARN, a climate and environmental justice nonprofit, said in a statement that Duke’s actions would cause “power bills to double or triple over time” and increase carbon emissions. The state’s governor and attorney general, both Democrats, have said they oppose the rate hike. Garrett Poorman, a spokesperson for Duke Energy, said that the company is “focused on keeping costs as low as possible while meeting growing energy needs across our footprint” and that the company had recently lowered its forecasted costs. The commission will decide whether to approve the proposed rate hikes in 2026. University of North Carolina System What it is: The University of North Carolina System encompasses 17 institutions and more than 250,000 students, including at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, considered one of best in the nation. Power transfer: Though the legislature has traditionally appointed the majority of the trustees for individual schools, the governor also made a share of these appointments. In 2016, the legislature passed a law that eliminated the governor’s ability to make university trustee appointments. In 2023, changes inserted into the state budget bill gave the legislature power to appoint all of the members of the state board that oversees community colleges and most of those colleges’ trustees. The governor had previously chosen some board members and trustees. What’s happened since: The system has created a center for conservative thought, repealed racial equity initiatives, suspended a left-leaning professor, gutted a civil rights center led by a professor long critical of Republican lawmakers and appointed politically connected Republicans to the boards. Republicans say the moves are reversing the system’s long-term leftward drift. “Ultimately, the board stays in for a while, and you change administrators, and then start to moderate the culture of the UNC schools,” said David Lewis, a former Republican House member who helped drive the changes to the university system. Democrats, including former Gov. Roy Cooper, have criticized the board changes as partisan meddling. “These actions will ultimately hurt our state’s economy and reputation,” Cooper said in a 2023 press release. Read more about this topic Democrats sound alarm on Trump administration’s attacks on voting rights “Still angry”: Voters say they won’t forget that the North Carolina GOP tried to trash their ballots “We will bring this home”: North Carolina Democrats confident they’ll defeat GOP election denial The post GOP lawmakers’ power transfers are reshaping North Carolina appeared first on Salon.com.

Our Biggest Farming Stories of 2025

Trump’s tariffs created more headaches for farmers, particularly soybean producers, who saw their biggest buyer—China—walk away during the trade fight as their costs for fertilizer and other materials increased. Farming groups also protested when the Trump administration announced it would import 80,000 metric tons of beef from Argentina, about four times the regular quota. We […] The post Our Biggest Farming Stories of 2025 appeared first on Civil Eats.

