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A war of words on CA ballot props

News Feed
Tuesday, August 13, 2024

Voters fill out their ballots at a polling place inside Assumption Church in Los Angeles on March 3, 2020. Photo by Kyle Grillot, Reuters It’s one of the battles within California’s ballot measure wars: The wording that voters see about the propositions.  Monday marked the end of the public inspection period for the state’s official Voter Guide, so there was a flurry of activity. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association was waiting to hear Monday night what a state appeals court decided on a Sacramento County judge’s ruling that the ballot label for Proposition 5 needed to be rewritten. Critics have long complained that the state’s elected attorney general — they’ve all been Democrats since 1999 — skews the label, title and summary of ballot measures to match their political preferences.  The taxpayers association argued that the Prop. 5 label should say that it would lower the majority required to approve local borrowing measures from two-thirds to 55%. The original label — a condensed version of the title and summary — only included the 55% figure, so voters might believe that the threshold is being raised from a simple majority, the taxpayer group says. The ruling last week, which the attorney general’s office appealed, found that the label “fails to inform” voters the main purpose of Prop. 5, and that without “additional clarifying language,” the label could mislead voters. (Labels are allowed to run 75 words long and Prop. 5’s label is 65 words.) Laura Dougherty, the association’s director of legal affairs, said in an email to CalMatters that the attorney general “has a duty to inform the public of the chief points and purposes of every measure” and that “there are plenty of words left for the printer to add the information.” In his appeal, Attorney General Rob Bonta said the office is afforded “substantial deference” in determining ballot labels. Not only is Prop. 5’s label accurate, Bonta argued, but also that the court “seemingly invented a new” standard of review that granted his ballot materials less consideration “if he does not use all available words.” Rent control: It’s not just the title and summary: Supporters and opponents can also go to court about the official ballot arguments. The same judge on Monday found that four of the six statements made by the California Apartment Association about Prop. 33, a rent-control measure that the association opposes, must be deleted or amended. The court order called for language that hedges the association’s claims: For example, its argument must say Prop. 33 would “weaken,” not “repeal” renter protections, and “undermines,” not “eliminates” a statewide rent control law. School bond: There’s another battle brewing, this one on Prop. 2, which would let the state borrow $10 billion to fix and build schools and community colleges. The state Republican Party is weighing whether to endorse it, and a recommendation for “yes” from the party’s 14-member Initiatives Committee is drawing fire from California College Republicans and some Republican legislators.  The college group says Prop. 2 violates the party platform and also points out that the state party had a neutral position on Prop. 1, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s mental health measure on the March ballot that included $6.4 billion in bonds — and that barely passed. (The state Democratic Party is supporting Prop. 2.)  GOP delegates can reject the committee’s recommendation with a two-thirds majority and have until Aug. 28 to vote. Ellie Hockenbury, California GOP spokesperson: “The CAGOP’s ballot initiative endorsement process is still underway, and we have not yet taken a position on Proposition 2. The party greatly respects our delegates and values their opinion as part of that process.” November election: Keep up with CalMatters coverage by signing up for 2024 election emails. Check out our Voter Guide, including updates and videos on the 10 propositions and a FAQ on how to vote. More honors: Sisi Wei, now chief impact officer at CalMatters, won the leadership in diversity and solidarity award from the Asian American Journalists Association for her work as editor in chief of The Markup, which joined CalMatters earlier this year. Speaking of the AAJA, it partnered with CalMatters for the second year of JCal, a summer training program for high school journalists. Read more on both from our engagement team. CalMatters covers the Capitol: We have guides and stories to keep track of bills and your lawmakers; find out how well legislators are representing you; explore the Legislature’s record diversity; and to make your voice heard. Other Stories You Should Know Time is short on insurance fix State Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara speaks during a press conference with labor leaders and advocates in Commerce on Sept. 26, 2022. Photo by Alisha Jucevic for CalMatters From CalMatters economy reporter Levi Sumagaysay: California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara bypassed the Legislature and announced changes that could mean insurance companies’ requests to raise premiums would get approved more quickly.  As the state scrambles to deal with problems with property insurance availability and affordability, a planned trailer bill by Gov. Newsom proposed speeding up insurance rate reviews to get insurance companies to start or resume writing more policies here. (Trailer bills are attached to the state budget, and sometimes change policy with minimal public discussion.)  But apparently even this shortcut was not fast enough: On Friday, the Insurance Department and the governor’s office said they needed to act immediately, so Lara issued a bulletin that does the same thing as the trailer bill. “We do not have the luxury of time,” Lara said in a press release. The Legislature actually took no action on the trailer bill, according to two sources familiar with the matter. They said the proposal was more about policy and not about the budget, so lawmakers — who are having to make difficult choices as they deal with a multibillion-dollar deficit — didn’t even consider it. Democratic Senate Pro Tem Mike McGuire of Santa Rosa did not seem to mind that Lara issued a bulletin instead. “The importance is intensifying as wildfires continue to take lives, destroy homes, and level communities,” he said in a statement. The changes Lara announced in the bulletin establishes a tighter timeline for rate reviews and are one part of his broader plan to try to fix the state’s insurance woes. The Insurance Department must respond within 60 days of a rate review, with room for two 30-day extensions, once its new rate-reconciliation tool that will help with the process is up and running. This is expected to be in January, according to department spokesperson Michael Soller. Insurance companies have complained about rate reviews taking too long, so some representatives of the insurance industry have said the changes are necessary.  But Consumer Watchdog, an advocacy group that often challenges rate reviews, is looking into the commissioner’s authority to make such changes. Carmen Balber, the group’s executive director, told CalMatters the stricter timelines for rate reviews might “limit consumers’ voice in oversight.” Speaking of insurance: Rising insurance costs don’t just impact single-family homeowners. Levi dives into how insurance companies have nearly stopped writing policies for apartment and commercial properties, too. And landlords could pass higher insurance premiums onto tenants, further worsening the state’s housing crunch. Uwe Karbenk, a landlord who co-owns a building in San Bernardino, said soaring premiums are especially hard for mom-and-pop landlords. Landlords are already limited by state laws over how much they’re allowed to raise rent each year, and another rent-control measure is on the Nov. 5 ballot. To be a landlord in the state is like “death by a thousand cuts,” said Karbenk. Read more about the impact of rising insurance costs in Levi’s story. Should CA schools build housing? Carolina Sanchez Garcia cooks with her daughter, Berthalinda Hernandez, 6, at their home in San Diego on Aug. 7, 2024. Photo by Zoë Meyers for CalMatters To address the state’s high cost of living and looming teacher shortage, California’s schools chief Tony Thurmond laid out an ambitious plan in July to develop more housing for teachers using land owned by school districts.  While some teachers have benefited greatly from similar housing projects, some superintendents remain wary, writes CalMatters K-12 education reporter Carolyn Jones. Thurmond’s plan includes financial incentives for districts that pass bonds to build staff housing. But many districts can’t even pass bonds to repair existing school buildings. Some superintendents also say they’re already spread too thin — to expect them to undertake complex real estate projects is a tall ask.  Mendocino County Superintendent Nicole Glentzer: “When you’re the superintendent and the principal and head of maintenance and you’re teaching Spanish, how are you supposed to find the bandwidth for this? I have a degree in education. I never took a real estate course.” But supporters of the plan point to teachers such as Carolina Sanchez Garcia, a San Diego preschool teacher. For more than a decade, she said she commuted from Tijuana, waking up at 2 a.m. to get to work on time. After landing a three-bedroom apartment through San Diego Unified, it now takes her 15 minutes to get to work. She pays $1,300 a month in a city where the median rent is $3,156 a month. Garcia: “It’s changed my life. … It’s made me a better mother and a better teacher. Now, I start my day feeling positive and energized.” Learn more about affordable housing for teachers in Carolyn’s story. California Voices CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: Gov. Newsom is quick to blame local governments for not doing enough to reduce homelessness, but experts and local officials say withholding state funds is the biggest impediment. California Voices intern Kate McQuarrie: Seven years after the #MeToo movement galvanized women in the state Legislature, accusations of sexual assault within the San Francisco Democratic Party underscore how prevalent sexual misconduct remains in California politics. Other things worth your time: Some stories may require a subscription to read. CA Legislature passes bills to curb retail theft // Los Angeles TimesDemocrats strip party switcher Alvarado-Gil of leadership, committee posts // KCRA Sen. Atkins, 2026 candidate for governor, missed retail theft bill votes // The Sacramento Bee Environmental justice cause is drawing Harris both cheers and attacks // Politico New CA laws take effect as the school year begins // EdSource Widely felt 4.4 earthquake rattles Los Angeles // Los Angeles Times CA’s oldest family-owned rice farm is closing // San Francisco Chronicle Fentanyl is getting weaker, making users more desperate // The San Francisco Standard Where LA stands on key transit projects for 2028 Olympics LAist Golden Gate Bridge protesters surrender to face controversial charges // KQED

