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Living in the Plume

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Tuesday, April 9, 2024

When Kayla Furton moved back to her childhood home in 2016 with her husband and three young children, she had no plans of ever leaving. Nestled in the small town of Peshtigo, in northern Wisconsin, the house sits on a property with five acres of woods in the back and picturesque waterfront access to Green Bay, on Lake Michigan. Furton’s neighbors call the area the “best-kept secret” in the state because of its natural beauty and tight-knit community. Then, in 2018, the Furtons received a letter with some unwanted news about their forever home: The water supply was contaminated with perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS. PFAS are a group of thousands of synthetic chemicals that have been used for decades in the manufacturing of everyday consumer products like clothes, makeup, and nonstick cookware because of their water- and stain-resistant properties. The Environmental Protection Agency declared in 2022 that perfluorooctanesulfonic acid (PFOS) and perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA), two common PFAS compounds, are dangerous at any level. More recently, the agency proposed that nine additional PFAS compounds be categorized as hazardous substances because of the dangers they pose to human health. The news didn’t come as a total surprise to Furton. She knew that PFAS had been detected in private wells nearby, and the official investigation area where the groundwater was being tested was enclosed by, as she puts it, “an arbitrary boundary.” “Water does not know to stop because there’s a roadside ditch,” much less a line drawn on a map, she says. Nevertheless, the reality of officially being in “the plume” of local PFAS contamination was upsetting. Furton already knew the dangers of PFAS and had been removing household products that contained these chemicals from her family’s life. “I’d gotten rid of all of our nonstick cookware and other potential contaminants at the time,” she explains. “We avoided bottled water because of concerns over other chemicals leaching in, and then we’re put in this position that our [tap] water is not safe for our kids.” PFAS have been nicknamed “forever chemicals” because they don’t break down in the environment and can accumulate in the human body over time. There is a growing body of research about the adverse health effects of PFAS, including problems with fertility and pregnancy, developmental delays in children, and an increased risk of certain cancers. Ruth Kowalski, a retired elementary school teacher who lives about a mile away from the Furtons, believes that PFAS contamination is responsible for an unusually high incidence of thyroid disease, cancer, and other serious health issues in her own extended family. “I assumed the thyroid disease in my family was somehow hereditary,” she says. “But now I know it was because we all lived within the plume.” Kowalski, who is in her seventies, worries most about her grandchildren and other members of the younger generation who were exposed to PFAS at an early age. Her great-nephew is one of several members of his graduating class diagnosed with testicular cancer. “You’ll never know when it comes to these contaminants,” she says, referring to how difficult it can be to pinpoint the exact cause of a diagnosis like cancer. “But you are always going to wonder.” In their fight for clean water, residents of Peshtigo have found themselves in a protracted legal battle with Tyco, a major manufacturing company that contaminated the groundwater in the area. (In 2016, Tyco merged with Johnson Controls International.) From 1962 to 2017, Tyco used PFAS-containing firefighting foam at its fire training center in Marinette, a small city near the town of Peshtigo. The soil at the testing site became contaminated after years of using the foam, and PFAS was carried throughout the area by sewer systems and groundwater. Kowalski learned her private well was contaminated with PFAS in 2017, when Tyco sent her a letter. Shortly after, she and her husband attended a town meeting with representatives from Tyco, where she says the company was “downplaying” the severity of the problem. “We’re gonna give you bottled water; we’re gonna test your water,” she remembers them saying. According to Kowalski, Tyco seemed to be promising that everything was under control. “Later, I found out they knew for three years that this was in our drinking water and never told us,” she says. The first batch of letters was sent to households in 2017, after the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (WDNR) ordered Tyco to investigate the extent of the PFAS contamination in Marinette and Peshtigo. But state records show that the company had detected PFAS compounds in the area as early as 2013. Kowalski believes the company shouldn’t have waited so long to warn residents of the PFAS contamination and begin remediation. “It was immoral and unconscionable,” she says, her voice breaking. While some of Kowalski’s neighbors agree that Tyco should have acted sooner, the company maintains that it has responded to the PFAS crisis promptly and thoroughly. In an email message, Trent Perrotto, vice president for external communications at Johnson Controls, says, “As soon as we became aware that PFAS from historic operations at the [fire training center] migrated into private drinking water wells in Peshtigo, we took responsibility, provided bottled water and point-of-entry systems (POETS), and moved rapidly to address this issue and identify long-term solutions.” Perrotto is referring to households in the “potable well sampling area,” or the limited zone where Tyco is responsible for cleanup. But some residents, like Trygve Rhude, a retired soil scientist who lives up the shoreline from the Furtons, worry that Tyco’s designated area excludes many households in the community that are likely affected. “So if you’re on one side of the street and have contamination, you could be eligible for their POET system, their in-house treatment, [and] bottled water,” Rhude says. “If you live on the other side of that street, your well will not have been tested, and you get nothing.” That leaves some families to keep drinking tap water with high levels of PFAS or pay for the testing and treatment themselves. Furton’s sister, who lives a little over a mile away, is in this situation. Since her house is outside the covered area, she and her family have installed their own under-the-sink filtration in the kitchen and bathrooms, and they pay for bottled water out of pocket. “It’s great that they can do that, but not everyone can,” Furton says. “That cost should be borne by the party that contaminated it.” But not everyone in the community agrees about exactly how to hold Tyco responsible. Some Peshtigo residents filed a class-action lawsuit against the company. The parties reached a $17.5 million settlement in early 2021, which covered things like property damage and medical monitoring. Tyco and the two other companies involved in the settlement