When we started Civil Eats, we sought to report on farming from a different perspective, focusing on underrepresented voices and issues. This year, most American farmers faced significant challenges, and we strove to tell their stories. Federal budget cuts were a major disruption, impacting USDA grants that helped farmers build soil health, increase biodiversity, generate renewable energy, and sell their crops to local schools and food banks, among other projects. Trump’s tariffs created more headaches for farmers, particularly soybean producers, who saw their biggest buyer—China—walk away during the trade fight as their costs for fertilizer and other materials increased. Farming groups also protested when the Trump administration announced it would import 80,000 metric tons of beef from Argentina, about four times the regular quota. We also identified as many solutions as we could in this turbulent year by highlighting farmers’ extraordinary resilience and resourcefulness, from finding sustainable ways to grow food to fighting corporate consolidation to opening their own meat-processing cooperative. Here are our biggest farming stories of 2025, in chronological order. Farmers Need Help to Survive. A New Crop of Farm Advocates Is on the Way. Farmers with expertise in law and finance have long guided the farming community through tough situations, but their numbers have been dropping. Now, thanks to federally funded training, farm advocates are coming back. California Decides What ‘Regenerative Agriculture’ Means. Sort of. A new definition for an old way of farming may help California soil, but it won’t mean organic. Butterbee Farm, in Maryland, has received several federal grants that have been crucial for the farm’s survival. (Photo credit: L.A. Birdie Photography) Trump’s Funding Freeze Creates Chaos and Financial Distress for Farmers Efforts to transition farms to regenerative agriculture are stalled, and the path forward is unclear. How Trump’s Tariffs Will Affect Farmers and Food Prices Economists say tariffs will likely lead to higher food prices, while farmers are worried about fertilizer imports and their export markets. USDA Continues to Roll Out Deeper Cuts to Farm Grants: A List In addition to the end of two local food programs that support schools and food banks sourcing from small farms, more cuts are likely. USDA Prioritizes Economic Relief for Commodity Farmers The agency announced it will roll out economic relief payments to growers of corn, soybeans, oilseeds, and other row crops. Will Local Food Survive Trump’s USDA? Less than two months in, Trump’s USDA is bulldozing efforts that help small farms and food producers sell healthy food directly to schools, food banks, and their local communities. USDA Unfreezes Energy Funds for Farmers, but Demands They Align on DEI USDA is requesting farmers make changes to their projects so that they align with directives on energy production and DEI, a task experts say may not be legal or possible. Ranchers herd cattle across open range in the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, New Mexico, where conservation initiatives help restore grasslands and protect water resources. (Photo courtesy Ariel Greenwood) Trump Announces Higher Tariffs on Major Food and Agricultural Trade Partners The president says the tariffs will boost American manufacturing and make the country wealthy, but many expect farmers to suffer losses and food prices to rise. USDA Introduces Policy Agenda Focused on Small Farms Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins rolls out a 10-point plan that includes environmental deregulation and utilizing healthy food programs that have recently lost funding. USDA Drops Rules Requiring Farmers to Record Their Use of the Most Toxic Pesticides Pesticide watchdog groups say the regulations should be strengthened, not thrown out. Conservation Work on Farms and Ranches Could Take a Hit as USDA Cuts Staff Close to 2,400 employees of the Natural Resources Conservation Service have accepted an offer to resign, leaving fewer hands to protect rural landscapes. USDA Cancels Additional Grants Funding Land Access and Training for Young Farmers The future of other awards in the Increasing Land, Capital, and Market Access Program remains unclear. House Bill Would Halt Assessment of PFAS Risk on Farms The bill also strengthens EPA authority around pesticide labeling, which could prevent states from adopting their own versions of labels. Should Regenerative Farmers Pin Hopes on RFK Jr.’s MAHA? While the Make America Health Again movement supports alternative farming, few of Trump’s policies promote healthy agricultural landscapes. A leaked version of the second MAHA Commission Report underscores these concerns. Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, the Democratic nominee for vice president in 2024, introduces Willie Nelson at Farm Aid’s 40th anniversary this year, in St. Paul, Minnesota. (Photo credit: Lisa Held) At 40, Farm Aid Is Still About Music. It’s Also a Movement. Willie Nelson launched the music festival in 1985 as a fundraiser to save family farms. With corporate consolidation a continuing threat to farms, it’s now a platform for populist organizing, too. Agriculture Secretary Confirms US Plan to Buy Beef from Argentina Brooke Rollins on Tuesday defended a Trump administration plan that has ignited criticism from farm groups and some Republicans. For Farmers, the Government Shutdown Adds More Challenges With no access to local ag-related offices, critical loans, or disaster assistance, farmers are facing even more stressors. Farmers Struggle With Tariffs, Despite China Deal to Buy US Soybeans While the Supreme Court considers Trump’s tariffs, the farm economy falters. This Farmer-Owned Meat Processing Co-op in Tennessee Changes the Game A Q&A with Lexy Close of the Appalachian Producers Cooperative, who says the new facility has dramatically decreased processing wait times and could revive the area’s local meat economy. Farmers Face Prospect of Skyrocketing Healthcare Premiums More than a quarter of U.S. farmers rely on the Affordable Care Act, but Biden-era tax credits expire at the end of the year. After 150 Years, California’s Sugar Beet Industry Comes to an End The Imperial Valley might be the best place in the world to grow beets. What went wrong? Trump Farmer Bailout Primarily Benefits Commodity Farms Of the $12 billion the administration will send to farmers, $11 billion is reserved for ranchers and major row crop farmers. The post Our Biggest Farming Stories of 2025 appeared first on Civil Eats.

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