It’s one of the battles within California’s ballot measure wars: The wording that voters see about the propositions.  Monday marked the end of the public inspection period for the state’s official Voter Guide, so there was a flurry of activity. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association was waiting to hear Monday night what a state appeals […]

Rows of yellow voting marking devices while voters fill out their ballots at a polling place inside Assumption Church in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles on March 3, 2020. Photo by Kyle Grillot, Reuters
Rows of yellow voting marking devices while voters fill out their ballots at a polling place inside Assumption Church in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles on March 3, 2020. Photo by Kyle Grillot, Reuters
Voters fill out their ballots at a polling place inside Assumption Church in Los Angeles on March 3, 2020. Photo by Kyle Grillot, Reuters

It’s one of the battles within California’s ballot measure wars: The wording that voters see about the propositions. 

Monday marked the end of the public inspection period for the state’s official Voter Guide, so there was a flurry of activity.

The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association was waiting to hear Monday night what a state appeals court decided on a Sacramento County judge’s ruling that the ballot label for Proposition 5 needed to be rewritten.

Critics have long complained that the state’s elected attorney general — they’ve all been Democrats since 1999skews the label, title and summary of ballot measures to match their political preferences. 

The taxpayers association argued that the Prop. 5 label should say that it would lower the majority required to approve local borrowing measures from two-thirds to 55%. The original label — a condensed version of the title and summary — only included the 55% figure, so voters might believe that the threshold is being raised from a simple majority, the taxpayer group says.

The ruling last week, which the attorney general’s office appealed, found that the label “fails to inform” voters the main purpose of Prop. 5, and that without “additional clarifying language,” the label could mislead voters. (Labels are allowed to run 75 words long and Prop. 5’s label is 65 words.)

Laura Dougherty, the association’s director of legal affairs, said in an email to CalMatters that the attorney general “has a duty to inform the public of the chief points and purposes of every measure” and that “there are plenty of words left for the printer to add the information.”

In his appeal, Attorney General Rob Bonta said the office is afforded “substantial deference” in determining ballot labels. Not only is Prop. 5’s label accurate, Bonta argued, but also that the court “seemingly invented a new” standard of review that granted his ballot materials less consideration “if he does not use all available words.”

Rent control: It’s not just the title and summary: Supporters and opponents can also go to court about the official ballot arguments. The same judge on Monday found that four of the six statements made by the California Apartment Association about Prop. 33, a rent-control measure that the association opposes, must be deleted or amended. The court order called for language that hedges the association’s claims: For example, its argument must say Prop. 33 would “weaken,” not “repeal” renter protections, and “undermines,” not “eliminates” a statewide rent control law.

School bond: There’s another battle brewing, this one on Prop. 2, which would let the state borrow $10 billion to fix and build schools and community colleges. The state Republican Party is weighing whether to endorse it, and a recommendation for “yes” from the party’s 14-member Initiatives Committee is drawing fire from California College Republicans and some Republican legislators

The college group says Prop. 2 violates the party platform and also points out that the state party had a neutral position on Prop. 1, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s mental health measure on the March ballot that included $6.4 billion in bonds — and that barely passed. (The state Democratic Party is supporting Prop. 2.) 

GOP delegates can reject the committee’s recommendation with a two-thirds majority and have until Aug. 28 to vote.

  • Ellie Hockenbury, California GOP spokesperson: “The CAGOP’s ballot initiative endorsement process is still underway, and we have not yet taken a position on Proposition 2. The party greatly respects our delegates and values their opinion as part of that process.”

November election: Keep up with CalMatters coverage by signing up for 2024 election emails. Check out our Voter Guide, including updates and videos on the 10 propositions and a FAQ on how to vote.


More honors: Sisi Wei, now chief impact officer at CalMatters, won the leadership in diversity and solidarity award from the Asian American Journalists Association for her work as editor in chief of The Markup, which joined CalMatters earlier this year. Speaking of the AAJA, it partnered with CalMatters for the second year of JCal, a summer training program for high school journalists. Read more on both from our engagement team.

CalMatters covers the Capitol: We have guides and stories to keep track of bills and your lawmakers; find out how well legislators are representing you; explore the Legislature’s record diversity; and to make your voice heard.


Other Stories You Should Know


Time is short on insurance fix

Ricardo Lara, California Insurance Commissioner, speaks during a press conference with Los Angeles labor leaders and advocates in Commerce on Sept. 26, 2022. Photo by Alisha Jucevic for CalMatters
State Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara speaks during a press conference with labor leaders and advocates in Commerce on Sept. 26, 2022. Photo by Alisha Jucevic for CalMatters

From CalMatters economy reporter Levi Sumagaysay:

California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara bypassed the Legislature and announced changes that could mean insurance companies’ requests to raise premiums would get approved more quickly. 

As the state scrambles to deal with problems with property insurance availability and affordability, a planned trailer bill by Gov. Newsom proposed speeding up insurance rate reviews to get insurance companies to start or resume writing more policies here. (Trailer bills are attached to the state budget, and sometimes change policy with minimal public discussion.) 

But apparently even this shortcut was not fast enough: On Friday, the Insurance Department and the governor’s office said they needed to act immediately, so Lara issued a bulletin that does the same thing as the trailer bill. “We do not have the luxury of time,” Lara said in a press release.

The Legislature actually took no action on the trailer bill, according to two sources familiar with the matter. They said the proposal was more about policy and not about the budget, so lawmakers — who are having to make difficult choices as they deal with a multibillion-dollar deficit — didn’t even consider it.

Democratic Senate Pro Tem Mike McGuire of Santa Rosa did not seem to mind that Lara issued a bulletin instead. “The importance is intensifying as wildfires continue to take lives, destroy homes, and level communities,” he said in a statement.

The changes Lara announced in the bulletin establishes a tighter timeline for rate reviews and are one part of his broader plan to try to fix the state’s insurance woes. The Insurance Department must respond within 60 days of a rate review, with room for two 30-day extensions, once its new rate-reconciliation tool that will help with the process is up and running. This is expected to be in January, according to department spokesperson Michael Soller. Insurance companies have complained about rate reviews taking too long, so some representatives of the insurance industry have said the changes are necessary. 

But Consumer Watchdog, an advocacy group that often challenges rate reviews, is looking into the commissioner’s authority to make such changes. Carmen Balber, the group’s executive director, told CalMatters the stricter timelines for rate reviews might “limit consumers’ voice in oversight.”

Speaking of insurance: Rising insurance costs don’t just impact single-family homeowners. Levi dives into how insurance companies have nearly stopped writing policies for apartment and commercial properties, too. And landlords could pass higher insurance premiums onto tenants, further worsening the state’s housing crunch.

Uwe Karbenk, a landlord who co-owns a building in San Bernardino, said soaring premiums are especially hard for mom-and-pop landlords. Landlords are already limited by state laws over how much they’re allowed to raise rent each year, and another rent-control measure is on the Nov. 5 ballot. To be a landlord in the state is like “death by a thousand cuts,” said Karbenk.

Read more about the impact of rising insurance costs in Levi’s story.

Should CA schools build housing?

Soft daylight enters the kitchen through windows as an adult person stands near a fridge, while in the foreground a child with long hair, a purple dress, and roller-skates leans on a countertop.
Carolina Sanchez Garcia cooks with her daughter, Berthalinda Hernandez, 6, at their home in San Diego on Aug. 7, 2024. Photo by Zoë Meyers for CalMatters

To address the state’s high cost of living and looming teacher shortage, California’s schools chief Tony Thurmond laid out an ambitious plan in July to develop more housing for teachers using land owned by school districts. 

While some teachers have benefited greatly from similar housing projects, some superintendents remain wary, writes CalMatters K-12 education reporter Carolyn Jones.

Thurmond’s plan includes financial incentives for districts that pass bonds to build staff housing. But many districts can’t even pass bonds to repair existing school buildings. Some superintendents also say they’re already spread too thin — to expect them to undertake complex real estate projects is a tall ask. 

  • Mendocino County Superintendent Nicole Glentzer: “When you’re the superintendent and the principal and head of maintenance and you’re teaching Spanish, how are you supposed to find the bandwidth for this? I have a degree in education. I never took a real estate course.”

But supporters of the plan point to teachers such as Carolina Sanchez Garcia, a San Diego preschool teacher. For more than a decade, she said she commuted from Tijuana, waking up at 2 a.m. to get to work on time. After landing a three-bedroom apartment through San Diego Unified, it now takes her 15 minutes to get to work. She pays $1,300 a month in a city where the median rent is $3,156 a month.

  • Garcia: “It’s changed my life. … It’s made me a better mother and a better teacher. Now, I start my day feeling positive and energized.”

Learn more about affordable housing for teachers in Carolyn’s story.


California Voices

CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: Gov. Newsom is quick to blame local governments for not doing enough to reduce homelessness, but experts and local officials say withholding state funds is the biggest impediment.

California Voices intern Kate McQuarrie: Seven years after the #MeToo movement galvanized women in the state Legislature, accusations of sexual assault within the San Francisco Democratic Party underscore how prevalent sexual misconduct remains in California politics.


Other things worth your time:

Some stories may require a subscription to read.


CA Legislature passes bills to curb retail theft // Los Angeles Times

Democrats strip party switcher Alvarado-Gil of leadership, committee posts // KCRA

Sen. Atkins, 2026 candidate for governor, missed retail theft bill votes // The Sacramento Bee

Environmental justice cause is drawing Harris both cheers and attacks // Politico

New CA laws take effect as the school year begins // EdSource

Widely felt 4.4 earthquake rattles Los Angeles // Los Angeles Times

CA’s oldest family-owned rice farm is closing // San Francisco Chronicle

Fentanyl is getting weaker, making users more desperate // The San Francisco Standard

Where LA stands on key transit projects for 2028 Olympics LAist

Golden Gate Bridge protesters surrender to face controversial charges // KQED

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

The End of SNAP-Ed Leaves Underserved Communities With Even Fewer Resources

“Instructor Lois was a real pro in presenting the classes and made them fun and educational,” she said. “I found the shopping class very educational, and to this day I am using the skills I learned and very much appreciated. There was excellent turnout for the classes. We needed and wanted them in this area.” […] The post The End of SNAP-Ed Leaves Underserved Communities With Even Fewer Resources appeared first on Civil Eats.

Phyllis Pacheco, 72, lives about 6 miles from the New Mexico border in an unincorporated community called Lobatos, so small that its mailing address is nearby Antonito, Colorado. She’s lived there most of her life, and still works as a certified nursing assistant. Pacheco took cooking classes offered by Conejos County twice in 2020, healthy food education that taught her to shop better, read food package labels more effectively, and prepare more nutritious dishes. “Instructor Lois was a real pro in presenting the classes and made them fun and educational,” she said. “I found the shopping class very educational, and to this day I am using the skills I learned and very much appreciated. There was excellent turnout for the classes. We needed and wanted them in this area.” While Colorado has a strong health ranking, Conejos County has a low overall health equity score and higher rates of obesity and lifestyle-related diseases. For residents like Pacheco, cooking classes help to make mealtime “colorful and appetizing,” but also heart-healthy and lower in fat, salt, and sugar. Those healthy cooking classes are a casualty of a Trump administration decision to end SNAP-Ed, the longstanding educational arm of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). SNAP-Ed started as a pilot program in 1977 and was formalized in 1992. “There will be some losses in my community,” Pacheco said. “We won’t have that guidance, or help in comparing quantity and quality when we shop for groceries.” For more than three decades, SNAP-Ed has helped millions of food-insecure Americans make healthier food choices. The One Big Beautiful Bill Act eliminated the program in July, giving program administrators 90 days to dismantle a nationwide network of nutrition classes and outreach efforts. Funding ended Sept. 30. Some states, like Georgia, will be able to keep their SNAP-Ed programs intact for about a year due to other funding sources, but other states, like Colorado, are already experiencing significant losses, starting with staff layoffs at nutrition programs. At a time when food prices are at a record high, reducing the infrastructure and staff for community nutrition work will have a cascade of long-term consequences, according to public health nutrition experts. Experts are concerned that eliminating SNAP-Ed—community-level guidance in healthier home cooking and food choices—will exacerbate Americans’ poor metabolic health and likely drive even more reliance on ultra-processed foods. Potential Nationwide Impacts of Snap-Ed’s End SNAP-Ed brought nutrition education directly to around 2 million low-income Americans annually, and to another 10 million through community collaborations. Its work was carried out in more than 23,000 community sites that helped individuals and families make healthier, cost-effective food choices through cooking classes, physical activity promotion, and other activities. In 2025, SNAP-Ed’s budget was $536 million, less than 1 percent of SNAP’s total budget. SNAP recipients receive $2.23 per meal in SNAP benefits on average, making it a challenge to put nutritious food on the table, but SNAP-Ed aimed to help recipients stretch their food dollars further. SNAP-Ed’s elimination was justified by a 2019 U.S. Government Accountability Office report that claimed poor coordination across programs, program duplication, and insufficient information on whether the program met its goals. In some sense, redundancy or duplication was baked into how SNAP-Ed was administered. Federal SNAP-Ed money was doled out to states, which in turn decided upon implementing agencies, which in turn partnered with community-based organizations. This meant there might be two organizations in one low-income community that, while overlapping geographically, served different populations. A neighborhood’s community center and a food pantry down the street might both have offered “better for you” cooking classes, demonstrations, or literature funded by SNAP-Ed, for instance. “So much of the work SNAP-Ed did isn’t visibly SNAP-Ed, because it was seamlessly integrated with partners,” said Chris Mornick, policy committee co-chair with the Association of State Public Health Nutritionists and a member of the leadership team of the Association of SNAP Nutrition Education Administrators (ASNNSA). “We had subcontractors who didn’t even realize they were funded through this federal program.” It’s also difficult to measure success for a program like SNAP-Ed and whether it prompted participants to change their cooking and eating habits. But USDA studies have shown that for every $1 spent on SNAP-Ed, up to $10.64 is saved in healthcare costs. For national anti-hunger organizations, the end of SNAP-Ed is less immediate and quantifiable than when 42 million Americans were at risk of losing SNAP food assistance benefits during the government shutdown. But it will undoubtedly impact the infrastructure and staff for community nutrition work, for which SNAP-Ed was one of the largest funding sources, said Carolyn Vega, associate director of policy analysis at No Kid Hungry. “We won’t fully realize the effects of that for a number of years,” she said. Grassroots community organizations will be hit particularly hard, said Mornick. “Small community-led organizations relied on SNAP-Ed to support their work, and they don’t have another way to fill that gap,” she said. Roughly 12,000 jobs will be lost nationwide, according to ASNNSA. The program’s end also jeopardizes classes and educational support for local schools, food pantries, community gardens, and families. States are allowed to spend residual money from the program until September 2026, so a patchwork of programming will continue. States will all be affected differently, said Gina Crist, who has overseen SNAP-Ed’s work in Delaware. Some states have employed SNAP-Ed educators in the hundreds, others as few as a dozen—“and it’s not that the largest states have the largest number of employees.” Colorado as a Case Study in State SNAP-Ed Losses SNAP-Ed’s funding formula was based half on historic precedent and half on SNAP participation. Colorado was in the middle of the pack. It will lose $6.3 million in annual federal funding due to SNAP-Ed’s elimination, and more than 40 full-time positions will be cut across the state at the two implementing agencies, Nourish Colorado and the University of Colorado’s Rocky Mountain Prevention Research Center, as well as at the community organizations they partner with; those cuts have already begun. Denver resident Dinah, 31, who preferred to not share her last name, lives in a household of three that includes her 9-year-old son. She works part-time a few days a week doing cleaning and childcare and has taken SNAP-Ed cooking classes at Metro Caring, a local anti-hunger organization. The classes helped her in many ways, including learning new cooking techniques, meeting new people, practicing the English language, and breaking out of her routine, she said through a Spanish translator. For example, she learned different methods for seasoning food, such as incorporating maple syrup and pepper, which were not common in her kitchen. “I think that if we lose these classes,” she said, “we not only lose the opportunity to connect with different people, but also the chance to learn about nutrition and how it relates to our family’s future and how to create new things through cooking.” Colorado’s SNAP-Ed program had three components: a school-based nutrition education program and a preschool program, both overseen by UC Denver, and Cooking Matters classes for adults and caregivers, overseen by Nourish Colorado. Nourish Colorado had 17 employees this summer, according to Executive Director Wendy Peters Moschetti. It now has 12. “We had to let go everyone who was fully funded from SNAP-Ed. Six of us had partial funding from SNAP-Ed, so we were able to fill that for the rest of 2025,” she said. “The other losses people don’t talk about are the loss of administrative overhead that organizations lose when large contracts just disappear,” she added, and said the SNAP-Ed contract was going to pay Nourish Colorado $170,000 for administrative, overhead, and indirect costs in fiscal year 2026, in addition to paying nutrition education staff salaries. “Now that is all gone as well,” she said. “So, now the rest of our work has to cover all administrative costs with zero time for us as an organization to pivot or fundraise. Organizations like ours are in a real pickle and are facing a very tight 2026 without private dollars coming in to help with the loss of something so significant.” Peters Moschetti said Nourish no longer provides nutrition education, but the team is continuing its farm-to-school programming, another program that provides extra cash for households to purchase fruits and vegetables, and its state and federal policy advocacy work. “Broadly speaking, what we are losing is support for food pantries and corner stores that want to highlight and promote fresh foods, and support for schools to integrate more school gardens and other things,” she said, adding that even the toolkits and online resources intended to help agencies make data-informed decisions will go away with the end of the program. The Trickle-Down Effect in Colorado Jazmin Bojorquez was one of the staffers who lost her job on Sept. 30 with Nourish Colorado, where she served as the policy, systems, and environmental (PSE) change manager. Her four-person team, all funded by SNAP-Ed, were laid off, too. They spent their final 60 days winding down a 30-year program: reporting on impact, closing down initiatives, and getting remaining funds into the field. “As examples of PSE, we would have food skills and nutrition messaging at corner stores, food pantries, mobile markets, and farmers’ markets, where we would share ideas on how to use familiar and unfamiliar produce,” Bojorquez said. “We would use community gardens as social hubs and expand growing operations at large food pantries so we didn’t always have to purchase food.” One effort aimed to improve infant and maternal health with a baby café offered in many counties. Moms would receive lactation consultation in addition to nutrition education and cooking classes, as well as vouchers for shopping at the free food market downstairs. Bojorquez has started her own urban planning consulting firm but said that former colleagues are still looking for work. A Nourish Colorado partner, Denver’s Metro Caring, used SNAP-Ed funding for community-led nutrition classes like Cocina y Nutrición and Kidz in the Kitchen, offered in both English and Spanish, which Dinah attended. The collaboration allowed Metro Caring to provide nutrition education, cooking classes, and lactation support, according to Brandon McKinley, Metro Caring’s communications and marketing specialist. Thus far, he said, they have dropped one cooking class but have managed to retain staff by moving resources around. Metro Caring received SNAP-Ed funding for the first time this year, which created new possibilities and stability, especially for nutrition programs, McKinley said. The loss will impact ingredient sourcing for classes and grocery store-style food markets offering free, culturally specific foods. “Overall, this is yet another blow to an already unstable funding period,” he said. “It comes on the heels of the federal government’s Local Food Purchasing Agreement not being renewed.” Andrea Cervantes, Metro Caring’s nutrition team lead, depended on the Bridge Project, which she said was a community-support organization similar to Metro Caring, while growing up in subsidized housing in Denver. “A program in low-income housing for decades, it helped fund some of my education, and I was able to come back as a nutrition educator in their summer programming,” she said. “We had a makeshift kitchen where we taught kids from kindergarten to high school. Denver’s a diverse community, so I got to learn about different cultures.” Cervantes said the people she teaches at Metro Caring are hungry for any sort of relatable nutrition information. “They are people who want to share a safe space,” she said. “It’s families and often older retired folks who have medical conditions, and they want to learn more about nutrition to manage their conditions.” Cervantes is currently still teaching, but the way forward is hazy. “Our hope is to continue programming. We are going to figure it out,” she said. “We just don’t know how yet.” The post The End of SNAP-Ed Leaves Underserved Communities With Even Fewer Resources appeared first on Civil Eats.