have denied any wrongdoing. For Furton, this is simply not enough. “We opted out of the settlement because it did not include permanent, safe drinking water,” she says. “I don’t want a payout. I want to be able to have safe drinking water in my home.” While Furton acknowledges that her neighbors are well within their rights to participate in the settlement, she is concerned that Tyco has been using a “divide-and-conquer” tactic to keep the community from organizing effectively. Anyone who was part of the settlement cannot sue Tyco, leaving a smaller pool of residents eligible to file a more expansive lawsuit that would hold the company liable for the full extent of the damage, including properties outside the limited designated area. Asked about this, Perrotto writes, “Although Tyco does not comment on pending litigation, we stand behind the years of work and considerable resources we have invested in investigating and remediating PFAS related to historic operations at our Fire Technology Center in Marinette.” Regardless, Furton sees a major power imbalance at play, with a large company like Tyco having an entire legal team to devote to this ongoing battle while the community is left to find solutions with limited resources. “I have to think that they know, or hope, ‘OK, if we parse out enough people, they won’t have a fighting chance,’ ” she says. “There’s a corporate playbook that they all know how to go by, but there’s not a citizen playbook.” For Peshtigo residents like Furton, Kowalski, and Rhude, creating a sustainable, community-wide solution to their water problem is a top priority. But it’s not so simple in a town where everyone gets their water from private wells, which draw from groundwater. In Wisconsin, as in many states, there is no groundwater standard for PFAS. There is a drinking water standard of seventy parts per trillion for PFOA and PFOS, two of the most common PFAS compounds, but this designation applies only to public water systems that serve at least twenty-five individuals. One of the solutions that has been proposed in Peshtigo is to connect the town with the public water system in the neighboring city of Marinette. Though Marinette also has PFAS contamination within its city limits from Tyco’s plant, they draw their municipal water from Lake Michigan and are able to test and treat it before it goes out to individual homes. In early 2019, at a meeting held in a local restaurant, Tyco said they were working with Marinette to pipe city water to affected Peshtigo residents. But Furton says that after the meeting, she found out that Tyco hadn’t talked to the city of Marinette, hadn’t been working with local government officials in Peshtigo, and hadn’t informed the WDNR about this plan before publicly announcing it. She notes that this kind of behavior has been typical for Tyco since this all began. “They will make these statements, these public promises, but they are not backed up by actual work, actual engineering, actual intergovernmental agreements.” Perrotto provided The Progressive with a copy of a print ad that he said had run in local newspapers. It read, in part: “During 2023, Tyco evaluated over 600 additional groundwater and surface water samples collected last year, which confirmed the extent of PFAS impacts to groundwater from historical operations . . . . The data further demonstrate, as expected, that the plume is mature and not expanding.” The ad continues: “Tyco is working with the WDNR to develop a long-term monitoring plan for groundwater. That plan will include over 150 monitoring wells located throughout the community to ensure the plume remains stable and geographically defined. All work will be done under WDNR oversight, and all data will be publicly available so our neighbors will be up to date on our continued progress.” Meanwhile, the city of Marinette has indicated that they are not willing to extend their water service area to Peshtigo unless the town is annexed. This leaves residents with few other viable options for a permanent, clean drinking water source. One is to dig new, deeper wells. But this comes with risks of its own. It’s possible that the local aquifer is already contaminated with PFAS, and even if it’s not, experts say that the process of drilling a new well could push existing “forever chemicals” farther down into the soil, creating more pollution and lasting problems. Another option is to stick with the point-of-entry treatment systems, but these are limited to individual homes and require extensive maintenance. The WDNR has pointed out that there are long-term challenges to relying on POET systems, including that there is “no mechanism to ensure water quality protections are in place” after a property is sold and changes hands. This brings us back to the municipal water route, which is favored by the WDNR as the best long-term solution. Elected officials in Peshtigo proposed creating a water utility district that could strike an agreement with the city of Marinette or another nearby city to receive municipal water. But while there were proponents of this plan, including Furton, who was serving on the town board at the time, it faced serious public opposition. “I literally had a resident tell me one time that they would rather drink PFAS than city water,” Furton says. There had recently been a town meeting with standing room only where residents voiced strong opinions about whether they supported the water utility district and, by extension, the town chair at the time, Cindy Boyle, who had spearheaded the effort. Less than a month later, during the 2023 spring election, Boyle lost her re-election bid to a candidate who ran on a platform of rejecting the water utility district. The new town chair, Jennifer Friday, said that she cares about the PFAS problem but represents residents who “are not looking to completely vilify Tyco for their actions.” While there are no easy answers when it comes to PFAS or holding megacorporations accountable for their actions, clean water advocates have not given up hope. “You gotta look at the collective: What’s good for the entire state, the entire nation, the entire world versus what’s good for me,” Rhude says. He has faced off with Tyco before in a landmark arsenic cleanup in the Menominee River, which took more than thirty years to be delisted as an area of concern. “Patience is a real virtue in this case, where you want to get the best solution for the most people. That’s gonna take time,” he says. “I think it’s important that we just stay the course and wait till that long-term solution is figured out.” Furton echoed this sentiment. “We all need to look at this collectively because water doesn’t know municipal boundaries,” she says. “I don’t just want clean water for me now, or even for my lifespan. I want my kids and whoever lives in this house, in this community, in the future to also have that.”  Richelle Wilson conducted the research for this story while producing Public Trust, a podcast from Midwest Environmental Advocates and Wisconsin Sea Grant, with support from the University of Wisconsin–Madison Center for the Humanities.

