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This rural congressional district would be upended by redistricting

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Thursday, September 18, 2025

Emma Harris holds a belt buckle she was awarded as a prize for winning a branding competition, at the Brass Rail Bar & Grill on Sept. 3, 2025. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters Modoc County, meet Marin County. It might be your new political boss. A ranching region along the Oregon border with just 8,500 residents, Modoc flies flags advocating secession from California. Now, if Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new redistricting plan goes through, Modoc would instead get pulled into the heart of liberal California. CalMatters political reporter Jeanne Kuang traveled to Modoc to speak with residents there, who say they’re most concerned Newsom’s Prop. 50 is a death-knell for rural representation. They told her their views on water, wildlife and forest management would be overshadowed in a district that includes Bay Area communities that have long championed environmental protection. Nadine Bailey, an agricultural water advocate: “They’ve taken every rural district and made it an urban district. It just feels like an assault on rural California.” Newsom’s proposal calls for splitting up the 1st Congressional District, which is comprised of 10 rural counties and is solidly Republican. Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a rice farmer, would likely lose his seat. Here’s Jeanne: Modoc County and two neighboring red counties would be shifted into a redrawn district that stretches 200 miles west to the Pacific Coast and then south, through redwoods and weed farms, to include the state’s wealthiest communities, current Democratic Rep. Jared Huffman’s home in San Rafael and the northern end of the Golden Gate Bridge, all in uber-liberal Marin County. Read the full story here. CalMatters events: Join us Sept. 24 in Sacramento for a special event celebrating CalMatters’ 10th anniversary and Dan Walters’ 50th year covering California politics. Hear directly from Dan as he reflects on five decades watching the Capitol. Plus, attendees can enter a raffle and win a private dinner with Dan. Members can use the code “MEMBER” at checkout for a discounted ticket. Register here. Another event: CalMatters, California Forward and 21st Century Alliance are hosting a Governor Candidate Forum on Oct. 23 in Stockton at the California Economic Summit. Top candidates for governor will address pressing economic challenges and opportunities facing California, and field questions on why they are best suited to lead the world’s fourth-largest economy. Register here. Other Stories You Should Know The ethnic studies classes that never happened A student uses their laptop in an ethnic studies class at Santa Monica High School in Los Angeles on March 28, 2023. Photo by Lauren Justice for CalMatters Right now, California’s high schools should be teaching a one-semester class focused on marginalized communities, thanks to a mandate passed by the state Legislature in 2021. However, that effort has been hindered by a lack of funding in the state budget and the Trump administration’s campaign against diversity and inclusion programs. As Carolyn Jones reports: The class was meant to focus on the cultures and histories of African-Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans and Latinos, all of whom have faced oppression in California. The state’s curriculum also encourages schools to add additional lessons based on their student populations, such as Hmong or Armenian. Albert Camarillo, Stanford history professor: “Right now, it’s a mixed bag. Some school districts have already implemented the course, and some school districts are using the current circumstances as a rationale not to move forward.” Read more here. And lastly: The fate of health care legislation Pharmacist James Lee gives a patient information about her prescription at La Clinica on Sept. 26, 2019. Photo by Anne Wernikoff for CalMatters A series of health care bills on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk would improve access for Californians who can’t afford prescription drugs, shorten delays to medical decisions, and address threats to personal privacy. Kristen Hwang and Ana B. Ibarra have the details. California Voices CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: How Newsom channeled Jerry Brown 1.0 in his flip flop on oil. CalMatters contributor Jim Newton: Why Alex Padilla changed his tune on nonpartisan redistricting. Other things worth your time: Some stories may require a subscription to read. UC employees sue Trump for forcing ‘ideological dominance’ and ‘financial collusion’ // LA Times Republican leaders in DC are worried about California’s AI regulation // Politico

Modoc County, meet Marin County. It might be your new political boss. A ranching region along the Oregon border with just 8,500 residents, Modoc flies flags advocating secession from California. Now, if Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new redistricting plan goes through, Modoc would instead get pulled into the heart of liberal California. CalMatters political reporter Jeanne […]

Close-up of a person wearing a large, ornate belt buckle engraved with “2022 Rancher’s Day” and decorative scrollwork, fastened to a tooled leather belt. The person’s hands rest on either side of the buckle, with rings visible on their fingers, and denim jeans are partly visible.

Modoc County, meet Marin County. It might be your new political boss.

A ranching region along the Oregon border with just 8,500 residents, Modoc flies flags advocating secession from California. Now, if Gov. Gavin Newsom’s new redistricting plan goes through, Modoc would instead get pulled into the heart of liberal California.

CalMatters political reporter Jeanne Kuang traveled to Modoc to speak with residents there, who say they’re most concerned Newsom’s Prop. 50 is a death-knell for rural representation. They told her their views on water, wildlife and forest management would be overshadowed in a district that includes Bay Area communities that have long championed environmental protection.

Nadine Bailey, an agricultural water advocate: “They’ve taken every rural district and made it an urban district. It just feels like an assault on rural California.”

Newsom’s proposal calls for splitting up the 1st Congressional District, which is comprised of 10 rural counties and is solidly Republican. Rep. Doug LaMalfa, a rice farmer, would likely lose his seat.

Here’s Jeanne:

Modoc County and two neighboring red counties would be shifted into a redrawn district that stretches 200 miles west to the Pacific Coast and then south, through redwoods and weed farms, to include the state’s wealthiest communities, current Democratic Rep. Jared Huffman’s home in San Rafael and the northern end of the Golden Gate Bridge, all in uber-liberal Marin County.

Read the full story here.

CalMatters events: Join us Sept. 24 in Sacramento for a special event celebrating CalMatters’ 10th anniversary and Dan Walters’ 50th year covering California politics. Hear directly from Dan as he reflects on five decades watching the Capitol. Plus, attendees can enter a raffle and win a private dinner with Dan. Members can use the code “MEMBER” at checkout for a discounted ticket. Register here.

Another event: CalMatters, California Forward and 21st Century Alliance are hosting a Governor Candidate Forum on Oct. 23 in Stockton at the California Economic Summit. Top candidates for governor will address pressing economic challenges and opportunities facing California, and field questions on why they are best suited to lead the world’s fourth-largest economy. Register here.

The ethnic studies classes that never happened

Manila envelopes that are labeled "economics," "ethnic studies" and "psychology" are displayed on top of a cabinet inside a high school classroom. A student can be seen int he foreground using their laptop. — A student uses their laptop in an ethnic studies class at Santa Monica High School in Los Angeles on March 28, 2023. Photo by Lauren Justice for CalMatters

Right now, California’s high schools should be teaching a one-semester class focused on marginalized communities, thanks to a mandate passed by the state Legislature in 2021.

However, that effort has been hindered by a lack of funding in the state budget and the Trump administration’s campaign against diversity and inclusion programs.

As Carolyn Jones reports:

The class was meant to focus on the cultures and histories of African-Americans, Asian Americans, Native Americans and Latinos, all of whom have faced oppression in California. The state’s curriculum also encourages schools to add additional lessons based on their student populations, such as Hmong or Armenian.

Albert Camarillo, Stanford history professor: “Right now, it’s a mixed bag. Some school districts have already implemented the course, and some school districts are using the current circumstances as a rationale not to move forward.”

And lastly: The fate of health care legislation

A pharmacists sits behind a counter as they hand a patient a bottle of pills at a pharmacy. The shelves behind pharmacist are filled with pill bottles and other medication containers. — Pharmacist James Lee gives a patient information about her prescription at La Clinica on Sept. 26, 2019. Photo by Anne Wernikoff for CalMatters

A series of health care bills on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk would improve access for Californians who can’t afford prescription drugs, shorten delays to medical decisions, and address threats to personal privacy. Kristen Hwang and Ana B. Ibarra have the details.

California Voices

CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: How Newsom channeled Jerry Brown 1.0 in his flip flop on oil.

CalMatters contributor Jim Newton: Why Alex Padilla changed his tune on nonpartisan redistricting.

Other things worth your time:

Some stories may require a subscription to read.

UC employees sue Trump for forcing ‘ideological dominance’ and ‘financial collusion’ // LA Times

Republican leaders in DC are worried about California’s AI regulation // Politico

Read the full story here.

Photos courtesy of

Related News

‘You’re going about your day and suddenly see a little Godzilla’: Bangkok reckons with a giant lizard boom

Viral videos have shifted public opinion about water monitors, long held in contempt in Thai culture, even as rising numbers of the reptiles pose problems for residentsShortly after dawn, Lumphini Park comes alive. Bangkok residents descend on the sprawling green oasis in the middle of the city, eager to squeeze in a workout before the heat of the day takes hold. Joggers trot along curving paths. Old men struggle under barbells at the outdoor gym. Spandex-clad women stretch into yoga poses on the grass.Just metres away, one of the park’s more infamous occupants strikes its own lizard pose. About 400 Asian water monitor lizards call Lumphini Park home, and this morning they are out in full force – scrambling up palm trees, swimming through the waterways and wrestling on the road. Continue reading...

Shortly after dawn, Lumphini Park comes alive. Bangkok residents descend on the sprawling green oasis in the middle of the city, eager to squeeze in a workout before the heat of the day takes hold. Joggers trot along curving paths. Old men struggle under barbells at the outdoor gym. Spandex-clad women stretch into yoga poses on the grass.Just metres away, one of the park’s more infamous occupants strikes its own lizard pose. About 400 Asian water monitor lizards call Lumphini Park home, and this morning they are out in full force – scrambling up palm trees, swimming through the waterways and wrestling on the road.Every now and then, a scaly interloper veers in front of a runner, oblivious to the morning stampede. “The big ones are usually fine because they move quite slowly and you can kind of hop over,” says Jayla Chintanaroj, a Bangkok resident who often runs in the park. “But the small ones can be quite fast. There have been a few times I’ve almost tripped over one.”Asian water monitor lizards – the world’s second-largest lizard – have adapted to city living in Bangkok’s Lumphini Park. Photograph: Gloria DickieThe Asian water monitor (Varanus salvator) is the world’s second-largest species of lizard, reaching lengths of about two metres (7ft). It can be found in rivers, lakes and swamps across south-east Asia and into India and China. Increasingly, however, the dark brown lizard can be spotted in urban areas, joining an exclusive league of animals that have carved out a stronghold in cities.It was like a massive lizard onsen Jacuzzi. It was awesomeAs the urban lizard population explodes, authorities are receiving more calls about conflicts: lizards intruding upon popular fishing spots, raiding livestock, and even crawling into people’s homes.Yet, at the same time, the water monitor lizard – once derided in Thai culture – has never been so popular, buoyed up by social media. JX Ang lives close to the park, and says he has become a fan of his scaly neighbours. “It’s actually really nice to see them when you’re going about your day and then suddenly you see a nice little Godzilla swimming through the water,” he says. Ang fondly recalls a time he witnessed more than 10 lizards leisurely soaking in a park fountain on a hot day.“It was like a massive lizard onsen Jacuzzi. It was awesome.”The lizards thrive in the park’s network of khlongs, or canals. Photograph: Romeo Gacad/AFP/Getty ImagesFor environmental authorities, the lizard boom represents a new challenge: to carefully manage the population without disrupting one of Bangkok’s growing ecological attractions.No one knows exactly how many lizards are prowling through Bangkok and its tapestry of more than 1,600 canals, known as khlongs, where the lizard thrives. The city, local people boast, has more canals than Venice.The khlongs provide the perfect cover for water monitors, which feed on a near-constant buffet of fish, birds, chickens and organic waste, helping to dispose of animal carcasses and control rat populations.“In urban areas, they have no natural enemies, which gives them a high survival rate,” says Thosapol Suparee, a deputy director-general of the Bangkok metropolitan administration’s environmental department.The lizards have a ready supply of fish in the park’s canals, but they also eat birds, chickens and organic waste. Photograph: Pacific Press/LightRocket/Getty ImagesUnlike the larger Komodo dragon, which has a venomous bite capable of taking down a water buffalo, the Asian water monitor is considered mostly harmless to humans – making it easier to ignore.One 2024 study tried to assess the urban takeover of monitor lizards across south-east Asia, but struggled to do so. “Despite being … the largest lizard with established populations in urban areas, [Varanus salvator] has drawn relatively little attention from ecologists regarding its colonisation of numerous major cities across Asia,” the authors wrote.“Sometimes these ecological or zoological phenomena are very obvious in urban areas, yet they still don’t get enough research,” says study co-author Álvaro Luna, of the European University of Madrid.Lumphini Park is one place where lizard numbers are closely tracked, as large reptiles running amok in the park can cause problems including “fear and disturbance during rest or exercise”, Suparee says. “On roads, water monitors may also pose risks for accidents.”The large lizards have become a hit on social media, drawing visitors to the park. Photograph: Lillian Suwanrumpha/AFP/Getty ImagesThe surveys show the park lizard population is rapidly increasing. Ideally, Suparee says, the population should stay below 400. In the past, rising numbers of lizards spurred authorities to intervene, with wildlife officials capturing and relocating dozens from Lumphini in 2016. But a female lizard lays a clutch of about 20 eggs at a time, and numbers swiftly bounced back.The lizards are mostly harmless but can be a trip hazard or nuisance. Photograph: David Bokuchava/AlamyThat may not be the worst thing. While the monitor lizard has long been held in contempt in Thai culture (the Thai word for monitor lizard – hia – is considered a highly offensive swear word), public opinion has begun to shift.Many people trace the turning point to a 2021 viral video that captured a 6ft-long lizard climbing a convenience store’s shelf – a quintessential snapshot of modern Thai life. People began to rally around the creatures, and they are increasingly seen as a draw for tourists.“I’ve seen on TikTok and Instagram, people are like: ‘When you’re in Thailand, you have to come to Lumphini Park to see these monsters!’” Chintanaroj says.City officials have also embraced the lizard’s rising stardom. Earlier this year, a large statue of a monitor lizard was installed near one of Lumphini’s artificial lakes. “It was erected to show that water monitors are not just park animals, but also represent the richness of Bangkok’s ecosystem,” Suparee says.A statue of an Asian water monitor lizard in Lumphini Park, where they ‘represent the richness of Bangkok’s ecosystem’. Photograph: Gloria DickieNational authorities see opportunities to exploit the lizard beyond tourism. Although water monitors are protected in Thailand, in July the government moved to begin permitting restricted breeding for commercial purposes – such as leather goods – citing their growing numbers.Somying Thunhikorn, a forestry technical officer with the department of parks and wildlife, says: “We think this decision will benefit the private sector and communities with conflicts, as well as reduce illegal hunting and the impact to water monitors in the wild.”Wildlife officials catch a lizard to be relocated. Photograph: Munir Uz Zaman/AFP/Getty ImagesThe initial stock must come from one of the department’s breeding stations, home to “nuisance” lizards, in Ratchaburi province. All lizards must be microchipped to prove they have not been illegally taken from the wild.So far, commercial farming permits have been issued for about 200 of the lizards, Thunhikorn says.Ang says he is not sure how to feel about Thailand’s move to begin farming the charismatic reptiles. After all, he says with a laugh: “They’re the original Moo Deng.”Find more age of extinction coverage here, and follow the biodiversity reporters Phoebe Weston and Patrick Greenfield in the Guardian app for more nature coverage

Culture

Water

Extinction

How Italy got its citizens — and me — to adopt a rigorous recycling scheme

Italy has become a global leader in recycling, in part by relying on households to do a lot of the work.

Of all the sources of culture shock I might have anticipated after my partner and I bought a home in 2022 in northern Italy, trash collection never crossed my mind. I didn’t know going in that Italy had become the top overall recycling country in the EU and one of the best for household-level recycling — in part by relying on those households to do a lot of the work. I quickly got my crash course. In short: In our town, Lesa, we have to sort trash into six categories: “wet” (compost), plastic, glass, paper, metal, and “dry” (aka everything that isn’t recyclable, which isn’t much). Like our neighbors, we keep six bins in our kitchen, one for each category, and our kitchen is in fact designed around this need. (There’s yet a seventh “green” bin for yard waste, but that generally goes in the shed.) One type gets picked up every day except Sunday, meaning we have to put some form of trash out nearly every night. Some categories go in government-issued bags, while “wet” must be in biodegradable bags, glass goes in an unlined bin, and paper goes into designated reusable open bags. The household bin arrangement: Most of the receptacles fit neatly into drawers and cabinets, with the exception of the paper bin. Sarah Stodola It was a lot to learn. But once I got the hang of it, the recycling and trash sorting efforts stopped feeling like an inconvenience and became something like second nature. I’d go so far as to say it felt satisfying to contribute in this way on a daily basis. Thirty years ago, Italian households mostly took out the trash in one go. Since then, nearly all residents of Italy have at some point reprogrammed their habits, just as I had to. This behavior shift, along with investment in domestic waste-processing infrastructure, has been integral to Italy’s recycling success. Getting residents on board Italy’s transformation into a recycling powerhouse began in 1997 with the Ronchi Decree, a law that created a compulsory minimum recycling rate of 35 percent, placed the responsibility for achieving it on municipalities, and empowered them to manage both the logistics and financing of the subsequent efforts. The law came about after a waste-management crisis in the region around Milan brought the issue of trash processing to the forefront of Italian politics. Most municipalities today set their own local waste collection tax rates (known as the TARI), while recently a few have moved to a “pay-as-you-throw system,” with fees based on the amount of waste a household generates. The Ronchi Decree also placed responsibility for trash sorting at the household level — as opposed to a single-stream approach, where waste gets sorted at facilities — with measures to get residents on board built into the legislation. Marco Ricci, a circular economy expert in Italy who worked with the national government on the legislation’s rollout, points to several factors that helped shift individual behavior, including a new door-to-door collection system and, in most localities, giving residents the necessary bins and bags free of charge. Still, people needed convincing, with concerns about both costs and the program’s effect on their time and their kitchens. “The resistance was approached in a very simple and effective way: a lot of local meetings,” Ricci said. He spent a few years going from town to town, working with mayors and other experts to explain the new scheme to residents. This federally coordinated outreach campaign ultimately reached about 50 percent of the Italian population, he said. Regional implementation, rather than relying on a national system, was key. “It was fundamental,” Ricci said. “Italians are really closely linked to their community, and we made use of this community feeling.” Because small communities were easier to communicate with directly, rural areas ended up adopting the new system more quickly than the big cities. In addition, both local politicians and residents proved more willing to learn from others and hold neighbors accountable. As a result, a domino effect swept the less populated areas of Italy: Once people saw their neighbors using the new bins, they wanted their own, and once mayors saw neighboring towns finding success in recycling, they wanted in on it, too. Fines for improper waste disposal were part of the equation, but equally important were softer incentives, such as the policy of providing residents a set allotment of bags for nonrecyclable trash, which is only picked up if it’s in those bags. If someone were to use up her allotment too quickly by including too many recyclable items, she’d be out of luck until the next allotment. This is all the motivation most residents need to sort their trash properly. In 2006, additional legislation mandated raising Italy’s minimum recycling rate to 65 percent of all household waste, a requirement that went into effect in 2012 — years before the EU set the same standard in 2018. By then, Italy was well ahead of the game. Individual change, collectivized I met Maria Grazia Todesco while doing some volunteer translating for a local museum. She has lived in Italy her whole life and currently resides in Solcio, a town neighboring mine. Since she’s experienced Italian trash collection both before and after the changes of recent decades, I was curious to get her take. She told me that the new system definitely requires more effort and attention — but to her at least, it feels well worth it. “With a little goodwill, the task becomes easier,” she said. “I think it was a necessary choice and very useful if we want to somehow safeguard our planet. Each of us individuals can do a lot to achieve the goal.” Lesa and Solcio are in the wealthier northern part of the country, where recycling efforts have long been among the best in Europe. In recent years, Italy’s southern regions have been making notable progress as well — despite the need for more processing facilities in the south and challenges with a wider recycling industry that resists close monitoring, similar standards and enforcement mechanisms now exist throughout the country. Still, the need for reinforcement and education remains. Erum Naqvi, a friend of mine back in New York who also owns a home in Lesa, said she initially handled her trash the same as she would back in the States — which is to say, not thinking much about tossing most things into the bin destined for the landfill. But one afternoon, a local police officer showed up to give her a warning about sorting, bagging, and putting it out correctly. Naqvi quickly got herself up to speed. She is careful about sorting correctly and keeps the trash pickup schedule pinned next to her door, consulting it every day. Naqvi has now changed her habits even back home. “Coming back to New York, I felt so guilty not doing it [to the same degree]. It’s instilled in me a more positive approach toward recycling,” she said. For me, it’s been revelatory to witness the collective impact of individual efforts, and to participate in it. Nearly every evening in Lesa, households place the appropriate bags or bins out next to their doorsteps, creating a consistent tableau throughout town. Looking up the next morning’s category, then preparing it and putting it out, has become part of my after-dinner routine. Early every morning, collection trucks built small enough to pass through the town’s ancient, narrow streets arrive before most residents are awake — except on glass collection day. Those trucks arrive later so as to not wake residents with the inevitable clatter of glass as it’s dumped from the bins. In the winter months, the nonrecyclable trash gets collected just once every two weeks. Nothing has surprised me more than finding myself struggling to fill even one small bag during that time, so thorough is my sorting of the recyclables. That’s a common observation — and a sign that individual action, like trying to produce less garbage, becomes a whole lot easier when the system is designed to support it. — Sarah Stodola More exposure Read: more about rising recycling rates and circularity in the European Union (Eunews) Read: about the definition of “recycling,” and the difficulty with achieving true circularity for certain products, especially plastics (Grist) Read: about the origins of the chasing-arrows recycling symbol — and how that symbol came to lose its meaning (Grist) Read: about New York City’s recent efforts to mandate composting (Grist), and why the city is now pausing fines for noncompliance (NBC New York) Read: about some common misconceptions with recycling, and how an overemphasis on recycling can obscure more important efforts to reuse and reduce (The Conversation) A parting shot Waste management has long been a troubled industry. When we as individuals “throw something away,” we’re really just sending it somewhere else for someone else to deal with — that same paradigm can play out on a global stage, even going so far as cross-border “waste trafficking.” One of this year’s prestigious Goldman Environmental Prize recipients, announced this week, helped challenge such a scheme between Italy and Tunisia. In 2020, Italy illegally sent 282 shipping containers filled with common household garbage to Tunisia. Thanks to prize winner Semia Gharbi, and other advocates, the majority of the waste was returned in February of 2022 to the same Italian port where it originated, as shown below — and the scandal also led to tightened regulations in the EU. IMAGE CREDITS Vision: Mia Torres / Grist Spotlight: Sarah Stodola Parting shot: Ivan Romano / Getty Images This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How Italy got its citizens — and me — to adopt a rigorous recycling scheme on Apr 23, 2025.

Culture

Crisis

Education

Nekajui: Ritz-Carlton Reserve Opens in Guanacaste, Costa Rica

The Nekajui—a Ritz-Carlton Reserve—has officially opened its doors in Guanacaste, Costa Rica. Nestled within one of the world’s most biodiverse destinations, the resort offers travelers an ultra-luxury retreat amid the pristine natural beauty of Costa Rica’s Peninsula Papagayo. This property marks the first Ritz-Carlton Reserve in Central and South America and is the eighth addition to the brand’s exclusive portfolio. Its name is derived from the Chorotega word for “lush garden.” Spread across 1,400 acres of dry tropical forest perched atop coastal cliffs, Nekajui features 107 ocean-facing rooms and suites, along with three luxury treetop tents that merge indoor and outdoor living. The accommodations include expansive guest rooms starting at 872 square feet, one- and two-bedroom suites, the four-bedroom Nekajui Grand Villa, and 36 private residences with two to five bedrooms. For guests seeking the utmost exclusivity, Villa Guayacán offers a 10-bedroom retreat set against a dramatic natural backdrop. The resort’s architecture marries luxury with local culture and nature, incorporating native materials and sustainable design practices. This blend of contemporary style and environmental stewardship is evident throughout the property. Culinary offerings at Nekajui are designed to be as memorable as the surroundings. The signature restaurant, Puna, features indigenous ingredients paired with refined global techniques, while an exclusive cocktail program—developed in collaboration with The Herball, specialists in sustainable, culturally inspired mixology—promises a unique beverage experience. In addition, the Nimbu Spa & Wellness center spans 27,000 square feet and boasts a striking hydrotherapy pool, emphasizing the restorative power of water—a nod to its namesake, which means “water” in the Chorotega language. Guests can also explore a 250-acre natural sanctuary that offers a variety of outdoor adventures, including ziplining, guided wildlife hikes, and canoe excursions through local mangroves. For golf enthusiasts, the resort provides access to Peninsula Papagayo’s private 18-hole, par-72 Arnold Palmer Signature course. Room rates at Nekajui, a Ritz-Carlton Reserve can vary widely based on the season, room type, and booking conditions. Currently, pricing isn’t published as a fixed rate on many platforms. For example, one Reddit user mentioned booking a stay for three nights at roughly $2,670.47 (around $890 per night) for a family discount, while other discussions have suggested that standard rates could be significantly higher than comparable properties in the region. Most major booking platform require you to input specific travel dates to view the current rates. This dynamic pricing model reflects factors such as room selection, occupancy, and time of booking. For the most accurate and up-to-date room cost information, it’s best to check the official Ritz-Carlton Reserve Nekajui page or contact their reservations team directly at +506 4081-1221. The post Nekajui: Ritz-Carlton Reserve Opens in Guanacaste, Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Culture

Forests

Indigenous

National Park Service Withdraws Black Community in Louisiana From Historic Landmark Consideration

A Louisiana landscape where centuries-old sugar cane plantations and Afro-Creole culture remain preserved along the Mississippi River will no longer be eligible for consideration for federal recognition following a request from state officials

WALLACE, La. (AP) — A Louisiana landscape of centuries-old sugar cane plantations and enduring Afro-Creole culture along the Mississippi River had been eligible for receiving rare federal protection following a multi-year review by the National Park Service.But this month, the agency withdrew the 11-mile (18-kilometer) stretch of land known as Great River Road from consideration for National Historic Landmark designation at the request of state officials, who celebrated the move as a win for economic development. Community organizations bemoaned the decision as undermining efforts to preserve the rich yet endangered cultural legacies of free African American communities that grew out of slavery.Ashley Rogers, executive director of the nearby Whitney Plantation, said the decision to remove the Great River Road region from consideration for federally granted recognition was due to the “changing priorities” of the Trump administration, the latest blow to “a culture under attack.”“It’s 100% because of the politics of the current administration, it’s not because we’ve suddenly decided that this place doesn’t matter,” Rogers said. A multi-year National Park Service study on the area completed in October concluded that the “exceptional integrity” of the Great River Road landscape conveys “the feeling of living and working in the plantation system in the American South."Plantation buildings are so well-preserved that director Quentin Tarantino used them while filming “Django Unchained,” to capture the antebellum era. But there's also a rich and overlooked history of the enslaved people who worked the plantations, their burial sites likely hidden in the surrounding cane fields and many of their descendants still living in tight-knit communities nearby.The study deemed the region eligible to gain the same federal recognition as around 2,600 of the nation’s most important historical sites, including Mount Vernon, George Washington’s estate and Monticello, Thomas Jefferson’s residence. However, the determination was “premature and untimely” given that a grain terminal that threatened to impact historic properties was no longer planned, said the National Park Service’s Joy Beasley, who oversees the designation of historic landmarks, in a Feb. 13 letter to the Army Corps of Engineers. Beasley’s letter stated the reversal was prompted by a request from the state’s Department of Environmental Quality, which is tasked with regulating environmental protection and has made no secret of its support for industrial expansion.The head of the department, Aurelia S. Giacometto, framed the decision as freeing the region from federal meddling and oversight and opening up pathways for development.“I’m grateful that the Trump Administration understands that states and localities are better at determining their interests relating to clean air, water and developing industry than leaving crucial decisions like those to Washington,” Giacometto said in a statement.Port of South Louisiana CEO Paul Matthew said in a press release that companies are clamoring to develop and expand along the Mississippi River, which would improve quality of life and spur economic growth without sacrificing cultural legacies.“If you really want to lift people out of poverty, you get them work and increase job opportunity,” Republican Gov. Jeff Landry said.Local historical and community organizations believe the region can instead improve its economy by focusing on preserving and promoting its history. Ramshackled homes and shuttered buildings in the area are endemic of longstanding underinvestment in these communities, but it's not too late to reverse this trend through means besides industrialization, said Joy Banner, co-founder of the local nonprofit The Descendants Project, which is restoring historical properties in Great River Road.Banner helped lead efforts to successfully halt the construction of a towering $600 million industrial grain terminal that would have been built in her hometown, the predominantly Black community of Wallace — spurring the National Park Service's study. A spokesperson for the Army Corps of Engineers said any future industrial development in the Great River Road would still need to consider the potential impacts on historical and cultural heritage.In the region's Willow Grove neighborhood, 76-year-old Isabella Poche still trims the grass and repaints the tombs at the cemetery where her mother, sisters and other relatives were buried with help from the Black community's generations-old mutual aid society she now leads. Beyond the furrows of the sugar cane fields where her family once worked, a large plantation home stands in the distance by the river's bank. It's a peaceful place she hopes to see protected.“I don’t want to move anywhere else,” Poche said. “I've been here all my life."Brook is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Follow Brook on the social platform X: @jack_brook96.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Culture

Water

How Latinos are redefining identity beyond perfect Spanish

Discover how the term "no sabo kid" evolved from a put-down to a symbol of cultural pride, as Latinos embrace their identity beyond language fluency and challenge traditional expectations.

By Alyssa Cruz | Edited by Dianne SolisJustin Delgado identifies as Latino. His parents are Puerto Rican, and he grew up visiting the island. The 21-year-old with dark hair and eyes doesn’t speak Spanish fluently.Delgado is one of the thousands of people, usually children or grandchildren of native Spanish speakers, who have been called a “no sabo kid.” The term is a play on words, rooted in the incorrect way to say, “I don’t know” in Spanish. The correct form is “No sé,” with “to know,” or “saber,” being an irregular verb.Muriel Gallego, an associate professor of applied linguistics-Spanish at Ohio University and a native Spanish speaker, said “no sabo” started as an insult. But that shame has flipped into sharper examinations of identity and what makes a Latino or Latina.“This shaming for not using proper Spanish is going to shift the longer the generations are distant from the grandparents or the first generation who came fully monolingual,” she said. “I think most of the shaming comes from there. The older [generations] – the abuelas, the tías that say, ‘Oh, you don’t know.’”Justin Delgado during one of his family visits to Puerto Rico.Photo courtesy of Justin DelgadoThe term “No sabo” may have started as a degrading insult, but many Latinos are changing the narrative and wearing it as a badge of honor. TikTok alone has more than 67.4 million posts under the term “no sabo kid.” “When they say ‘no sabo,’ they think it means ‘no culture’ – but that’s just not true,” Delgado said.In fact, according to Pew Research Center data from 2021, “72% of U.S. Hispanics ages 5 and older either spoke only English at home or spoke English very well, up from 65% in 2010.”Every person’s experience with learning another language differs, and Delgado’s is no exception.His mother was born in Puerto Rico, and his father’s family was part of the great Puerto Rican migration to New York City. The couple met as students at the University of Puerto Rico. Afterward, the couple moved to the U.S.Born in Georgia, Delgado moved to Ramstein, Germany, when he was 3 years old due to his father’s military deployment. Because his father was on active duty, Delgado spent most of his time with his mom, who only spoke Spanish.“On that base, my mom didn’t know English,” he said. “And at that time, when I was really young, both me and her started learning English together. Instead of teaching me fully Spanish, she was like, ‘We both got to learn English’ because she’s by herself.”After deployment, the family moved to Enterprise, Alabama. There weren’t many opportunities there to learn Spanish, plus he was in a private Christian school. “I was the only person of color in that school.”More moves followed until the family landed in Virginia, near Arlington. The city’s diversity prompted him to try Spanish in high school — fortified by an inspiring trip to Puerto Rico to see family. “They would be like, ‘Man, you gotta learn Spanish.’”“I needed to connect back to my roots,” he said.“We wanted to add that twist where it was like, ‘Yo sabo.’ It was for people to feel empowered to make that mistake.”Last summer, Delgado completed an internship in Quito, Ecuador. Before going to Ecuador, Delgado said he and his mom were ecstatic he was going to have the opportunity to immerse in a Latino culture for the entire summer and practice his Spanish.While in Ecuador, Delgado worked with Comciencia, a multimedia organization dedicated to spreading awareness about social and environmental issues. He helped with video production and photography editing projects in the Amazon Rainforest.Not only was Delgado learning skills to boost his professional development, he was also finally immersed in a Latino culture 24/7.Delgado said he faced a little razzing from his coworkers about his Spanish, but it was always from a place of love.“They would call me ‘the no sabo kid,’ and at first I was like, ‘What the f—?’ But then I realized they didn’t mean it with ill intent because that’s what I am,” he said.Justin Delgado and Ecuadorian llamas during his visit to Quito, Ecuador.Photo courtesy of Justin DelgadoGallego, the linguistics expert, even questioned what is “correct Spanish.”“We are the ones who own the language, so what is correct Spanish? We decide that,” she said.Policing “correct Spanish” can have a negative impact, Gallego said.“They go back home, and they say, ‘The teacher said it was wrong,’ and the mom is an undocumented person, maybe working [on] a farm, and she said, ‘Oh, the teacher might be right, so we are in the wrong,’ and then they stop using it, right? Or they stop taking Spanish.”Carlos Torres also saw himself in the term “No sabo.” A Los Angeles native, Torres was raised by his mom, a Mexican immigrant. As a single mother, teaching him her native language fell through the cracks, her son said.“Language wasn’t a huge priority for my mom because she was an immigrant and needed to work,” Torres explained. “She only went up to middle school in Mexico, and she really wanted me to learn English so that I could teach her English.”Now 32, Torres said it was not until after college and during the coronavirus pandemic that he started to be dedicated to fully learning Spanish. According to him, his wife Jess always had a stronger Spanish vocabulary, so he would often ask her how to say certain words. That phrase, “¿Cómo se dice?” became a ritual. It sparked the idea for the game “Yo Sabo.”“Yo Sabo,” created by Jess and Carlos Torres.Photo by Alyssa Cruz for palabraThe Yo Sabo deck consists of three types of cards: “¿Cómo se dice?,” “Prueba” and “Chancla.” The majority of the cards are “¿Cómo se dice?”, which consists of a word in English with its Spanish counterpart at the bottom. The words, mostly nouns, are varied, ranging from “raccoon” to “jaundice.”“We got to make a game out of this because I know I’m not the only one struggling with this,” Torres said. “(We wanted) to see how we could test and improve our Spanish in a fun way and kind of get people who are shy to practice their Spanish and be willing to make mistakes.”With the help of a graphic designer, the couple was able to flesh out the mechanics of making the game and begin production. In 2022, they printed their first 500 games and sold out. Torres said they have sold over 22,000 games.“‘No sabo’ has such a negative connotation,” Torres, the game’s co-creator, said. “We wanted to add that twist where it was like, ‘Yo sabo.’ It was for people to feel empowered to make that mistake.”The flip of the put-down draws praise.“There’s the other side of the coin, which is something that happened historically with these mock names, which is now people are reclaiming it, and so that offensive meaning kind of washes out,” Gallego said.The team worked to popularize their game by flexing their social media muscles. The game has over 122,000 followers on TikTok and 25,000 on Instagram. Through the accounts, the couple hosts “lightning rounds,” where they rotate through the “¿Cómo se dice?” cards with self-proclaimed “no sabos.”Torres said social media has really helped them elevate their brand. He detailed how the game has provided new perspectives about the different barriers many Latinos face against learning Spanish.“The more we’ve sold and the more we’ve connected with other families, we’ve learned so much about how in some places it was literally illegal to speak Spanish and you were reprimanded for speaking the language,” Torres said. Regardless of different circumstances, Delgado, Gallego and Torres all emphasized that knowing Spanish does not equate to “latinidad.”“What makes you Latino?” Gallego, the linguistics professor, asked. “You decide.”

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