Travel influencers ‘do crazy things’ to entertain us – and downplay the risks

Australians use social media to plan outdoor adventures. But travel influencers take risks to in remote locations . Are they putting followers in danger?

It’s common for Australians to use social media to find their next hike or swimming spot. And there’s a huge array of travel influencers willing to supply the #inspo for their next trip. Many of these influencers create their content in a way that respects the environment and their followers. But unfortunately, not all #travelspo is made with such consideration. My new research reveals how Australian travel and adventure influencers think about risk, responsibility and their role in shaping how their followers behave in natural environments. Collectively, their accounts reach tens of thousands of people and prompt them to visit these parks in real life. Yet most influencers in my study saw themselves as entertainers, not educators. And that distinction can have consequences, such as falls and drownings. People are risking their lives at cliff edges, mountain overhangs and around water. In fact, 379 people died taking selfies between 2008 and 2021. ‘Here to inspire, not teach’ I interviewed 19 Australian influencers aged 23–41 who specialise in travel and outdoor content. Despite their large followings (up to 80,000), many rejected the idea they have a responsibility to overtly warn people about hazards. As one put it: “We’re not an education page. If you want [to know?] what you should and shouldn’t be doing, follow a National Parks page.” Another explained that influencers are : “just there to entertain.” Influencers consistently distanced themselves from the expectation they should communicate safety information. Many argued it was up to followers to “do their own research” or take “personal responsibility” when attempting the difficult hikes, cliff-edge photos or waterhole jumps they had seen online. A few admitted they would “feel guilty” if someone was injured imitating their content, but quickly neutralised that responsibility by noting there was no way to know whether their post had caused the behaviour. Why downplay hazards? Social media platforms reward spectacular content. Posts showing people on cliff edges, waterfalls, remote rock formations or narrow ledges outperform more banal imagery. One influencer was blunt: “People want to watch people do crazy things… not talk about risk.” Others acknowledged they sometimes entered closed areas or assessed hazards themselves, dismissing signage unless they believed it related to environmental or cultural protection. A national survey we conducted found that social norms – the sense that “everyone does this” or will admire it – strongly predicted risky behaviour outdoors. People were far more likely to climb out onto ledges or jump into waterfalls if they believed others would approve. How risky they thought the activity was barely seemed to matter. Influencers also curate a platform-specific aesthetic: Instagram is “perfect”, TikTok more “raw”, but neither encourages long, careful explanations of risk. Detailed safety advice was described as “ruining the vibe” or diminishing the illusion that inspires engagement. This creates a perverse incentive: the more dangerous the content looks, the better it performs, meaning influencers may unintentionally promote behaviours unsafe for many followers. Online posts are trusted Australians treat influencer content as a trusted source of outdoor inspiration. Followers may assume a location is safe because an influencer went there and filmed it. This impression is strengthened by the influencers’ perceived authenticity — a form of experiential credibility that substitutes for formal expertise. Influencers in my study acknowledged their posts can send large numbers of unprepared visitors to fragile or hazardous environments. Some refused to share exact locations for this reason. Others posted the image but omitted details to avoid encouraging inexperienced users to attempt risky spots. But most still avoided overt safety messaging because it felt mismatched to their brand — or simply because posts that highlighted difficulty or danger “don’t perform well”. As I’ve argued elsewhere, our increasingly curated experience of the outdoors – from manicured trails to social media-driven expectations – has weakened the sense of personal responsibility that once came with venturing into nature. Influencer content amplifies this shift by presenting the outdoors as effortless, aesthetic and risk-free, even when the reality is very different. Why this matters This dynamic creates challenges for Australia’s national parks and land managers. My earlier research showed rangers are dealing with increased injuries, rescues and environmental strain linked to social media-driven visitation. In my work with the Queensland National Parks and Wildlife Service, I saw first-hand how social media funnels huge numbers of people into the same photogenic spots. About a third of visitors said Instagram had influenced their decision to visit, and many described going “for the photo” rather than for the walk or the landscape itself. That behaviour often puts pressure on rangers and increases the likelihood of slips, falls and rescues. Influencers hold enormous reach with audiences that official agencies often struggle to connect with. Many are open to collaborating – but only when safety messages can be delivered in ways that fit their storytelling style and personal brand. As one influencer summed up: “If it’s culturally sensitive or damaging to the environment, that’s where I draw the line. But safety – I’m happy to push the boundaries.” Risk-taking gets rewarded Influencers are not acting maliciously. They operate within a commercial and algorithmic system that rewards spectacle over nuance. But understanding how they see their role helps explain why risky content thrives — and why followers may misjudge the real-world hazards behind the perfect shot. If organisations want to reduce injuries and environmental pressures, engaging influencers through co-designed communication strategies may be essential. Because for many Australians, the journey outdoors now begins on a screen. Samuel Cornell receives funding from an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship

Kennedy's Vaccine Advisory Committee Meets to Discuss Hepatitis B Shots for Newborns

A federal vaccine advisory committee is meeting in Atlanta to discuss whether newborns should still get the hepatitis B vaccine on the day they’re born