A seemingly idyllic place to raise a family turns into a nightmare for Wisconsin residents whose water supply was contaminated by PFAS, Richelle Wilson reports.

When Kayla Furton moved back to her childhood home in 2016 with her husband and three young children, she had no plans of ever leaving. Nestled in the small town of Peshtigo, in northern Wisconsin, the house sits on a property with five acres of woods in the back and picturesque waterfront access to Green Bay, on Lake Michigan. Furton’s neighbors call the area the “best-kept secret” in the state because of its natural beauty and tight-knit community.

Then, in 2018, the Furtons received a letter with some unwanted news about their forever home: The water supply was contaminated with perfluoroalkyl and polyfluoroalkyl substances, or PFAS.

PFAS are a group of thousands of synthetic chemicals that have been used for decades in the manufacturing of everyday consumer products like clothes, makeup, and nonstick cookware because of their water- and stain-resistant properties.

The Environmental Protection Agency declared in 2022 that perfluorooctanesulfonic acid (PFOS) and perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA), two common PFAS compounds, are dangerous at any level. More recently, the agency proposed that nine additional PFAS compounds be categorized as hazardous substances because of the dangers they pose to human health.

The news didn’t come as a total surprise to Furton. She knew that PFAS had been detected in private wells nearby, and the official investigation area where the groundwater was being tested was enclosed by, as she puts it, “an arbitrary boundary.”

“Water does not know to stop because there’s a roadside ditch,” much less a line drawn on a map, she says.

Nevertheless, the reality of officially being in “the plume” of local PFAS contamination was upsetting. Furton already knew the dangers of PFAS and had been removing household products that contained these chemicals from her family’s life.

“I’d gotten rid of all of our nonstick cookware and other potential contaminants at the time,” she explains. “We avoided bottled water because of concerns over other chemicals leaching in, and then we’re put in this position that our [tap] water is not safe for our kids.”


PFAS have been nicknamed “forever chemicals” because they don’t break down in the environment and can accumulate in the human body over time. There is a growing body of research about the adverse health effects of PFAS, including problems with fertility and pregnancy, developmental delays in children, and an increased risk of certain cancers.

Ruth Kowalski, a retired elementary school teacher who lives about a mile away from the Furtons, believes that PFAS contamination is responsible for an unusually high incidence of thyroid disease, cancer, and other serious health issues in her own extended family.

“I assumed the thyroid disease in my family was somehow hereditary,” she says. “But now I know it was because we all lived within the plume.”

Kowalski, who is in her seventies, worries most about her grandchildren and other members of the younger generation who were exposed to PFAS at an early age. Her great-nephew is one of several members of his graduating class diagnosed with testicular cancer.

“You’ll never know when it comes to these contaminants,” she says, referring to how difficult it can be to pinpoint the exact cause of a diagnosis like cancer. “But you are always going to wonder.”


In their fight for clean water, residents of Peshtigo have found themselves in a protracted legal battle with Tyco, a major manufacturing company that contaminated the groundwater in the area. (In 2016, Tyco merged with Johnson Controls International.)

From 1962 to 2017, Tyco used PFAS-containing firefighting foam at its fire training center in Marinette, a small city near the town of Peshtigo. The soil at the testing site became contaminated after years of using the foam, and PFAS was carried throughout the area by sewer systems and groundwater.

Kowalski learned her private well was contaminated with PFAS in 2017, when Tyco sent her a letter. Shortly after, she and her husband attended a town meeting with representatives from Tyco, where she says the company was “downplaying” the severity of the problem. “We’re gonna give you bottled water; we’re gonna test your water,” she remembers them saying.

According to Kowalski, Tyco seemed to be promising that everything was under control.

“Later, I found out they knew for three years that this was in our drinking water and never told us,” she says.

The first batch of letters was sent to households in 2017, after the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (WDNR) ordered Tyco to investigate the extent of the PFAS contamination in Marinette and Peshtigo. But state records show that the company had detected PFAS compounds in the area as early as 2013.

Kowalski believes the company shouldn’t have waited so long to warn residents of the PFAS contamination and begin remediation. “It was immoral and unconscionable,” she says, her voice breaking.


While some of Kowalski’s neighbors agree that Tyco should have acted sooner, the company maintains that it has responded to the PFAS crisis promptly and thoroughly. In an email message, Trent Perrotto, vice president for external communications at Johnson Controls, says, “As soon as we became aware that PFAS from historic operations at the [fire training center] migrated into private drinking water wells in Peshtigo, we took responsibility, provided bottled water and point-of-entry systems (POETS), and moved rapidly to address this issue and identify long-term solutions.”

Perrotto is referring to households in the “potable well sampling area,” or the limited zone where Tyco is responsible for cleanup. But some residents, like Trygve Rhude, a retired soil scientist who lives up the shoreline from the Furtons, worry that Tyco’s designated area excludes many households in the community that are likely affected.

“So if you’re on one side of the street and have contamination, you could be eligible for their POET system, their in-house treatment, [and] bottled water,” Rhude says. “If you live on the other side of that street, your well will not have been tested, and you get nothing.”

That leaves some families to keep drinking tap water with high levels of PFAS or pay for the testing and treatment themselves.

Furton’s sister, who lives a little over a mile away, is in this situation. Since her house is outside the covered area, she and her family have installed their own under-the-sink filtration in the kitchen and bathrooms, and they pay for bottled water out of pocket.

“It’s great that they can do that, but not everyone can,” Furton says. “That cost should be borne by the party that contaminated it.”

But not everyone in the community agrees about exactly how to hold Tyco responsible.

Some Peshtigo residents filed a class-action lawsuit against the company. The parties reached a $17.5 million settlement in early 2021, which covered things like property damage and medical monitoring. Tyco and the two other companies involved in the settlement have denied any wrongdoing.

For Furton, this is simply not enough.

“We opted out of the settlement because it did not include permanent, safe drinking water,” she says. “I don’t want a payout. I want to be able to have safe drinking water in my home.”

While Furton acknowledges that her neighbors are well within their rights to participate in the settlement, she is concerned that Tyco has been using a “divide-and-conquer” tactic to keep the community from organizing effectively. Anyone who was part of the settlement cannot sue Tyco, leaving a smaller pool of residents eligible to file a more expansive lawsuit that would hold the company liable for the full extent of the damage, including properties outside the limited designated area.

Asked about this, Perrotto writes, “Although Tyco does not comment on pending litigation, we stand behind the years of work and considerable resources we have invested in investigating and remediating PFAS related to historic operations at our Fire Technology Center in Marinette.”

Regardless, Furton sees a major power imbalance at play, with a large company like Tyco having an entire legal team to devote to this ongoing battle while the community is left to find solutions with limited resources. “I have to think that they know, or hope, ‘OK, if we parse out enough people, they won’t have a fighting chance,’ ” she says. “There’s a corporate playbook that they all know how to go by, but there’s not a citizen playbook.”


For Peshtigo residents like Furton, Kowalski, and Rhude, creating a sustainable, community-wide solution to their water problem is a top priority. But it’s not so simple in a town where everyone gets their water from private wells, which draw from groundwater.

In Wisconsin, as in many states, there is no groundwater standard for PFAS. There is a drinking water standard of seventy parts per trillion for PFOA and PFOS, two of the most common PFAS compounds, but this designation applies only to public water systems that serve at least twenty-five individuals.

One of the solutions that has been proposed in Peshtigo is to connect the town with the public water system in the neighboring city of Marinette. Though Marinette also has PFAS contamination within its city limits from Tyco’s plant, they draw their municipal water from Lake Michigan and are able to test and treat it before it goes out to individual homes.

In early 2019, at a meeting held in a local restaurant, Tyco said they were working with Marinette to pipe city water to affected Peshtigo residents.

But Furton says that after the meeting, she found out that Tyco hadn’t talked to the city of Marinette, hadn’t been working with local government officials in Peshtigo, and hadn’t informed the WDNR about this plan before publicly announcing it.

She notes that this kind of behavior has been typical for Tyco since this all began. “They will make these statements, these public promises, but they are not backed up by actual work, actual engineering, actual intergovernmental agreements.”

Perrotto provided The Progressive with a copy of a print ad that he said had run in local newspapers. It read, in part: “During 2023, Tyco evaluated over 600 additional groundwater and surface water samples collected last year, which confirmed the extent of PFAS impacts to groundwater from historical operations . . . . The data further demonstrate, as expected, that the plume is mature and not expanding.”

The ad continues: “Tyco is working with the WDNR to develop a long-term monitoring plan for groundwater. That plan will include over 150 monitoring wells located throughout the community to ensure the plume remains stable and geographically defined. All work will be done under WDNR oversight, and all data will be publicly available so our neighbors will be up to date on our continued progress.”

Meanwhile, the city of Marinette has indicated that they are not willing to extend their water service area to Peshtigo unless the town is annexed. This leaves residents with few other viable options for a permanent, clean drinking water source.

One is to dig new, deeper wells. But this comes with risks of its own. It’s possible that the local aquifer is already contaminated with PFAS, and even if it’s not, experts say that the process of drilling a new well could push existing “forever chemicals” farther down into the soil, creating more pollution and lasting problems.

Another option is to stick with the point-of-entry treatment systems, but these are limited to individual homes and require extensive maintenance. The WDNR has pointed out that there are long-term challenges to relying on POET systems, including that there is “no mechanism to ensure water quality protections are in place” after a property is sold and changes hands.

This brings us back to the municipal water route, which is favored by the WDNR as the best long-term solution. Elected officials in Peshtigo proposed creating a water utility district that could strike an agreement with the city of Marinette or another nearby city to receive municipal water. But while there were proponents of this plan, including Furton, who was serving on the town board at the time, it faced serious public opposition.

“I literally had a resident tell me one time that they would rather drink PFAS than city water,” Furton says.

There had recently been a town meeting with standing room only where residents voiced strong opinions about whether they supported the water utility district and, by extension, the town chair at the time, Cindy Boyle, who had spearheaded the effort.

Less than a month later, during the 2023 spring election, Boyle lost her re-election bid to a candidate who ran on a platform of rejecting the water utility district. The new town chair, Jennifer Friday, said that she cares about the PFAS problem but represents residents who “are not looking to completely vilify Tyco for their actions.”

While there are no easy answers when it comes to PFAS or holding megacorporations accountable for their actions, clean water advocates have not given up hope.

“You gotta look at the collective: What’s good for the entire state, the entire nation, the entire world versus what’s good for me,” Rhude says.

He has faced off with Tyco before in a landmark arsenic cleanup in the Menominee River, which took more than thirty years to be delisted as an area of concern. “Patience is a real virtue in this case, where you want to get the best solution for the most people. That’s gonna take time,” he says. “I think it’s important that we just stay the course and wait till that long-term solution is figured out.”

Furton echoed this sentiment. “We all need to look at this collectively because water doesn’t know municipal boundaries,” she says. “I don’t just want clean water for me now, or even for my lifespan. I want my kids and whoever lives in this house, in this community, in the future to also have that.” 

Richelle Wilson conducted the research for this story while producing Public Trust, a podcast from Midwest Environmental Advocates and Wisconsin Sea Grant, with support from the University of Wisconsin–Madison Center for the Humanities.

Read the full story here.
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Some big water agencies in farming areas get water for free. Critics say that needs to end

The federal government is providing water to some large agricultural districts for free. In a new study, researchers urge the Trump administration to start charging more for water.

The water that flows down irrigation canals to some of the West’s biggest expanses of farmland comes courtesy of the federal government for a very low price — even, in some cases, for free.In a new study, researchers analyzed wholesale prices charged by the federal government in California, Arizona and Nevada, and found that large agricultural water agencies pay only a fraction of what cities pay, if anything at all. They said these “dirt-cheap” prices cost taxpayers, add to the strains on scarce water, and discourage conservation — even as the Colorado River’s depleted reservoirs continue to decline.“Federal taxpayers have been subsidizing effectively free water for a very, very long time,” said Noah Garrison, a researcher at UCLA’s Institute of the Environment and Sustainability. “We can’t address the growing water scarcity in the West while we continue to give that water away for free or close to it.”The report, released this week by UCLA and the environmental group Natural Resources Defense Council, examines water that local agencies get from the Colorado River as well as rivers in California’s Central Valley, and concludes that the federal government delivers them water at much lower prices than state water systems or other suppliers.The researchers recommend the Trump administration start charging a “water reliability and security surcharge” on all Colorado River water as well as water from the canals of the Central Valley Project in California. That would encourage agencies and growers to conserve, they said, while generating hundreds of millions of dollars to repair aging and damaged canals and pay for projects such as new water recycling plants.“The need for the price of water to reflect its scarcity is urgent in light of the growing Colorado River Basin crisis,” the researchers wrote. The study analyzed only wholesale prices paid by water agencies, not the prices paid by individual farmers or city residents. It found that agencies serving farming areas pay about $30 per acre-foot of water on average, whereas city water utilities pay $512 per acre-foot. In California, Arizona and Nevada, the federal government supplies more than 7 million acre-feet of water, about 14 times the total water usage of Los Angeles, for less than $1 per acre-foot. And more than half of that — nearly one-fourth of all the water the researchers analyzed — is delivered for free by the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation to five water agencies in farming areas: the Imperial Irrigation District, Palo Verde Irrigation District and Coachella Valley Water District, as well as the Truckee-Carson Irrigation District in Nevada and the Unit B Irrigation and Drainage District in Arizona. Along the Colorado River, about three-fourths of the water is used for agriculture.Farmers in California’s Imperial Valley receive the largest share of Colorado River water, growing hay for cattle, lettuce, spinach, broccoli and other crops on more than 450,000 acres of irrigated lands. The Imperial Irrigation District charges farmers the same rate for water that it has for years: $20 per acre-foot. Tina Shields, IID’s water department manager, said the district opposes any surcharge on water. Comparing agricultural and urban water costs, as the researchers did, she said, “is like comparing a grape to a watermelon,” given major differences in how water is distributed and treated.Shields pointed out that IID and local farmers are already conserving, and this year the savings will equal about 23% of the district’s total water allotment. “Imperial Valley growers provide the nation with a safe, reliable food supply on the thinnest of margins for many growers,” she said in an email.She acknowledged IID does not pay any fee to the government for water, but said it does pay for operating, maintaining and repairing both federal water infrastructure and the district’s own system. “I see no correlation between the cost of Colorado River water and shortages, and disagree with these inflammatory statements,” Shields said, adding that there “seems to be an intent to drive a wedge between agricultural and urban water users at a time when collaborative partnerships are more critical than ever.”The Colorado River provides water for seven states, 30 Native tribes and northern Mexico, but it’s in decline. Its reservoirs have fallen during a quarter-century of severe drought intensified by climate change. Its two largest reservoirs, Lake Mead and Lake Powell, are now less than one-third full.Negotiations among the seven states on how to deal with shortages have deadlocked.Mark Gold, a co-author, said the government’s current water prices are so low that they don’t cover the costs of operating, maintaining and repairing aging aqueducts and other infrastructure. Even an increase to $50 per acre-foot of water, he said, would help modernize water systems and incentivize conservation. A spokesperson for the U.S. Interior Department, which oversees the Bureau of Reclamation, declined to comment on the proposal.The Colorado River was originally divided among the states under a 1922 agreement that overpromised what the river could provide. That century-old pact and the ingrained system of water rights, combined with water that costs next to nothing, Gold said, lead to “this slow-motion train wreck that is the Colorado right now.” Research has shown that the last 25 years were likely the driest quarter-century in the American West in at least 1,200 years, and that global warming is contributing to this megadrought.The Colorado River’s flow has decreased about 20% so far this century, and scientists have found that roughly half the decline is due to rising temperatures, driven largely by fossil fuels.In a separate report this month, scientists Jonathan Overpeck and Brad Udall said the latest science suggests that climate change will probably “exert a stronger influence, and this will mean a higher likelihood of continued lower precipitation in the headwaters of the Colorado River into the future.” Experts have urged the Trump administration to impose substantial water cuts throughout the Colorado River Basin, saying permanent reductions are necessary. Kathryn Sorensen and Sarah Porter, researchers at Arizona State University’s Kyl Center for Water Policy, have suggested the federal government set up a voluntary program to buy and retire water-intensive farmlands, or to pay landowners who “agree to permanent restrictions on water use.”Over the last few years, California and other states have negotiated short-term deals and as part of that, some farmers in California and Arizona are temporarily leaving hay fields parched and fallow in exchange for federal payments.The UCLA researchers criticized these deals, saying water agencies “obtain water from the federal government at low or no cost, and the government then buys that water back from the districts at enormous cost to taxpayers.”Isabel Friedman, a coauthor and NRDC researcher, said adopting a surcharge would be a powerful conservation tool. “We need a long-term strategy that recognizes water as a limited resource and prices it as such,” she wrote in an article about the proposal.

California cities pay a lot for water; some agricultural districts get it for free

Even among experts the cost of water supplies is hard to pin down. A new study reveals huge differences in what water suppliers for cities and farms pay for water from rivers and reservoirs in California, Arizona and Nevada.

In summary Even among experts the cost of water supplies is hard to pin down. A new study reveals huge differences in what water suppliers for cities and farms pay for water from rivers and reservoirs in California, Arizona and Nevada. California cities pay far more for water on average than districts that supply farms — with some urban water agencies shelling out more than $2,500 per acre-foot of surface water, and some irrigation districts paying nothing, according to new research.  A report published today by researchers with the UCLA Institute of the Environment and Sustainability and advocates with the Natural Resources Defense Council shines a light on vast disparities in the price of water across California, Arizona and Nevada.  The true price of water is often hidden from consumers. A household bill may reflect suppliers’ costs to build conduits and pump water from reservoirs and rivers to farms and cities. A local district may obtain water from multiple sources at different costs. Even experts have trouble deciphering how much water suppliers pay for the water itself. The research team spent a year scouring state and federal contracts, financial reports and agency records to assemble a dataset of water purchases, transfers and contracts to acquire water from rivers and reservoirs. They compared vastly different water suppliers with different needs and geographies, purchasing water from delivery systems built at different times and paid for under different contracts. Their overarching conclusion: One of the West’s most valuable resources has no consistent valuation – and sometimes costs nothing at all.  Cities pay the highest prices for water. Look up what cities or irrigation districts in California, Nevada and Arizona pay for surface water in our interactive database at calmatters.org “It costs money to move water around,” the report says, “but there is no cost, and no price signal, for the actual water.” That’s a problem, the authors argue, as California and six other states in the Colorado River basin hash out how to distribute the river’s dwindling flows — pressed by federal ultimatums, and dire conditions in the river’s two major reservoirs. The study sounds the alarm that the price of water doesn’t reflect its growing scarcity and disincentivizes conservation. “We’re dealing with a river system and water supply source that is in absolute crisis and is facing massive shortfalls … and yet we’re still treating this as if it’s an abundant, limitless resource that should be free,” said Noah Garrison, environmental science practicum director at UCLA and lead author on the study.  Jeffrey Mount, senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California, applauded the research effort. Though he had not yet reviewed the report, he said complications abound, built into California’s water infrastructure itself and amplified by climate change. Moving, storing and treating water can drive up costs, and are only sometimes captured in the price.  “We’ve got to be careful about pointing our fingers and saying farmers are getting a free ride,” Mount said. Still, he agreed that water is undervalued: “We do not pay the full costs of water — the full social, full economic and the full environmental costs of water.”  Coastal cities pay the most The research team investigated how much suppliers above a certain purchase threshold spend on water from rivers and reservoirs in California, Arizona and Nevada.  They found that California water suppliers pay more than double on average than what Nevada districts pay for water, and seven times more than suppliers in Arizona.  The highest costs span the coast between San Francisco and San Diego, which the researchers attributed to the cost of delivery to these regions and water transfers that drive up the price every time water changes hands.  “In some of those cases it’s almost a geographic penalty for California, that there are larger conveyance or transport and infrastructure needs, depending on where the districts are located,” Garrison said.  Agricultural water districts pay the least In California, according to the authors, cities pay on average 20 times more than water suppliers for farms — about $722 per acre foot, compared to $36.  One acre foot can supply roughly 11 Californians for a year, according to the state’s Department of Water Resources.  Five major agricultural suppliers paid nothing to the federal government for nearly 4 million acre-feet of water, including three in California that receive Colorado River water: the Imperial Irrigation District, the Coachella Valley Water District and the Palo Verde Irrigation District.  Tina Anderholt Shields, water manager for the Imperial Irrigation District, which receives the single largest share of Colorado River water, said the district’s contract with the U.S. government does not require any payment for the water.  Cities, by contrast, received less than 40,000 acre-feet of water for $0. The report notes, however, that the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California, a major urban water importer, spends only 25 cents an acre-foot for around 850,000 acre-feet of water from the Colorado River.  Bill Hasencamp, manager of Colorado River resources at Metropolitan, said that the true cost of this water isn’t reflected in the 25-cent fee, because the expense comes from moving it. By the time the Colorado River water gets to the district, he said it costs several hundred dollars. Plus, he added, the district pays for hydropower, which helps cover the costs of the dams storing the water supply. “That enables us to only pay 25 cents an acre foot to the feds on the water side, because we’re paying Hoover Dam costs on the power side.” Federal supplies are the cheapest; transfers drive up costs Much of the difference among water prices across three states comes down to source: those whose supplies come from federally managed rivers, reservoirs, aqueducts and pumps pay far less on average than those receiving water from state managed distribution systems or via water transfers.  Garrison and his team proposed adding a $50 surcharge per acre-foot of cheap federal supplies to help shore up the infrastructure against leaks and losses or pay for large-scale conservation efforts without tapping into taxpayer dollars.  But growers say that would devastate farming in California.  “It’s important to note that the ‘value’ of water is priceless,” said Allison Febbo, General Manager of Westlands Water District, which supplies San Joaquin Valley farms. The report calculates that the district pays less than $40 per acre foot for water from the federal Central Valley Project, though the Westlands rate structure notes another $14 fee to a restoration fund. “The consequences of unaffordable water can be seen throughout our District: fallowed fields, unemployment, decline in food production…” The Imperial Irrigation District’s Shields said that a surcharge would be inconsistent with their contract, difficult to implement, and unworkable for growers.  “It’s not like farmers can just pass it on to their buyers and then have that roll down to the consumer level where it might be ‘manageable,’” Shields said. The most expensive water in California is more than $2,800 an acre-foot The most expensive water in California, Arizona or Nevada flows from the rivers of Northern California, down California’s state-managed system of aqueducts and pumps, to the San Gorgonio Pass Water Agency in Riverside County. Total cost, according to the report: $2,870.21 per acre foot.  Lance Eckhart, the agency’s general manager, said he hadn’t spoken to the study’s authors but that the number sounded plausible. The price tag would make sense, he said, if it included contributing to the costs for building and maintaining the 705-mile long water delivery system, as well as for the electricity needed to pump water over mountains.  Eckhart compared the water conveyance to a railroad, and his water agency to a distant, distant stop. “We’re at the end, so we have the most railroad track to pay for, and also the most energy costs to get it down here,” he said.  Because it took decades for construction of the water delivery system to reach San Gorgonio Pass, the water agency built some of those costs into local property taxes before the water even arrived, rather than into the water bills for the cities and towns they supply. As a result, its mostly municipal customers pay only $399 per acre foot, Eckhart said.  “You can’t build it into rates if you’re not going to see your first gallon for 40 years,” Ekhart said.  The study didn’t interrogate how the wholesale price of imported water translates to residential bills. Water managers point out that cheap supplies like groundwater can help dilute the costs of pricey imported water.  The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, for instance, purchases water imported from the Colorado River and Northern California to fill gaps left by local groundwater stores, supplies from the Owens Valley, and other locally managed sources, said Marty Adams, the utility’s former general manager. (The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power was unable to provide an interview.) Because the amount of water needed can vary from year to year, it’s added as an additional charge on top of the base rate, Adams said. “If you have to pay for purchased water somewhere, when you add all the numbers up, it comes out in that total,” he said.  “The purchased water becomes the wildcard all the time.”

Scientists Thought Parkinson’s Was in Our Genes. It Might Be in the Water

Parkinson’s disease has environmental toxic factors, not just genetic.

Skip to main contentScientists Thought Parkinson’s Was in Our Genes. It Might Be in the WaterNew ideas about chronic illness could revolutionize treatment, if we take the research seriously.Photograph: Rachel JessenThe Big Story is exclusive to subscribers.Start your free trial to access The Big Story and all premium newsletters.—cancel anytime.START FREE TRIALAlready a subscriber? