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California communities are fighting the last battery recycling plant in the West — and its toxic legacy

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Monday, April 22, 2024

This story is being co-published with Public Health Watch. West of the Rockies, just one lead battery recycler remains in the United States. If your car battery conks out in downtown Seattle or the Sonoran desert, it will probably be hauled to Ecobat, a lead smelter half an hour east of downtown Los Angeles. Ecobat’s facility in City of Industry melts down 600 tons of batteries and scrap every day.  A conveyor belt takes the batteries to a hammer mill where they’re cracked open and slammed into pieces. Then a furnace blasts them with 1,000 degrees of heat. The resulting ingots or “pigs” of lead then ride on, to become batteries once again.   Nationally, about 130 million car batteries meet this fate each year. Fewer than a dozen smelters do this work in the U.S. No other consumer product in the country closes its recycling loop so completely.  But the crucial business of smelting lead is also a very dirty one. Lead is a neurotoxin; no known levels of it are safe. People who breathe airborne particles of lead or accidentally put it in their mouths — especially children — can suffer nerve disorders and developmental problems. The smelting process itself can create a cancer risk. In addition to lead, it can send arsenic, hexavalent chromium, formaldehyde and other chemicals into the air.  Read Next Ghosts of Polluters Past Yvette Cabrera California has some of the tightest toxic regulations and strictest air pollution rules for smelters in the country. But some residents of the suburban neighborhoods around Ecobat don’t trust the system to protect them.  Tens of thousands of people live in the bedroom communities of Hacienda Heights, La Puente, and Avocado Heights, including some just hundreds of feet from the edge of the company’s property. Uncertainty, both about the safety of Ecobat’s operation going forward and the legacy of lead it has left behind, weighs heavily on them. For decades, thousands of pounds of lead poured out of the smelter’s stacks. Soil testing has revealed high levels of lead on some properties over the years, but hasn’t led to a full investigation. Although pollution controls have squashed airborne lead to a fraction of its historical highs, Ecobat — known until recently as Quemetco — has amassed nearly $3 million in regulatory penalties since 2020.  The facility is operating under a permit that expired almost nine years ago. The Department of Toxic Substances Control, or DTSC, which oversees California’s hazardous waste laws, has sent back the company’s application for renewal three times. Once the filing is complete, DTSC will release a draft permit to the public for comment.  But the release date keeps shifting — from February, to March, to April, and as of this week, May.  In the meantime, long-brewing disputes among residents, the company, and regulators are again erupting into public view. Laws don’t mean much, say neighborhood advocates, if nobody enforces them.  “The regulators, they back down,” said Rebecca Overmyer-Velázquez, a coordinator with the Clean Air Coalition of North Whittier & Avocado Heights. “That’s really our biggest problem.”  Rebecca Overmeyer Vasquez, facilitator for the Clean Air Coalition of North Whittier and Avocado Heights, photographed at Whittier College. Chava Sanchez In recent months, the dispute has taken on more of an edge. Younger activists impatient with the lack of progress are leading their own inquiry into soil contamination. Ecobat is suing the state over decisions related to the facility. Court filings and lawyers’ threats showcase a bitter and growing divide on questions of public health, responsible product management, and environmental safety.  “What they’ve really been denying the community is the ability to really call the question, should this facility, based on its past operation, receive a renewal of its hazardous waste permit?” said Angela Johnson Meszaros, an attorney at Earthjustice, which represents the Clean Air Coalition. “The community’s position is no. And I think that they have the receipts for why the answer is no.” Ecobat did not make anyone available for an interview. In a written response to questions, Dan Kramer, a spokesman, said the company is “continuously committed” to protecting public health. “Ecobat’s number one priority is safety — for our employees, their families, and the people living and working in the communities surrounding our facility.” At issue are not only how California protects public health going forward but also what regulators are willing to do about the past.  The Clean Air Coalition’s Overmyer-Velázquez wants her neighborhood to avoid what happened when another lead smelter closed south of downtown Los Angeles. Exide Technologies may have contaminated as many as 10,000 homes in predominantly Latino, working-class neighborhoods. When it abruptly shut down after 90 years, lawmakers and regulators vowed that Exide would pay to clean up neighborhood-level soil contamination. But in 2020 a bankruptcy court allowed the company to abandon the property, and the cleanup remains incomplete. The cost is ballooning, and so far Californians are paying for it.  Overmyer-Velázquez wants the Ecobat facility shut down, or moved away from densely populated Los Angeles County.   “This place has clearly demonstrated it cannot be a good neighbor,” she said.  DTSC has not responded to Public Health Watch’s questions, which were first sent to the agency on March 1, or to follow-up questions sent April 11. Reporting is based in part on the public record and statements DTSC officials have made at hearings and meetings. Half a century ago, after the Cuyahoga River burned in Ohio and as New York’s Love Canal raised national alarms about toxic waste, the Golden State was ahead of the game. California was vocal about the need to limit hazardous waste, to handle it safely, and to keep it local, rather than shipping it somewhere else, where laws are weaker. The state set stringent controls on storage and processing and began requiring permits for facilities. The company then called Quemetco filed for its first operating permit — a temporary one — in 1980.  But some of California’s management plans never materialized; some oversight, starved for staffing and funding, fell to shreds. It took 25 years for regulators to grant Quemetco a full hazardous waste permit.  Early on, environmental officials flagged reasons for concern about the lead smelter. State and federal regulators issued an order and a consent decree in 1987 because of the facility’s releases of hazardous waste into soil and water. An assessment from that time found “high potential for air releases of particulates concerning lead.”  Just a few blocks away from the Facility lies the resedential community of Hacienda Heights. Chava Sanchez It wasn’t illegal back then for Quemetco to send pollution straight into nearby San Jose Creek, or to dump battery waste into the dirt on a corner of the property without any formal containment. In 1987 alone, according to the federal Toxics Release Inventory, Quemetco reported that it had released nearly 4 tons of airborne lead from its stacks. That was okay, too.  By the 1990s, however, the science about lead was piling up, finding that the health hazards of even low levels of exposure were problematic, especially for children.  In the bedroom communities around Quemetco, neighbors took notice. At a public meeting in 1996, they asked why the permitting process was taking so long.   DTSC’s Phil Chandler, a soil geologist who was working on the facility’s permit at the time, answered the crowd. He explained that the delay was understandable.  “There was an awful lot of firms, like Quemetco, they came in the door, and said, ‘We want a permit.’ And they came all at once,” Chandler told residents back then. “So that’s been a problem.” More people began raising questions about lead-related health impacts.  Jeanie Thiessen, a special education teacher at a public school in the area, wanted her students to be tested for lead exposure. “Many exhibit signs of neuropsychological problems, cognitive impairments, become easily agitated, and have generally arrested development,” she wrote in a DTSC questionnaire. “Surely it is not normal to have so many children with learning disabilities come from so small an area.”  “I grew up with a lot of those kids,” said Duncan McKee, a longtime critic of the facility who lives in Avocado Heights. He says those worries were common. Looking back, he added, “I think at that point [regulators] started taking it a bit more seriously. Maybe.” When DTSC finally granted Quemetco a permit in 2005, it didn’t end the communities’ concerns about health and safety.  In Los Angeles, lead smelters are overseen by the South Coast Air Quality Management District. It requires large polluters to submit health hazard assessments that calculate potential cancer risks stemming from their emissions. Quemetco’s assessment in 2000 revealed that it had the highest calculated cancer burden in Los Angeles County, not only because of lead, but also because of other carcinogens involved in the process: arsenic, benzene and 1, 3 butadiene. That health hazard assessment led to tighter pollution controls at the smelter. In 2008, Quemetco installed an advanced air system called a wet electrostatic precipitator, or WESP. Before the scrubber was installed, the additional cancer risk from the facility for people in the surrounding area was 33 in 1 million, well above the threshold at which polluters are required to cut emissions and notify the public. In the company’s next assessment, that risk had dropped to 4 in 1 million.  A Green Steam billows out of the Ecobat Facility. Chava Sanchez Today, emissions from the company, now known as Ecobat, are well within South Coast’s smelter-specific lead limit. But regulatory problems at the facility remain stubbornly frequent.  South Coast has written Ecobat up for violations 20 times since 2005. Just four years ago, the agency issued a relatively rare $600,000 fine for failing to meet federal and state-level standards. In a press release, South Coast noted that because of lead exceedances, the facility had to temporarily reduce operations.  During DTSC’s most recent 10-year compliance period for the smelter, 2012-2022, Ecobat accrued 19 violations of the most serious type. On one visit, for example, regulators found cracks in the floor of a battery storage area, where acid, lead, and arsenic could leak. In some cases, according to the state’s online records repository, the facility was out of compliance or violations had been in dispute for years. The state’s lawyers filed a civil complaint based on some of these violations and later settled it for $2.3 million. Ecobat paid half the money to the state and half to nonprofits that promote school health and knowledge of local environmental issues.  In its written response to Public Health Watch, the company characterized “nearly all” of the violations as “technical disagreements between Ecobat and DTSC over environmental monitoring systems in place at the facility.”  “None of the alleged violations involved allegations that Ecobat had improperly handled or released hazardous waste or caused any environmental impacts to the community,” said Kramer.  On its website, Ecobat emphasizes that it “has invested close to $50 million installing and maintaining new pollution control equipment and monitoring devices.” That includes the WESP, which Kramer said “was not necessary to meet Ecobat’s risk reduction obligations or any other regulatory mandates.” Instead, Kramer said, the installation of that scrubber was voluntary, and at significant expense to the company.  Questions remain about where and whether the soil may be contaminated in neighborhoods around Ecobat; how much of the pollution in the soil can be attributed to the smelter; and what, if anything, the company can be forced to clean up.  The facility itself reported to the federal government that its stacks ejected thousands of pounds of lead particulate into air each year through most of the eighties, and hundreds of pounds of airborne lead annually for another couple of decades after that.  Roger Miksad, president and executive director of the Battery Council International, a trade association, argues that it’s often hard to identify the source of lead in an urban environment. The 60 freeway is nearby, for example: gasoline once was leaded, and some brake pads for cars are made with lead. Older paints also contain the toxin.  “The number of other sites, be it from lead paint or anything else, I’m sure are innumerable,” Miksad said. “It’s not [Ecobat’s] responsibility to clean up someone’s underlying mess just because they happen to use the same chemical.”   Angela Johnson Meszaros a lawyer from Earth Justice sits for a portrait in Pasadena’s Central Park. Chava Sanchez But to the community and its advocates, tracing the lead is a matter of common sense. “If you have a range of metals coming out of your stack, and if you have them going into the air, it just falls to the ground,” says Earthjustice’s Johnson Meszaros. “It has to; it’s just basic physics.”  Earlier this year, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency announced that in areas where there are multiple potential sources of lead, screening for further action would begin where the toxin was found at 100 parts per million in soil. California’s screening level is more aggressive: 80 parts per million.   When DTSC sampled more than 50 sites within a mile of Ecobat in the 1990s, it found lead well above both those levels. At one house, lead was measured at 660 parts per million; at another property, sampling found 1,100 parts per million. But nothing more happened until 2016, when DTSC ordered Quemetco to test soils beyond its fenceline for the first time. The company’s sampling revealed lead exceeding 80 parts per million in soil at most, if not all, of the residential properties visited. The state ordered the company to do more follow-up work, this time testing along lines radiating outward from the facility. Sampling found lead in some areas, but DTSC did not respond to questions about the findings and hasn’t publicly ordered the company to take further action.  At Los Angeles County’s other lead smelter, the now-shuttered Exide plant in Vernon, soil sampling found high levels of contamination in residential areas as far as 1.7 miles away. But in 2022 a federal district judge determined that DTSC had failed to prove Exide’s pollution could have caused that contamination.  A DTSC Work Notice of an Annual Sampling posted on the outside fence of the Ecobat Facility next to cautionary signage. Chava Sanchez That outcome may embolden Ecobat to push back against potential legal and financial responsibility beyond the fenceline.  Air dispersion studies conducted by state scientists have indicated that historical emissions may have extended as far as 1.6 miles from the smelter. But the company maintains that “the evidence collected to date does not indicate that Ecobat’s facility has had an adverse effect on its neighbors.”  The lack of conclusive evidence about neighborhood level-contamination has motivated younger residents to start their own investigation.  Avocado Heights is a tight-knit community almost surrounded by City of Industry. But this unincorporated piece of the San Gabriel Valley is kind of an emotional opposite to Quemetco’s industrial-zoned hometown.  A grid along and across three blocks each way lines up neatly with ranch-style homes. Behind one peachy-pink house, Elena Brown-Vazquez and her brother Sam keep horses, goats, chickens and other animals. Benjamin and Damian Herrera residents of Avocado Heights ride their horses through the neighborhood, just a few blocks from Ecobats Lead Smelter. Chava Sanchez With dusty equestrian trails, Avocado Heights is a working-class neighborhood whose rhythm is informed by charrería culture: most people here have ties to Mexico, to places like Zacatecas or Jalisco, horse-loving country.  That was the draw for the Brown-Vasquez siblings, who moved here in 2020 to deepen their connection with their Mexican culture. Informal food vendors like mariscos carts came by during the pandemic. The open space allowed people to play music and grill and be near each other outside, safely. They found a sense of community.  But not long after arriving, the siblings received notice of a public meeting about the lead smelter. Elena saw kids running around yards, riding horses, and playing in the dirt, and she worried for herself and her neighbors.  Ecobat and DTSC “talk about doing due diligence and doing your job, but they’re not really even doing a good job of engaging the community,” she said.  Nayellie Diaz, a longtime La Puente resident and Sam Brown-Vasquez’s partner, nodded. She, Elena and Sam are among those who call themselves Avocado Heights Vaquer@s, who act “in defense of land, air, & water.” One of the group’s goals is to raise awareness about the pollution coming from the smelter in order to stop it.  “The problem for us on some level is, there’s uncertainty,” Sam said. He’s concerned about how much lead remains in soil, and where it came from. “The reality is right now, we could tell definitively if the lead that’s in the community is coming from [Ecobat],” he added. “But they won’t do that.”  Samuel Brown-Vazquez advocates for his neighborhood and the ranching lifestyle as a founder of Avocado Heights Vaquer@s. Molly Peterson Last year, DTSC held a public workshop to explain its recent multimillion-dollar order against Ecobat, which included no funding to investigate soil contamination.  “We want more data,” Elena said.  At that meeting, Sam and Elena met Karen Valladares, a fourth-year Ph.D. student in environmental and occupational health at the University of California, Irvine, and Daniel Talamontes, a doctoral student in environmental studies at Claremont Graduate University.  Elena, a teacher, is working with the young researchers to gather soil samples from homes close to Ecobat. Talamontes describes the grant-funded work as “guerilla science.” A lab at the University of Southern California is testing the samples and the team members will interpret them.     “We are skilled enough, and knowledgeable, and we don’t trust [DTSC’s and Ecobat’s] methodology,” Talamontes said. So far, Valladares and Talamontes said the overwhelming majority of soil samples have shown levels of lead above 80 parts per million, which echoes the earlier company-funded testing. She said a sizable chunk of the new samples are between 200 and 400 parts per million. The presence of arsenic in the soil, along with lead, suggests a source other than motor vehicles or paint, she said. It points to the smelter. “There are natural levels of arsenic in the soil, but they’re very low,” Valladares said. “To have anything higher than that, it’s not the leaded gasoline. It’s coming from somewhere.” Public Health Watch sent DTSC questions about soil testing and the regulatory process but has received no response.  At a meeting last fall, DTSC’s then-deputy director Todd Sax acknowledged that state regulators have “independent authority” to order Ecobat to do additional work right now — but he emphasized that they needed “sufficient evidence” to do so.  “Because that’s potentially a legal situation…we have to make absolutely certain that the data that we have would stand up in court because it may come to that,” Sax said, responding to a question about why soil testing takes so long.  “So we are being extra careful and thorough with our analyses and with the development of plans to make sure that whatever we do, it’s going to be scientifically defensible, it’s going to be right and it’s going to stick.” Sax no longer works at DTSC and has taken a job at the California Air Resources Board.  As the permit process for Ecobat’s smelter drags on, the company’s lawyers have been busy.  Ecobat has filed two lawsuits involving California’s newly constituted Board of Environmental Safety, conceived by the state legislature to improve accountability at the DTSC. The board can hear public appeals to permits, as it did last year when the Clean Air Coalition challenged a limited permit the DTSC gave Ecobat for equipment the company installed without prior approval. The board sided with the neighborhood group. Ecobat has filed a civil complaint in Los Angeles County Superior Court against the board and the DTSC to appeal that decision. It’s also suing for public records related to that case in Sacramento County Superior Court.  A more aggressive tone — and strategy — is evident in these recent filings. In one, Ecobat’s lawyers called the neighborhood activists’ conduct at the appeal meeting in November “extreme by any measure,” saying the Clean Air Coalition, or CAC, “made a circus of the meeting.” Ecobat spokesman Kramer pointed to one moment, more than five hours into the six-hour meeting, where board members admonished someone for making obscene gestures not visible on a YouTube recording of the event. “It led the board into error,” the lawyers wrote.   The coalition, Ecobat’s lawyer wrote, “has blindly opposed Ecobat’s efforts to obtain regulatory approvals as part of a broader ‘delay strategy.’” Neighbors of the facility counter that the delay is the company’s fault. Since the company first submitted its permit renewal application in 2015, regulators have sent it back for corrections three times. Only recently did the DTSC deem the application complete.  Ecobat also has sent a letter to Earthjustice’s Johnson Meszaros, to “notify” her that it considered the coalition’s public testimony and Instagram comments about the company to be false and potentially defamatory.  “Ecobat has been exceptionally patient but CAC’s conduct is extreme by any measure,” the letter said. In Ecobat’s written response to Public Health Watch, Kramer said unfounded statements “can generate unfounded alarm in communities.” Johnson Meszaros considers the letter a kind of harassment, meant to limit public participation in decisions about the smelter. “This is something you see — oil companies have been using defamation against folks for a while now,” she said. “I think what they are telling us is they are prepared to sue community volunteers to break their will.” DTSC and the Board of Environmental Safety did not comment on the litigation.  “Permit renewals are not a right,” Johnson Meszaros said. “They’re earned from your past behavior choices.”  Only China has more cars on the road than the U.S. As long as Americans drive gas-fueled cars, lead acid batteries aren’t going anywhere, according to environmental historian Jay Turner.  “We’ve created a world that we co-inhabit with this lead and we can’t walk away from that,” said Turner, whose book “Charged” explores the value of batteries in a clean energy transition. Now that we’ve brought lead into the manmade environment, Turner said, there’s an obligation to handle it safely.  Used car batteries at a local shop, ready to be recycled. Chava Sanchez Doing that is more expensive in the U.S., where pollution controls are relatively tight, according to Perry Gottesfeld, an expert at the nonprofit OK International.  Just over a decade ago, a multinational conglomerate, Johnson Controls, built a new battery smelter in Florence, South Carolina. The $150 million facility was open for just under a decade and in that time it was fined by state regulators nine times. Johnson Controls spun off its battery division, which became a new company called Clarios. When the plant was shuttered in 2021, Clarios said in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission that it was 25% cheaper to recycle batteries at its plants in Mexico. Gottesfeld said the U.S. doesn’t do enough to stop such offshoring. “You’re supposed to handle your own hazardous waste unless you have the inability to do so,”  he said.  All of that puts more pressure on California, which has acknowledged its own outsourcing of hazardous waste — and which has 35 million registered vehicles on its roads.  It also presses down on the communities around the Ecobat facility. Avocado Heights resident Elena Brown-Vasquez has heard the argument before: California needs to clean up after itself. Battery recycling plants just south of the border are known to make workers sick. “We all get that a lot, we do,” she said.  But residents say they’re pushing back because their own health is in jeopardy, too.  They worry that if DTSC renews Ecobat’s permit, the South Coast Air Quality Management District could allow the company to boost daily production by 25%. Ecobat has been seeking to expand for years, but local advocates have been pushing back longer.  An early skeptic was Lilian Avery, who moved to Hedgepath Avenue in Hacienda Heights in 1956. Back then, she said during a 1996 DTSC public meeting, her neighbor was “an Armstrong rose garden; acres and acres of roses.” And then the smelter came in.  “I have had concern about Quemetco all these years,” Avery is quoted as saying in a transcript of the meeting. “They are trying hard to be good neighbors, but they have chosen the wrong plot.” Public Health Watch is a nonprofit investigative news organization that covers weaknesses and injustices in the nation’s health systems and policies, exposes inequities and highlights solutions. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline California communities are fighting the last battery recycling plant in the West — and its toxic legacy on Apr 22, 2024.

Lead battery recycling is a crucial but dirty business. As a plant outside Los Angeles seeks to renew its operating permit, the community pushes back.

This story is being co-published with Public Health Watch.

West of the Rockies, just one lead battery recycler remains in the United States. If your car battery conks out in downtown Seattle or the Sonoran desert, it will probably be hauled to Ecobat, a lead smelter half an hour east of downtown Los Angeles.

Ecobat’s facility in City of Industry melts down 600 tons of batteries and scrap every day.  A conveyor belt takes the batteries to a hammer mill where they’re cracked open and slammed into pieces. Then a furnace blasts them with 1,000 degrees of heat. The resulting ingots or “pigs” of lead then ride on, to become batteries once again.  

Nationally, about 130 million car batteries meet this fate each year. Fewer than a dozen smelters do this work in the U.S. No other consumer product in the country closes its recycling loop so completely. 

But the crucial business of smelting lead is also a very dirty one.

Lead is a neurotoxin; no known levels of it are safe. People who breathe airborne particles of lead or accidentally put it in their mouths — especially children — can suffer nerve disorders and developmental problems. The smelting process itself can create a cancer risk. In addition to lead, it can send arsenic, hexavalent chromium, formaldehyde and other chemicals into the air. 

California has some of the tightest toxic regulations and strictest air pollution rules for smelters in the country. But some residents of the suburban neighborhoods around Ecobat don’t trust the system to protect them. 

Tens of thousands of people live in the bedroom communities of Hacienda Heights, La Puente, and Avocado Heights, including some just hundreds of feet from the edge of the company’s property. Uncertainty, both about the safety of Ecobat’s operation going forward and the legacy of lead it has left behind, weighs heavily on them.

For decades, thousands of pounds of lead poured out of the smelter’s stacks. Soil testing has revealed high levels of lead on some properties over the years, but hasn’t led to a full investigation. Although pollution controls have squashed airborne lead to a fraction of its historical highs, Ecobat — known until recently as Quemetco — has amassed nearly $3 million in regulatory penalties since 2020. 

The facility is operating under a permit that expired almost nine years ago. The Department of Toxic Substances Control, or DTSC, which oversees California’s hazardous waste laws, has sent back the company’s application for renewal three times. Once the filing is complete, DTSC will release a draft permit to the public for comment. 

But the release date keeps shifting — from February, to March, to April, and as of this week, May. 

In the meantime, long-brewing disputes among residents, the company, and regulators are again erupting into public view.

Laws don’t mean much, say neighborhood advocates, if nobody enforces them. 

“The regulators, they back down,” said Rebecca Overmyer-Velázquez, a coordinator with the Clean Air Coalition of North Whittier & Avocado Heights. “That’s really our biggest problem.” 

Rebecca Overmeyer Vasquez, facilitator for the Clean Air Coalition of North Whittier and Avocado Heights, photographed at Whittier College. Chava Sanchez

In recent months, the dispute has taken on more of an edge. Younger activists impatient with the lack of progress are leading their own inquiry into soil contamination. Ecobat is suing the state over decisions related to the facility. Court filings and lawyers’ threats showcase a bitter and growing divide on questions of public health, responsible product management, and environmental safety. 

“What they’ve really been denying the community is the ability to really call the question, should this facility, based on its past operation, receive a renewal of its hazardous waste permit?” said Angela Johnson Meszaros, an attorney at Earthjustice, which represents the Clean Air Coalition. “The community’s position is no. And I think that they have the receipts for why the answer is no.”

Ecobat did not make anyone available for an interview. In a written response to questions, Dan Kramer, a spokesman, said the company is “continuously committed” to protecting public health. “Ecobat’s number one priority is safety — for our employees, their families, and the people living and working in the communities surrounding our facility.”

At issue are not only how California protects public health going forward but also what regulators are willing to do about the past. 

The Clean Air Coalition’s Overmyer-Velázquez wants her neighborhood to avoid what happened when another lead smelter closed south of downtown Los Angeles. Exide Technologies may have contaminated as many as 10,000 homes in predominantly Latino, working-class neighborhoods. When it abruptly shut down after 90 years, lawmakers and regulators vowed that Exide would pay to clean up neighborhood-level soil contamination. But in 2020 a bankruptcy court allowed the company to abandon the property, and the cleanup remains incomplete. The cost is ballooning, and so far Californians are paying for it. 

Overmyer-Velázquez wants the Ecobat facility shut down, or moved away from densely populated Los Angeles County.  

“This place has clearly demonstrated it cannot be a good neighbor,” she said. 

DTSC has not responded to Public Health Watch’s questions, which were first sent to the agency on March 1, or to follow-up questions sent April 11. Reporting is based in part on the public record and statements DTSC officials have made at hearings and meetings.


Half a century ago, after the Cuyahoga River burned in Ohio and as New York’s Love Canal raised national alarms about toxic waste, the Golden State was ahead of the game. California was vocal about the need to limit hazardous waste, to handle it safely, and to keep it local, rather than shipping it somewhere else, where laws are weaker. The state set stringent controls on storage and processing and began requiring permits for facilities. The company then called Quemetco filed for its first operating permit — a temporary one — in 1980. 

But some of California’s management plans never materialized; some oversight, starved for staffing and funding, fell to shreds. It took 25 years for regulators to grant Quemetco a full hazardous waste permit. 

Early on, environmental officials flagged reasons for concern about the lead smelter. State and federal regulators issued an order and a consent decree in 1987 because of the facility’s releases of hazardous waste into soil and water. An assessment from that time found “high potential for air releases of particulates concerning lead.” 

Just a few blocks away from the Facility lies the resedential community of Hacienda Heights. Chava Sanchez

It wasn’t illegal back then for Quemetco to send pollution straight into nearby San Jose Creek, or to dump battery waste into the dirt on a corner of the property without any formal containment. In 1987 alone, according to the federal Toxics Release Inventory, Quemetco reported that it had released nearly 4 tons of airborne lead from its stacks. That was okay, too. 

By the 1990s, however, the science about lead was piling up, finding that the health hazards of even low levels of exposure were problematic, especially for children. 

In the bedroom communities around Quemetco, neighbors took notice. At a public meeting in 1996, they asked why the permitting process was taking so long.  

DTSC’s Phil Chandler, a soil geologist who was working on the facility’s permit at the time, answered the crowd. He explained that the delay was understandable. 

“There was an awful lot of firms, like Quemetco, they came in the door, and said, ‘We want a permit.’ And they came all at once,” Chandler told residents back then. “So that’s been a problem.”

More people began raising questions about lead-related health impacts. 

Jeanie Thiessen, a special education teacher at a public school in the area, wanted her students to be tested for lead exposure. “Many exhibit signs of neuropsychological problems, cognitive impairments, become easily agitated, and have generally arrested development,” she wrote in a DTSC questionnaire. “Surely it is not normal to have so many children with learning disabilities come from so small an area.” 

“I grew up with a lot of those kids,” said Duncan McKee, a longtime critic of the facility who lives in Avocado Heights. He says those worries were common. Looking back, he added, “I think at that point [regulators] started taking it a bit more seriously. Maybe.”


When DTSC finally granted Quemetco a permit in 2005, it didn’t end the communities’ concerns about health and safety. 

In Los Angeles, lead smelters are overseen by the South Coast Air Quality Management District. It requires large polluters to submit health hazard assessments that calculate potential cancer risks stemming from their emissions. Quemetco’s assessment in 2000 revealed that it had the highest calculated cancer burden in Los Angeles County, not only because of lead, but also because of other carcinogens involved in the process: arsenic, benzene and 1, 3 butadiene.

That health hazard assessment led to tighter pollution controls at the smelter. In 2008, Quemetco installed an advanced air system called a wet electrostatic precipitator, or WESP. Before the scrubber was installed, the additional cancer risk from the facility for people in the surrounding area was 33 in 1 million, well above the threshold at which polluters are required to cut emissions and notify the public. In the company’s next assessment, that risk had dropped to 4 in 1 million. 

A Green Steam billows out of the Ecobat Facility. Chava Sanchez

Today, emissions from the company, now known as Ecobat, are well within South Coast’s smelter-specific lead limit. But regulatory problems at the facility remain stubbornly frequent. 

South Coast has written Ecobat up for violations 20 times since 2005. Just four years ago, the agency issued a relatively rare $600,000 fine for failing to meet federal and state-level standards. In a press release, South Coast noted that because of lead exceedances, the facility had to temporarily reduce operations. 

During DTSC’s most recent 10-year compliance period for the smelter, 2012-2022, Ecobat accrued 19 violations of the most serious type. On one visit, for example, regulators found cracks in the floor of a battery storage area, where acid, lead, and arsenic could leak. In some cases, according to the state’s online records repository, the facility was out of compliance or violations had been in dispute for years. The state’s lawyers filed a civil complaint based on some of these violations and later settled it for $2.3 million. Ecobat paid half the money to the state and half to nonprofits that promote school health and knowledge of local environmental issues. 

In its written response to Public Health Watch, the company characterized “nearly all” of the violations as “technical disagreements between Ecobat and DTSC over environmental monitoring systems in place at the facility.” 

“None of the alleged violations involved allegations that Ecobat had improperly handled or released hazardous waste or caused any environmental impacts to the community,” said Kramer. 

On its website, Ecobat emphasizes that it “has invested close to $50 million installing and maintaining new pollution control equipment and monitoring devices.” That includes the WESP, which Kramer said “was not necessary to meet Ecobat’s risk reduction obligations or any other regulatory mandates.” Instead, Kramer said, the installation of that scrubber was voluntary, and at significant expense to the company. 


Questions remain about where and whether the soil may be contaminated in neighborhoods around Ecobat; how much of the pollution in the soil can be attributed to the smelter; and what, if anything, the company can be forced to clean up. 

The facility itself reported to the federal government that its stacks ejected thousands of pounds of lead particulate into air each year through most of the eighties, and hundreds of pounds of airborne lead annually for another couple of decades after that. 

Roger Miksad, president and executive director of the Battery Council International, a trade association, argues that it’s often hard to identify the source of lead in an urban environment. The 60 freeway is nearby, for example: gasoline once was leaded, and some brake pads for cars are made with lead. Older paints also contain the toxin. 

“The number of other sites, be it from lead paint or anything else, I’m sure are innumerable,” Miksad said. “It’s not [Ecobat’s] responsibility to clean up someone’s underlying mess just because they happen to use the same chemical.”  

Angela Johnson Meszaros a lawyer from Earth Justice sits for a portrait in Pasadena’s Central Park. Chava Sanchez

But to the community and its advocates, tracing the lead is a matter of common sense.

“If you have a range of metals coming out of your stack, and if you have them going into the air, it just falls to the ground,” says Earthjustice’s Johnson Meszaros. “It has to; it’s just basic physics.” 

Earlier this year, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency announced that in areas where there are multiple potential sources of lead, screening for further action would begin where the toxin was found at 100 parts per million in soil. California’s screening level is more aggressive: 80 parts per million.  

When DTSC sampled more than 50 sites within a mile of Ecobat in the 1990s, it found lead well above both those levels. At one house, lead was measured at 660 parts per million; at another property, sampling found 1,100 parts per million. But nothing more happened until 2016, when DTSC ordered Quemetco to test soils beyond its fenceline for the first time.

The company’s sampling revealed lead exceeding 80 parts per million in soil at most, if not all, of the residential properties visited. The state ordered the company to do more follow-up work, this time testing along lines radiating outward from the facility. Sampling found lead in some areas, but DTSC did not respond to questions about the findings and hasn’t publicly ordered the company to take further action. 

At Los Angeles County’s other lead smelter, the now-shuttered Exide plant in Vernon, soil sampling found high levels of contamination in residential areas as far as 1.7 miles away. But in 2022 a federal district judge determined that DTSC had failed to prove Exide’s pollution could have caused that contamination. 

A DTSC Work Notice of an Annual Sampling posted on the outside fence of the Ecobat Facility next to cautionary signage. Chava Sanchez

That outcome may embolden Ecobat to push back against potential legal and financial responsibility beyond the fenceline. 

Air dispersion studies conducted by state scientists have indicated that historical emissions may have extended as far as 1.6 miles from the smelter. But the company maintains that “the evidence collected to date does not indicate that Ecobat’s facility has had an adverse effect on its neighbors.” 


The lack of conclusive evidence about neighborhood level-contamination has motivated younger residents to start their own investigation. 

Avocado Heights is a tight-knit community almost surrounded by City of Industry. But this unincorporated piece of the San Gabriel Valley is kind of an emotional opposite to Quemetco’s industrial-zoned hometown. 

A grid along and across three blocks each way lines up neatly with ranch-style homes. Behind one peachy-pink house, Elena Brown-Vazquez and her brother Sam keep horses, goats, chickens and other animals.

Benjamin and Damian Herrera residents of Avocado Heights ride their horses through the neighborhood, just a few blocks from Ecobats Lead Smelter. Chava Sanchez

With dusty equestrian trails, Avocado Heights is a working-class neighborhood whose rhythm is informed by charrería culture: most people here have ties to Mexico, to places like Zacatecas or Jalisco, horse-loving country. 

That was the draw for the Brown-Vasquez siblings, who moved here in 2020 to deepen their connection with their Mexican culture. Informal food vendors like mariscos carts came by during the pandemic. The open space allowed people to play music and grill and be near each other outside, safely. They found a sense of community. 

But not long after arriving, the siblings received notice of a public meeting about the lead smelter. Elena saw kids running around yards, riding horses, and playing in the dirt, and she worried for herself and her neighbors. 

Ecobat and DTSC “talk about doing due diligence and doing your job, but they’re not really even doing a good job of engaging the community,” she said. 

Nayellie Diaz, a longtime La Puente resident and Sam Brown-Vasquez’s partner, nodded. She, Elena and Sam are among those who call themselves Avocado Heights Vaquer@s, who act “in defense of land, air, & water.” One of the group’s goals is to raise awareness about the pollution coming from the smelter in order to stop it. 

“The problem for us on some level is, there’s uncertainty,” Sam said. He’s concerned about how much lead remains in soil, and where it came from. “The reality is right now, we could tell definitively if the lead that’s in the community is coming from [Ecobat],” he added. “But they won’t do that.” 

Samuel Brown-Vazquez advocates for his neighborhood in California
Samuel Brown-Vazquez advocates for his neighborhood and the ranching lifestyle as a founder of Avocado Heights Vaquer@s. Molly Peterson

Last year, DTSC held a public workshop to explain its recent multimillion-dollar order against Ecobat, which included no funding to investigate soil contamination. 

“We want more data,” Elena said. 

At that meeting, Sam and Elena met Karen Valladares, a fourth-year Ph.D. student in environmental and occupational health at the University of California, Irvine, and Daniel Talamontes, a doctoral student in environmental studies at Claremont Graduate University. 

Elena, a teacher, is working with the young researchers to gather soil samples from homes close to Ecobat. Talamontes describes the grant-funded work as “guerilla science.” A lab at the University of Southern California is testing the samples and the team members will interpret them.    

“We are skilled enough, and knowledgeable, and we don’t trust [DTSC’s and Ecobat’s] methodology,” Talamontes said.

So far, Valladares and Talamontes said the overwhelming majority of soil samples have shown levels of lead above 80 parts per million, which echoes the earlier company-funded testing. She said a sizable chunk of the new samples are between 200 and 400 parts per million. The presence of arsenic in the soil, along with lead, suggests a source other than motor vehicles or paint, she said. It points to the smelter.

“There are natural levels of arsenic in the soil, but they’re very low,” Valladares said. “To have anything higher than that, it’s not the leaded gasoline. It’s coming from somewhere.”

Public Health Watch sent DTSC questions about soil testing and the regulatory process but has received no response. 

At a meeting last fall, DTSC’s then-deputy director Todd Sax acknowledged that state regulators have “independent authority” to order Ecobat to do additional work right now — but he emphasized that they needed “sufficient evidence” to do so. 

“Because that’s potentially a legal situation…we have to make absolutely certain that the data that we have would stand up in court because it may come to that,” Sax said, responding to a question about why soil testing takes so long. 

“So we are being extra careful and thorough with our analyses and with the development of plans to make sure that whatever we do, it’s going to be scientifically defensible, it’s going to be right and it’s going to stick.”

Sax no longer works at DTSC and has taken a job at the California Air Resources Board. 


As the permit process for Ecobat’s smelter drags on, the company’s lawyers have been busy. 

Ecobat has filed two lawsuits involving California’s newly constituted Board of Environmental Safety, conceived by the state legislature to improve accountability at the DTSC. The board can hear public appeals to permits, as it did last year when the Clean Air Coalition challenged a limited permit the DTSC gave Ecobat for equipment the company installed without prior approval. The board sided with the neighborhood group. Ecobat has filed a civil complaint in Los Angeles County Superior Court against the board and the DTSC to appeal that decision. It’s also suing for public records related to that case in Sacramento County Superior Court. 

A more aggressive tone — and strategy — is evident in these recent filings. In one, Ecobat’s lawyers called the neighborhood activists’ conduct at the appeal meeting in November “extreme by any measure,” saying the Clean Air Coalition, or CAC, “made a circus of the meeting.” Ecobat spokesman Kramer pointed to one moment, more than five hours into the six-hour meeting, where board members admonished someone for making obscene gestures not visible on a YouTube recording of the event. “It led the board into error,” the lawyers wrote.  

The coalition, Ecobat’s lawyer wrote, “has blindly opposed Ecobat’s efforts to obtain regulatory approvals as part of a broader ‘delay strategy.’” Neighbors of the facility counter that the delay is the company’s fault. Since the company first submitted its permit renewal application in 2015, regulators have sent it back for corrections three times. Only recently did the DTSC deem the application complete. 

Ecobat also has sent a letter to Earthjustice’s Johnson Meszaros, to “notify” her that it considered the coalition’s public testimony and Instagram comments about the company to be false and potentially defamatory. 

“Ecobat has been exceptionally patient but CAC’s conduct is extreme by any measure,” the letter said. In Ecobat’s written response to Public Health Watch, Kramer said unfounded statements “can generate unfounded alarm in communities.”

Johnson Meszaros considers the letter a kind of harassment, meant to limit public participation in decisions about the smelter.

“This is something you see — oil companies have been using defamation against folks for a while now,” she said. “I think what they are telling us is they are prepared to sue community volunteers to break their will.”

DTSC and the Board of Environmental Safety did not comment on the litigation. 

“Permit renewals are not a right,” Johnson Meszaros said. “They’re earned from your past behavior choices.” 


Only China has more cars on the road than the U.S. As long as Americans drive gas-fueled cars, lead acid batteries aren’t going anywhere, according to environmental historian Jay Turner. 

“We’ve created a world that we co-inhabit with this lead and we can’t walk away from that,” said Turner, whose book “Charged” explores the value of batteries in a clean energy transition. Now that we’ve brought lead into the manmade environment, Turner said, there’s an obligation to handle it safely. 

Used car batteries at a local shop, ready to be recycled. Chava Sanchez

Doing that is more expensive in the U.S., where pollution controls are relatively tight, according to Perry Gottesfeld, an expert at the nonprofit OK International. 

Just over a decade ago, a multinational conglomerate, Johnson Controls, built a new battery smelter in Florence, South Carolina. The $150 million facility was open for just under a decade and in that time it was fined by state regulators nine times. Johnson Controls spun off its battery division, which became a new company called Clarios. When the plant was shuttered in 2021, Clarios said in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission that it was 25% cheaper to recycle batteries at its plants in Mexico.

Gottesfeld said the U.S. doesn’t do enough to stop such offshoring. “You’re supposed to handle your own hazardous waste unless you have the inability to do so,”  he said. 

All of that puts more pressure on California, which has acknowledged its own outsourcing of hazardous waste — and which has 35 million registered vehicles on its roads. 

It also presses down on the communities around the Ecobat facility. Avocado Heights resident Elena Brown-Vasquez has heard the argument before: California needs to clean up after itself. Battery recycling plants just south of the border are known to make workers sick. “We all get that a lot, we do,” she said. 

But residents say they’re pushing back because their own health is in jeopardy, too. 

They worry that if DTSC renews Ecobat’s permit, the South Coast Air Quality Management District could allow the company to boost daily production by 25%. Ecobat has been seeking to expand for years, but local advocates have been pushing back longer. 

An early skeptic was Lilian Avery, who moved to Hedgepath Avenue in Hacienda Heights in 1956. Back then, she said during a 1996 DTSC public meeting, her neighbor was “an Armstrong rose garden; acres and acres of roses.” And then the smelter came in. 

“I have had concern about Quemetco all these years,” Avery is quoted as saying in a transcript of the meeting. “They are trying hard to be good neighbors, but they have chosen the wrong plot.”

Public Health Watch is a nonprofit investigative news organization that covers weaknesses and injustices in the nation’s health systems and policies, exposes inequities and highlights solutions.

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline California communities are fighting the last battery recycling plant in the West — and its toxic legacy on Apr 22, 2024.

Read the full story here.
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When Susan Wojcicki Discovered She Had Lung Cancer, She Decided to Find Out Why

After her shocking lung cancer diagnosis, the late Susan Wojcicki dedicated herself to fighting the disease and looking for answers

In 2022 Susan Wojcicki was on top of the world—CEO of YouTube, parent to five kids and running a few miles a day—when she received a shocking diagnosis: metastatic lung cancer. She soon resigned from YouTube and dedicated herself to fighting the disease and looking for answers. Why does the leading cause of cancer deaths receive less funding than some less lethal cancers? How could her lung cancer have progressed so far undetected? And how did she get lung cancer even though she had never smoked? This episode is dedicated to Wojcick, who passed away last year.LISTEN TO THE PODCASTOn supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.TRANSCRIPTElah Feder: One day in late 2022, Susan Wojcicki had plans to meet up with her childhood friend, Joanna Strober. Here's Joanna.Joanna Strober: We were supposed to go for a walk on a Sunday, and she called me and she canceled because she had some hip pain. And you know, I just thought, okay, you probably exercised too much. Susan was a runner. Maybe she pulled something, but she went to her doctor and then she- I guess she got an MRI. And it was cancer, and that was her first indication—hip pain.Elah Feder: Lung cancer, and it had spread, which was shocking. Susan, she was 54 years old and in top shape, running a few miles a day at that point. And on top of everything, Susan had never smoked.Joanna Strober: Susan led the most healthy life. She didn't eat sugar. She was very careful about exercising every day. She was very careful about not eating pesticides. I mean, she was on the extreme of leading a healthy lifestyle. So yes, it's not just the not smoking, but she was doing everything she possibly could to stay healthy.Elah Feder: Susan's experience is not as unusual as you'd think. Lung cancer is the most common kind of cancer in the world. Third most common in the US. Smoking is still the leading cause, but a growing number of people who get lung cancer don't smoke, were never smokers. That's especially true of women who get lung cancer.To be clear, this is a terrible diagnosis to get for anyone, whether they smoked or not, but for those who haven't, there can be an extra layer on top of all the other feelings: confusion. So when Susan got this diagnosis, of course she wanted treatments, but she also wanted answers. Why did this happen to her?Elah Feder: This is Lost Women of Science, and I'm Elah FederKatie Hafner: And I'm Katie Hafner and today the story of Susan Wojcicki, who died last year of lung cancer.Elah, before we get to Susan's lung cancer, I want to acknowledge—some people out there might already be familiar with her name because Susan Wojcicki was one of the most successful and influential people in the world.Elah Feder: Yeah. Susan was the longtime CEO of YouTube, and she got involved in Google very early on, so that by 2022, her estimated net worth was about $800 million.Um, there's a story that gets quoted a lot about her early business acumen. When she was a kid, she and her friend, Joanna Strober—who you heard earlier—they sold what they called spice ropes. Here's Joanna again.Joanna Strober: It's really not that big of a deal. All we did was we made these yellow and orange yarn things and we put cinnamon in them and we called them spice ropes, and we sold them to the neighbors who of course had to buy them because they were neighbors.Elah Feder: The way the story gets told, it's like, look at this Susan kid born entrepreneur, but Joanna says, “no, no, no.” The point is they were just regular kids being kids.Katie Hafner: Right. It was their version of a lemonade stand. Right?Elah Feder: Exactly.Joanna Strober: We were not special. We were normal 10 year olds in a really beautiful environment that was supportive of our endeavors.The environment was the Stanford community. We grew up surrounded by smart people who were doing really interesting research and who, quite honestly, were changing the world in lots of ways. Lots of scientists, physicists, entrepreneurs. It was a wonderful way to grow up because everything felt very possible growing up on the Stanford campus in the seventies.Elah Feder: Susan grew up on the Stanford campus because her dad was a physics professor there, Stanley Wojcicki. Um, her mom—also very impressive—Esther Wojcicki, she's a journalist, educator, writer. She- she wrote a book called How to Raise Successful People, and I mean Esther Wojcicki has the cred to back this up. Uh, a couple of years ago, Mattel decided to honor women in STEM by making Barbies of some of the more notable figures. All three of her kids made the cut.Katie Hafner: Of course they did. Esther: mother of champions.Elah Feder: What you're hearing is a video of Susan, Janet and Anne Wojcicki all unboxing their Barbie likenesses.Janet Wojcicki: Let's do physics, mathematics. Let's show them what the childhood was really like!Elah Feder: You just heard Janet, she's the middle sister. Uh, she's a professor of pediatrics and epidemiology at UCSF.Then there's the youngest kid. Anne.Katie Hafner: Yes, Anne Wojcicki: the co-founder of 23andMe. Listeners might recognize her name from all the times we thank the Anne Wojcicki Foundation in the credits—and her foundation funded this episode as well, right?Elah Feder: And then there was Susan, the eldest. I talked to Anne and Janet a few weeks ago. All all three sisters were very close in age, all born in a span of, of just five years. But talking to them, it sounds like Susan had classic first child syndrome. You're gonna hear Anne first.Anne Wojcicki: She was always the responsible one. Janet was not. And- and but-Janet Wojckick: And you were halfway in between.Anne Wojcicki: I was halfway in between, yeah. My friends always liked hanging out with Susan, but they didn't like hanging out with Janet. And then part is that Susan was so kind. Susan was kind. She was responsible, like she would take us out to ice cream. She would pick me up from ice skating. She was like, always on time.Elah Feder: If Susan Wojcicki promised you ice cream, you were gonna get ice cream. This is a quality that surely you'd want in a leader. But Anne says Susan wasn't born to be a mogul or anything.Anne Wojcicki: I'd say Susan was very much almost like the accidental CEO. I never would've looked at her when we were younger and said like, “oh, my sister is going to be a CEO.” You know, like there's definitely other people I look at in high school who have focused on finance and thinking about their careers and stuff.Elah Feder: Susan, on the other hand, was a history and literature major, but in 1998 she got involved in the creation of a new tech company when she rented out her garage to two Guys: Larry Page and Sergey Brin. They were starting a new company, and I think you know the name. Um…Katie Hafner: Google, if I'm not mistaken!Elah Feder: Google!Newscaster: a little engine that could, we're talking about this morning, has nothing to do with the children's story about a brave little locomotive. That's because this engine is a search engine. Google by name, an internet website, partnered with our own CBS news.com.Elah Feder: Susan soon became the company's first marketing manager, and a few years after that she led them in buying another tech company: a company called YouTube. And in 2014 she was appointed YouTube CEO.Newscaster 2: Well, her name is Susan Wojcicki and she's one of the most powerful women in tech. She's also mother of four and more than eight months pregnant with her fifth child. So how did she do it all?Elah Feder: So, in 2022, Susan has been CEO of YouTube for eight years. Somehow she still had time to raise five children and run a few miles a day, which is completely alien to me.You know that Beyonce meme, like Beyonce has as many hours in the day as you do, and it's, like, meant to shame you for being inadequate. Um, that is how I feel hearing about Susan Wojcicki. Point is she's doing really well when she gets this news. And it's a complete shock. Here's Anne again.Anne Wojcicki: I think when you suddenly- like Susan was kind of on top of the world, like she loved her job, YouTube is taking off and she had her five kids and they're all amazing and um, and then suddenly it was like, your life is gonna be over soon. Right away the first priority was treatment.Elah Feder: Very quickly, Susan resigned from YouTube and really gave herself over to fighting this.Joanna Strober: What she really did was started working with scientists…Elah Feder: Joanna, again.Joanna Strober: …doing the in-depth work to understand the science and what treatments were available and what she could do, but it was very scientifically focused.Elah Feder: Susan would go on to learn a lot about lung cancer, and one of the things that she learned that really disturbed her is that doctors were not great at detecting her kind of cancer: lung cancer in non-smokers. Often there are no early signs, or in Susan's case, very few signs even when the cancer has progressed. Here's her sister, Janet.Janet Wojcicki: We went to see her, you know, thoracic oncologist, right? Her lung oncologist. She's sitting on the table and the oncologist is actually examining her and she's listening to her lungs and Susan's basically saying like, you don't hear anything, right? You, you hear nothing like it sounds totally normal, right? And the oncologist is like, yeah. So just from a clinical exam, she was perfect. There was nothing. So she was like, how is it that I have stage four lung cancer? You're an oncologist, you're listening to me, you're looking at me, and like, nothing's awry. So it's- it was that kind of disconnect that was also kind of a call to action.Elah Feder: How could Susan's lung cancer have gone undetected so long that it had spread? And why is it that when lung cancer is detected, survival rates aren't higher? Well, part of the reason might be that we need more funding despite some very effective anti-smoking campaigns, lung cancer is still the leading cause of cancer deaths in the U.S., but it only gets about half the federal research funds that breast cancer does- or it did. The NIH has been slashing research funding, including cancer research. We'll see how this all shakes out in the coming months and years. In any case, lung cancer might not be the only cancer that's in trouble going forward. But historically, part of the reason that lung cancer got proportionately less funding might have to do with attitudes toward lung cancer. It just isn't viewed the same way that breast or prostate or pancreatic cancers are. It's often seen as something you bring on yourself. Here's Anne again.Anne Wojcicki: I think that the stigma has really hurt research- is that people look at it and they say like, oh, well you smoked. And um, and I think that's one of the things that Susan really wanted to change.Elah Feder: It took a long time to get this broad consensus that smoking causes lung cancer. If we go back to the forties and fifties, that's when you first see a bunch of studies coming out that demonstrate this link. And even so, if you asked a doctor in 1960, if the link had been proven, a fifth said they didn't think so. About half of them still smoked, but eventually the other side prevailed. We now have a consensus that smoking does cause lung cancer, but the downside is stigma.Katie Hafner: You know? And the stigma is really, really deeply embedded in our society. The minute you hear that somebody has been diagnosed with lung cancer, the very first thing you ask is, do they smoke? Have they smoked? Have you smoked? Has she smoked? And, so you immediately assign that stigma to the lung cancer even when it quickly gets established that there was no smoking. And that could also have an indirect effect on this lack of funding.Elah Feder: Yeah, that's the suspicion, and of course the stigma and the victim blaming is terrible for people who did smoke too. So, that really bothered Susan and she gave a lot of money for research, but she was also at the same time just investigating her own cancer. You know how, how did she get it?Anne Wojcicki: I think one of the first things we did was we got the houses tested for radon exposure.Elah Feder: Katie, do you know about radon? Are you familiar with radon?Katie Hafner: I mean, I'm familiar, but I have no idea what that has to do with it. Tell me.Elah Feder: I only recently learned about this, so, so radon is a radioactive gas. It- it sounds like one of these scary things you read on the internet, but this is real. It's a radioactive gas that naturally occurs in the ground, but it leaks into basements where it can accumulate to dangerous levels. It has no smell, no- no color. So you really would not know if it's in your home unless you test for it. Um, but it's the leading cause of lung cancer in non-smokers.Katie Hafner: You mean before secondhand smoke?Elah Feder: Apparently. In the U.S. radon is the number one cause of lung cancer among non-smokers according to the EPA.Other causes, of course, do include air pollution, asbestos exposure, and secondhand smoke.Katie Hafner: Wow. So, I've always thought secondhand smoke was it? But it sounds like it was, it sounds like it's radon.Elah Feder: Me too. Maybe it used to be when people were smoking more.Katie Hafner: Yeah.Elah Feder: But yeah, radon is unfortunately in the lead. Um, Susan's basement: clear of radon.Katie Hafner: And what about genetics? Last week, you know, we talked about a researcher named Maud Slye who worked to show that heredity explained all cancer.Elah Feder: Wrongly, but yes.Katie Hafner: Turns out not to be true, but that's okay. You go Maud. Um, are there genes linked to lung cancer? I guess that's my question.Elah Feder: There are, um, but lung cancer is still, for the most part, a disease caused by- by either your environment or your lifestyle. Some genes have been linked to increased cancer risk. For example, a certain mutation in the EGFR gene. More genes might be found. It's also possible that it's not just about finding a single gene, but about how mutations in a bunch of genes interact. But yeah, for the most part, lung cancer tends to be about environment and lifestyle more than genetics.Here's a part where there's sometimes confusion. Cancer usually happens when there's a genetic mutation in a cell, actually a series of mutations. And these cause that cell to start acting weird and replicating out of control. So in a sense, genetics is always involved in cancer, but in this case, we're not talking about inherited genetics, we're talking about mutations that you get in some of your cells later in life. They can pop up when you're 10 or 30 or 80 or hopefully never. But then, some people do have preexisting germline mutations. Some mutations that you have had since you were a little zygote that exist in every cell of your body. And, these don't usually directly cause cancer on their own. Um, I think an analogy might be helpful here. So, imagine a mutation as a switch. You usually need a few switches to turn on before a cell becomes cancerous. But some people are born with one of their switches already in the on position. And that makes them more vulnerable. Does that make sense?Katie Hafner: It makes sense. It, I mean, it makes me think about the BRCA gene.Elah Feder: Mm-hmm. Exactly.Katie Hafner: So you might be born with this mutation that puts you at high risk of getting breast cancer, but you might still not get it, but it still seems like a good idea to find out if you're at risk so that you can take some precautions and plan ahead.Elah Feder: Right. Although with lung cancer, genetic screening is tricky. Like I mentioned, heredity is not the driving factor usually for this kind of cancer. Um, but say- say you do find you have a heritable mutation that puts you at risk. You're limited in what you can do. It's not like BRCA where you might consider a double mastectomy. You're- you're gonna keep your lungs. You could take extra care to avoid environmental exposures—something we really should all do. You might even get regular low-dose CT scans—that’s actually something that is recommended for people who have smoked after a certain age to detect any lung cancer early, but those come with risks too: you’re getting a little bit of radiation each time. I’m not saying it's not worth it, it might be if you are very high risk, but it's a consideration. Anyway, that's for people who do not have lung cancer already, but are concerned about a genetic predisposition. For someone who does have lung cancer, yeah, you probably want to know what's going on in your tumor genetically.Katie Hafner: So what about Susan's case? Did she find a genetic cause for her lung cancer that could be really useful for her family to know?Elah Feder: No. Um, Susan did not actually test positive for any hereditary mutation linked to cancer, but there are still genes that may not have been identified. Even before her diagnosis, she and her husband were donating money for cancer research through their foundation. After her diagnosis, they ramped this up. Donating to research about immunotherapies, early detection. But, also funding a new project at her sister's Company 23andMe. It's called the Lung Cancer Genetic Study. So, they are trying to build a massive database of genetic information from people with lung cancer.One of the project's goals is to find heritable genetic risk factors, but they explain it's actually bigger than that. They want to know how heritable mutations, tumor mutations, and lifestyle all interact so that they might figure out, for example, why one person who smokes develops cancer, but another doesn't. It might also help them to develop new therapies. So-Katie Hafner: I just wanna interject with something that strikes me just as we're having this conversation, which is that, um, people who are listening to this probably know that 23andMe had a lot of problems, ended up filing for bankruptcy protection and Anne resigned earlier this year. Um, I'm sure that it's been very challenging for Anne, but it sounds like she is in her very best, um, Wojcicki family-like way: making lemonade out of lemons in this regard. That's my initial reaction to everything you're saying.Elah Feder: Yeah. And as you know, 23andMe—while it filed for bankruptcy—it lives on and created a nonprofit called the TTAM Research Institute. It bought 23andMe in July this year. And so, 23andMe is still going and so is this project. So far about 1200 patients have signed up and the goal is to reach 10,000.Anne Wojcicki: If you think about any one medical center, if it's UCSF or at Stanford or Harvard, getting a thousand patients coming in is- is a lot. And so, that's kind of the beauty of being able to go and find people around the entire country, is to be able to pull all that data together and then make that accessible to the research community.Elah Feder: 23andMe's Lung Cancer Genetics Study was officially announced in July last year. Susan Wojcicki died a few weeks later on August 9th, 2024. She was 56.Katie Hafner: So, Susan never did get an answer. She never found out why she had lung cancer.Elah Feder: No, she did not. And we're still trying to understand a lot about lung cancer in general. Here's Anne.Anne Wojcicki: There's still just like a lot you don't know. Understanding environmental science I think is really important. We live in a very complicated world with a lot of, you know, there's fires and there's pollution and there's what you eat and we just don't know. You don't know what the impact of all of that is, and so, you can't- I mean you can't live your life trying to measure everything and worry about everything. Like in some ways you have to come to terms with that, that you can't- you can't worry about it all the time.Elah Feder: This is a big part of life. It's understanding that so much of it is beyond our control, and we often don't even get answers. We don't find out why bad things happen to us. At the same time, when it comes to lung cancer, there is more that we can do. Here's Janet.Janet Wojcicki: I mean, if there are modifiable risk factors that we can identify—I mean the key word being modifiable, right? Then, ideally we could act on them.Elah Feder: We can fight air pollution, we can stop kids from getting their hands on cigarettes. We can look for more heritable risk factors and invest more money in treatments. As for Susan Wojcicki, despite all of her resources and all of her drive, ultimately she couldn't stop the cancer in her own body, but she left her mark in business in cancer research. She left a bigger mark than most of us ever will, but her sisters and her friend, Joanna- the thing that they really remember is how she never let any of that success go to her head.Anne Wojcicki: It didn't matter if we were like some fancy party or if Oprah wanted to talk to her. She was kind of the same. She was always very unaffected. And, it was, like, really fun going to the Oscars with her because she'd be like, “ah, I'm just gonna buy this dress on clearance at Macy's, and like no one cares what I wear.” And that was kind of the thing that was fun. She'd be like, “it would just be fun with you and like only going so that we can hang out.”Anne Wojcicki I always ride in my flats and my skirts. You're going to- are gonna YouTube? I’m actually really curious. Are you gonna meet YouTube- are you gonna meet Mr. Beast?Elah Feder: This episode of Lost Women of Science was produced by me, Elah Feder, and hosted by our co-executive producer Katie Hafner.Our senior managing producer is Deborah Unger. We had fact-checking help from Danya AbdelHameid. Lily Whear made the episode art. Thanks as always. To our co-executive producer, Amy Scharf, Eowyn Burtner, our program manager, and Jeff DelViscio at our publishing partner, Scientific American. This episode was made with funding from the Anne Wojcicki Foundation.You can find a transcript and a link to the Lung Cancer Genetics Study at www.lostwomenofscience.org.HostKatie HafnerHost and Senior ProducerElah FederGuestsAnne Wojcicki Anne is Susan Wojcicki’s youngest sister and the co-founder of 23andMe.Janet WojcickiJanet is the middle Wojcicki sister. She’s a professor of pediatrics and epidemiology at the University of California, San Francisco (UCSF).Joanna StroberJoanna is the co-founder of Midi Health and a long-time friend of Susan Wojcicki.Further Reading“From Susan” — Susan Wojcicki’s final post, written a few weeks before she died and published on YouTube’s blog on Nov. 25, 2024.How to Raise Successful People. Esther Wojcicki, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2019The Lung Cancer Genetics Study“Does Lung Cancer Attract Greater Stigma Than Other Cancer Types?” by Laura A. V. Marlow et al., in Lung Cancer, Vol. 88, No. 1; April 2015

The conservative parties can change their leaders – but it won’t stop the NSW Coalition’s death spiral | Anne Davies

The Nationals have a new leader in Gurmesh Singh and Kellie Sloane could soon replace Liberal leader Mark Speakman. But the Coalition is fractured on net zeroThe NSW Nationals have a new leader, Gurmesh Singh, and the Liberals will almost certainly follow suit by early next week.It’s desperation politics. Changing leaders will likely do nothing to stop the apparent death spiral the conservative side of politics has inflicted upon itself – in Canberra and now the states. Continue reading...

The NSW Nationals have a new leader, Gurmesh Singh, and the Liberals will almost certainly follow suit by early next week.It’s desperation politics. Changing leaders will likely do nothing to stop the apparent death spiral the conservative side of politics has inflicted upon itself – in Canberra and now the states.If they needed evidence of what the electorate was thinking, it was shouting at them from internal YouGov research presented to the NSW Liberal party room on Tuesday. The party’s MPs and MLCs were considering whether to dump net zero as their federal counterparts did on the weekend.YouGov found only one-third of Australians would now seriously consider voting for the Coalition, the party room was told.It found 26% of Australians who are former Coalition voters won’t seriously consider the Coalition in the future. That’s approximately 5 million voters the Coalition needs to persuade to consider them again, the pollsters said.“Only one in five (21%) of former Coalition voters see the Coalition as being in touch with modern Australia. Only one in four (25%) see them as aligned with their values,” the YouGov report stated.One in two (52%) of former Coalition voters said they would only consider a party ready to govern if it had credible policies to address climate change and its impacts.Without a coherent position on the most pressing problem of our generation – how to slow climate change – voters, in particular younger cohorts, have fled in droves. They are unable to take seriously a political party that ignores the overwhelming scientific consensus and the economics of renewables.The federal Liberals have chosen to dump any semblance of a coherent plan.The NSW Liberals, however, voted on Tuesday to retain a net zero emissions by 2050 target. They are sticking with the bipartisan energy transition roadmap devised by the state Coalition when in government.But how does that work when their federal counterparts are talking up new coal-fired power stations and their junior state partner has abandoned the net zero target?Singh, the NSW National’s newly minted leader, hopes a compromise might be reached – though it takes a vivid imagination to see it working.As the first Indian-Australian to leader a major party, he’s a break from the white male graziers that the NSW National party usually chooses.Singh has a degree in industrial design, has worked in advertising and was previously a big wheel in the blueberry and macadamia industries. He formerly chaired Oz Group Co-op – the major marketing co-operative in the Coffs region.His family is still a major player in the Coffs Harbour blueberry industry, an industry that has divided the local community over rapid rapid expansion, use of pesticides, environmental standards and use of contract labour.Singh is acutely aware that on the north coast, his own and other seats face an existential political threat from the progressive side of politics, in the form of the Greens and teals, who have made action on climate change central to their platforms.The Greens already hold the state seat of Ballina, just north of Singh’s seat. In the 2025 federal election, teal candidate Caz Heize slashed the National’s margin in the seat of Cowper (which includes Coffs Harbour) to 0.14% on a two-party preferred basis.Singh is no Barnaby Joyce or Matt Canavan, dinosaurs of the National party whose mission includes returning Australia to a coal-fired past. But he is of the same party.Asked at his first press conference how he would reconcile the Nationals’ position with that of the Liberals in NSW, Singh highlighted the cost of power, the plight of pensioners in the regions who can’t afford hot showers, and suggested a better-managed rollout was required. He didn’t diss renewables per se.Meanwhile, the Liberals’ leadership drama is still to unfold, probably on Thursday, or possibly early next week.Moderate Kellie Sloane, a former journalist who has been an MP for less than three years, appears to be the frontrunner to replace Mark Speakman.However, Alister Heskens, from the right faction and the manager of opposition business, is also canvassing the numbers.The difficulty for Sloane will be her lack of history in the party and her inexperience in government. Heskens’ challenge is his low profile and convincing colleagues he offers an improvement on Speakman. He is likely to relish attacking Labor more than Speakman does.The NSW Liberals have, at least, heeded the YouGov polling on attitudes to climate change and have not been infected by the nonsense pedalled by Advance and other climate-denying figures on the right.The party issued a statement on Tuesday that it remained “committed to a target of net zero by 2050”.“It’s been our target since 2016. It’s a target to be achieved alongside a focus on energy reliability, affordability, and industrial competitiveness.”

Federal Cash for Lead Pipe Replacement Isn’t Making It to Illinois Communities

This story, a partnership between Grist, Inside Climate News, and Chicago-area public radio station WBEZ, is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Lead pipes are ubiquitous. At this point, no state has gotten rid of all of its toxic lead service lines, which pipe drinking water to homes and businesses. But some cities like Chicago, New York […]

This story, a partnership between Grist, Inside Climate News, and Chicago-area public radio station WBEZ, is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Lead pipes are ubiquitous. At this point, no state has gotten rid of all of its toxic lead service lines, which pipe drinking water to homes and businesses. But some cities like Chicago, New York City, and Detroit have more lead plumbing than others, and replacing it can cost tens of thousands of dollars. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the Biden-era infrastructure law, promised $15 billion for lead pipe replacements across the country to be disbursed over five years.  But in a letter to the Environmental Protection Agency sent earlier this week, a group of Illinois congressional delegates allege that $3 billion appropriated for lead pipe replacements nationwide for the fiscal year that ended in September has not reached communities yet. They warn that the delay is a “dangerous politicization” that puts children and families at risk. “It feels like it’s targeting blue states or blue cities that might require more of this mitigation.” “Federal resources are not partisan tools—they are vital lifelines intended to serve all Americans,” the letter notes. “Using federal funds as leverage against communities based on political considerations represents a dangerous abuse of power that undermines public trust and puts lives at risk.”  The move comes as communities in Illinois, which is among the top five states with the most lead service lines, and across the country are grappling with the overwhelming cost of removing the hazardous metal piping from water systems. The Trump administration has already withheld congressionally appropriated funding for infrastructure and energy projects from Democrat-led states like New York, Colorado, Minnesota, New York, and Massachusetts. Now, lawmakers fear money for lead pipes is stuck in Washington too.  “I think that they’re playing games,” said Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, one of the lawmakers who led the effort to send the letter. “It feels like it’s targeting blue states or blue cities that might require more of this mitigation than other parts of the country.”  Lead is toxic and dangerous to human health. Lead plumbing can flake and dissolve into drinking water, which can lead to brain damage, cardiovascular problems, and reproductive issues. The EPA advises that there is no safe level of lead exposure. A spokesperson for the federal agency said it is “actively working” on allotments for lead service line replacements. The Illinois Environmental Protection Agency, which is responsible for disbursing the federal funds to local governments, did not respond to a request for comment. The Chicago Department of Water Management said it received $14 million from the Illinois EPA for the 2025 financial year and was approved for $28 million for the next fiscal year.   “The estimated replacement cost for the Chicago region alone is $12 billion or more, and statewide, it could be $14 billion,” Krishnamoorthi said. “Whatever amounts would come to Chicago would not be enough to do the entire job, but the federal component is vital to get the ball rolling.” Chicago has more than 412,000 lead service lines, the most of any city in the country. So far, the city has replaced roughly 14,000 lead pipes at a cost of $400 million over the past five years. That’s due in part to the high cost of replacing lead pipes. In Chicago, a single lead pipe replacement can cost on average $35,000. Federal rules require that Chicago replace all its pipes by 2047, but city officials have cited concerns over the unfunded federal mandate.  “This is impacting people’s health,” said Chakena Sims, a senior policy advocate with Natural Resources Defense Council. “The federal government politicizing access to safe drinking water is an all-time low,” she added. “It’s encouraging to see our Illinois congressional leaders stand up for communities.”  

Best Leaders 2025: John Palfrey

From finding MacArthur ‘geniuses’ to funding transformative change

John Palfrey is used to thinking about the biggest issues confronting society and what we should all do about them. And in these turbulent times, Palfrey, the president of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, has reaffirmed his and the foundation's commitment to supporting democracy, creativity, learning and diversity.“I have a relentlessly positive nature, and I do, for better and for worse, often see what is possible and then have the temerity to think we can go get it,” Palfrey said in an interview with U.S. News & World Report. “I think that form of optimism is very helpful, particularly on the darkest of days.”With $9.2 billion in assets, the MacArthur Foundation is one of the nation’s largest philanthropic organizations. In 2024 alone, the foundation paid out more than $350 million in grants. This year, the foundation announced it would increase its grants for 2025 and 2026 because of the federal government’s cuts to funding – which could be devastating for the arts, environmental protection, public safety and more.Meet America's Best LeadersU.S. News & World Report selected its 2025 Best Leaders in public service, business, healthcare and education.See the Top 25 of '25The foundation makes “Big Bets,” investing in initiatives intended to bring about transformative change. For example, in October, the foundation announced it would participate in Humanity AI, an initiative to help ensure that artificial intelligence is a positive tool for society, funding efforts to safeguard democracy from negative effects of the new technology and to protect artists and other creators from theft of their intellectual property.MacArthur also makes “enduring commitments” to invest in journalism that promotes inclusive news narratives and supports a healthy democracy, and it funds initiatives in Chicago, where it is headquartered, to support racial equity and a more inclusive community.It’s perhaps most famous for the MacArthur Fellowships – referred to as “genius grants” – which award 20 to 30 extraordinary creative people in various fields with $800,000 each over a five-year period.Palfrey, 53, likens the foundation to “sort of a nonprofit venture capital” fund.“We prize creativity and effectiveness. And so we are constantly looking for people and institutions and networks that are creative and have new ideas and different ways of approaching topics,” he says.As an educator and acclaimed legal scholar who previously worked at Harvard University and Phillips Academy, Andover, Palfrey has studied some of the most complex challenges facing a democratic society – such as education’s need to respect both free speech and diversity and the influence of technology on society. He understands the fraught nature of these issues and has written seven books, such as “Safe Spaces, Brave Spaces,” to address them head-on.But Palfrey did not anticipate the recent need to advocate for American democracy itself.“The First Amendment, our freedom of expression, the freedom of the press, the freedom to give, the freedom to invest,” he says. “These are 250-year-old American traditions that are unbroken.” And all of a sudden, he says, “they need advocates in a way that they haven’t before.”In addition to the foundation’s ongoing support of the independent press, Palfrey has spearheaded the creation of Press Forward, a new initiative supported by several foundations to rebuild local news.He’s also been touring the country to speak on the importance of democracy and the First Amendment as well as continuing that dialogue in essays and social media.Watching other institutions, such as universities, agree to substantial changes in policy in light of federal government demands, Palfrey thought of historian Timothy Snyder’s first rule for resisting tyranny: “Do not obey in advance.” So, in April 2025, Palfrey and colleagues at other foundations decided to “unite in advance,” issuing a statement that they must have the freedom to give to the causes they believe in. More than 700 foundations from across the ideological spectrum have since signed on.

‘They’re playing games’: Illinois lawmakers press Trump administration over stalled lead-pipe funding

Congress appropriated $15 billion to replace lead pipes across the country. Is the Trump administration withholding it?

Lead pipes are ubiquitous. At this point, no state has gotten rid of all of its toxic lead service lines, which pipe drinking water to homes and businesses. But some cities like Chicago, New York City, and Detroit, have more lead plumbing than others, and replacing it can cost tens of thousands of dollars. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the Biden-era infrastructure law, promised $15 billion for lead pipe replacements across the country to be disbursed over five years.  But in a letter to the Environmental Protection Agency sent earlier this week, a group of Illinois congressional delegates allege that $3 billion appropriated for lead pipe replacements nationwide for the fiscal year that ended in September has not reached communities yet. They warn that the delay is a “dangerous politicization” that puts children and families at risk. “Federal resources are not partisan tools — they are vital lifelines intended to serve all Americans,” the letter notes. “Using federal funds as leverage against communities based on political considerations represents a dangerous abuse of power that undermines public trust and puts lives at risk.”  The move comes as communities in Illinois, which is among the top five states with the most lead service lines, and across the country are grappling with the overwhelming cost of removing the hazardous metal piping from water systems. The Trump administration has already withheld congressionally appropriated funding for infrastructure and energy projects from Democrat-led states like New York, Colorado, Minnesota, New York, and Massachusetts. Now, lawmakers fear money for lead pipes is stuck in Washington too.  “I think that they’re playing games,” said Representative Raja Krishnamoorthi, one of the lawmakers who led the effort to send the letter. “It feels like it’s targeting blue states or blue cities that might require more of this mitigation than other parts of the country.”  Lead is toxic and dangerous to human health. Lead plumbing can flake and dissolve into drinking water, which can lead to brain damage, cardiovascular problems, and reproductive issues. The EPA advises that there is no safe level of lead exposure. A spokesperson for the federal agency said it is “actively working” on allotments for lead service line replacements. The Illinois Environmental Protection Agency, which is responsible for disbursing the federal funds to local governments, did not respond to a request for comment. The Chicago Department of Water Management said it received $14 million from the Illinois EPA for the 2025 financial year and was approved for $28 million for the next fiscal year.   “The estimated replacement cost for the Chicago region alone is $12 billion or more, and statewide, it could be $14 billion,” Krishnamoorthi said. “Whatever amounts would come to Chicago would not be enough to do the entire job, but the federal component is vital to get the ball rolling.” Chicago has more than 412,000 lead service lines, the most of any city in the country. So far, the city has replaced roughly 14,000 lead pipes at a cost of $400 million over the past five years. That’s due in part to the high cost of replacing lead pipes. In Chicago, a single lead pipe replacement can cost on average $35,000. Federal rules require that Chicago replace all its pipes by 2047, but city officials have cited concerns over the unfunded federal mandate.  “This is impacting people’s health,” said Chakena Sims, a senior policy advocate with Natural Resources Defense Council. “The federal government politicizing access to safe drinking water is an all-time low,” she added. “It’s encouraging to see our Illinois congressional leaders stand up for communities.”   This story was originally published by Grist with the headline ‘They’re playing games’: Illinois lawmakers press Trump administration over stalled lead-pipe funding on Nov 13, 2025.

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