A federal vaccine advisory committee convened Thursday in Atlanta to discuss whether newborns should still get the hepatitis B vaccine on the day they're born.For decades, the government has advised that all babies be vaccinated against the liver infection right after birth. The shots are widely considered to be a public health success for preventing thousands of illnesses.But U.S. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s committee is considering whether to recommend the birth dose only for babies whose mothers test positive, which would mark a return to a public health strategy that was abandoned more than three decades ago. For other babies, it will be up to the parents and their doctors to decide if a birth dose is appropriate.Committee member Vicky Pebsworth said a work group was tasked in September with evaluating whether a birth dose is necessary when mothers tested negative for hepatitis B.“We need to address stakeholder and parent dissatisfaction" with the current recommendation, she said.The committee makes recommendations to the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on how already approved vaccines should be used. CDC directors almost always adopted the committee’s recommendations, which were widely heeded by doctors and guide vaccination programs. But the agency currently has no director, leaving acting director Jim O'Neill to decide.The panel has made several decisions that angered major medical groups.At a June meeting, it recommended that a preservative called thimerosal be removed from doses of flu vaccine even though some members acknowledged there was no proof it was causing harm. In September, it recommended new restrictions on a combination shot that protects against chickenpox, measles, mumps and rubella. The panel also took the unprecedented step of not recommending COVID-19 vaccinations, even for high-risk populations such as seniors, and instead making it a matter of personal choice.Several doctors groups said the changes were not based on good evidence, and advised doctors and patients to follow guidance that was previously in place.Hepatitis B is a serious liver infection that, for most people, lasts less than six months. But for some, especially infants and children, it can become a long-lasting problem that can lead to liver failure, liver cancer and scarring called cirrhosis.In adults, the virus is spread through sex or through sharing needles during injection drug use.But it can also be passed from an infected mother to a baby. As many as 90% of infants who contract hepatitis B go on to have chronic infections, meaning their immune systems don’t completely clear the virus.In 1991, the committee recommended an initial dose of hepatitis B vaccine at birth. Over about 30 years, cases among children fell from about 18,000 per year to about 2,200.But members of Kennedy's committee have voiced discomfort with vaccinating all newborns.Cynthia Nevison, an autism and environmental researcher, presented at the meeting. Nevison has written opinion pieces published by Children’s Health Defense, an anti-vaccine advocacy organization Kennedy previously led. She also co-authored a 2021 article in the Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders that the publication retracted after concerns were raised about the paper’s methodology and about nondisclosed ties between the authors and anti-vaccine groups.Another presenter was Mark Blaxill, a co-author of the retracted paper, who spoke about vaccine safety.In the past, committee meetings have relied on presentations by the CDC scientists involved in tracking vaccine-preventable diseases and assessing vaccine safety. The agenda for this meeting listed no CDC scientists, but rather featured a prolonged public airing of anti-vaccine theories that most scientists have deemed as discredited. Kennedy is a lawyer by training. Aaron Siri, a lawyer who worked with Kennedy to sue vaccine makers, is listed as a presenter on Friday on the topic of the immunization schedule for U.S. children.The current guidance advises a dose within 24 hours of birth for all medically stable infants who weigh at least 4.4 pounds (2 kilograms), plus follow-up shots to be given at about 1 month and 6 months. The committee is expected to vote on language that says when a family decides not to get a birth dose, then the vaccination series should begin when the child is 2 months old.The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Department of Science Education and the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. The AP is solely responsible for all content.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

My father, Ken Saro-Wiwa, died fighting for a clean Nigeria. Thirty years on it’s time to stop sucking on the dirty teat of the oil cash cow | Noo Saro-Wiwa

In 1995, as one of the Ogoni Nine, he was hanged after protesting against Shell’s oil pollution. With education and a move towards renewable energy, we can honour his legacyEarlier this year, my father, Ken Saro-Wiwa, and his eight colleagues, known collectively as the Ogoni Nine, were pardoned for a crime they never committed. After peacefully campaigning against environmental degradation of Ogoniland in Nigeria at the hands of the oil industry, they were imprisoned by the military dictatorship on false charges of treason and incitement to murder, following a trial condemned by the international community as a sham.On 10 November 1995, the men were executed by hanging. Continue reading...

Earlier this year, my father, Ken Saro-Wiwa, and his eight colleagues, known collectively as the Ogoni Nine, were pardoned for a crime they never committed. After peacefully campaigning against environmental degradation of Ogoniland in Nigeria at the hands of the oil industry, they were imprisoned by the military dictatorship on false charges of treason and incitement to murder, following a trial condemned by the international community as a sham.On 10 November 1995, the men were executed by hanging.Thirty years on, the government of President Bola Tinubu granted a pardon to the Ogoni Nine. While our families welcome this as a step in the right direction, it is not enough – a pardon suggests that these nine innocent men committed a crime. Although the court of public opinion recognises their innocence and courage, it is important that they are officially exonerated. The refusal of successive governments to do this speaks volumes. It speaks of a corrupt cabal that has ruled Nigeria directly and indirectly over the past few decades and continues to stifle any attempt to honour my father’s memory.But that legacy can never be suppressed. Ken Saro-Wiwa and thousands of brave Ogoni protesters ensured that Shell Oil pulled out of Ogoniland in 1993. Since then, the multinational has been held to account for some of its environmental damage and was ordered to pay compensation for oil spills including the disaster in Bodo in 2008. Shell subsequently divested from the Niger delta earlier this year and sold its onshore leases to a local consortium (which raises further concerns about their liability for past oil spills). My father’s death led to the creation of the Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (Hyprep), which continues its task of cleaning up the hydrocarbon pollution in Ogoniland, albeit with mixed results.Pollution levels are still unacceptably high. Militancy, the sabotaging of pipelines and illegal refining have further damaged the environment, and now, high unemployment and the cost of living crisis have compelled some Ogonis to call for the resumption of oil extraction. While I fully sympathise with their wishes, welcoming back the oil companies would be an insult to my father’s memory and a huge step backwards. The industry, even if properly managed, is not labour intensive and it benefits a relative few. Its continued extraction elsewhere in the delta offers a cautionary tale. Last year, I drove through the Obrikom oil and gas field, about 50 miles (80km) northwest of Ogoniland, where I saw crude petroleum gushing furiously from a broken pipe and into a river. The sight of that blackened water was horrifying. That the pipeline wasn’t fixed for months was even more appalling.Activists from Extinction Rebellion protest outside the Shell Centre on the 25th anniversary of the execution of the Ogoni Nine, 10 November 2020 in London, UK. Photograph: Mark Kerrison/In Pictures/Getty ImagesIronically, I witnessed that leak while on my way to visit a renewable energy project that I was involved with as a consultant. A solar power plant has now been installed in Umuolu, enabling the remote riverine community to rely entirely on clean energy. There are no oil spills and no tensions about who will be employed by the energy company. Residents fish and farm the land, which is how it should be. Why suck on the dirty teat of the petroleum cash cow when we have incredible natural assets? In September, I visited a conservation project, the SW/Niger Delta Forest Project, where Rachel Ashegbofe Ikemeh and her team are doing a sterling job of conserving a slice of the Apoi Creek, a primary rainforest that is home to the last most-significant population of the Niger Delta red colobus monkey, bush pigs, the African pied hornbill, water chevrotains, the mangabey and other species. The forest is a glimpse into our beautiful ecological past and a preview of what could be regained under the right stewardship. Ikemeh’s team have successfully educated the Apoi community about protecting the forest and its wildlife rather than eating it.My father understood that our wealth lies in our ecology and in education, and that we could one day move away from oilIt is an education sorely needed elsewhere in the region. Just a few weeks ago, on an Ogoni Facebook group page, I saw a photo of a live giant leatherback turtle that had been dragged into a village after washing up on shore. I was amazed and excited, yet in the comment section people discussed whether it should be eaten or not. Meanwhile, in places such as Tobago and Costa Rica, tourists pay thousands of dollars to come and see turtles like that. The animal’s appearance on our shores, though rare, proves that wildlife still exists in the Niger delta’s lushly vegetated creeks, rivers and beaches. Accommodating nature and farming is a huge conundrum, of course, but there’s an economy that can be created by leveraging our natural assets. Crucially, it requires moving towards non-polluting, renewable energy that can power our small businesses cleanly and reliably, and boost the economy.My father understood that our wealth lies in our ecology and in education, and that we could one day move away from oil, especially if it enriches everyone else at the Ogonis’ expense. I remember him showing me and my siblings around the garden in our house in Port Harcourt, teaching us about the flowers and the fireflies. Through the Ken Saro-Wiwa Foundation, which will relaunch in the coming months, I hope we can boost education and bring solar energy to Ogoniland and gradually transform it into a place of non-oil entrepreneurship, agriculture and natural beauty that will honour my father’s legacy.Noo Saro-Wiwa is the author of Looking For Transwonderland (Granta) and Black Ghosts: A Journey Into the Lives of Africans In China (Canongate)A Month And A Day: A Detention Diary, by Ken Saro-Wiwa, is published by Ayebia Clarke Publishing

White House Begins Mass Firing of Federal Employees Amid Shutdown War

Russell Vought, the White House budget director, announced that the administration has begun firing federal workers en masse.Vought warned last week that “consequential” layoffs were forthcoming amid the ongoing government shutdown. On Friday, he tweeted, “The RIFs have begun,” referring to “reductions in force.”Vought, as anticipated, is now using the government shutdown to cull the federal workforce, fulfilling Trump’s recent vow to cut “vast numbers of people out,” as well as slash programs that he says Democrats “like.”An unnamed White House official told MSNBC’s Vaughn Hillyard, “We expect thousands of people to unfortunately be laid off due to the government shutdown.” CNN’s Alayna Treene reports that a White House official said that fired workers have begun receiving notices and, “It will be substantial.”Agencies poised to be affected, according to Politico, include the Departments of the Interior, Treasury, Commerce, Education, Energy, Homeland Security, Health and Human Services, Housing and Urban Development, and the Environmental Protection Agency.Reacting to Vought’s four-word social media announcement, the American Federation of Government Employees, which represents 820,000 government workers, shot back: “The lawsuit has been filed.” The AFL-CIO told Vought, “America’s unions will see you in court.”This story has been updated.

Russell Vought, the White House budget director, announced that the administration has begun firing federal workers en masse.Vought warned last week that “consequential” layoffs were forthcoming amid the ongoing government shutdown. On Friday, he tweeted, “The RIFs have begun,” referring to “reductions in force.”Vought, as anticipated, is now using the government shutdown to cull the federal workforce, fulfilling Trump’s recent vow to cut “vast numbers of people out,” as well as slash programs that he says Democrats “like.”An unnamed White House official told MSNBC’s Vaughn Hillyard, “We expect thousands of people to unfortunately be laid off due to the government shutdown.” CNN’s Alayna Treene reports that a White House official said that fired workers have begun receiving notices and, “It will be substantial.”Agencies poised to be affected, according to Politico, include the Departments of the Interior, Treasury, Commerce, Education, Energy, Homeland Security, Health and Human Services, Housing and Urban Development, and the Environmental Protection Agency.Reacting to Vought’s four-word social media announcement, the American Federation of Government Employees, which represents 820,000 government workers, shot back: “The lawsuit has been filed.” The AFL-CIO told Vought, “America’s unions will see you in court.”This story has been updated.

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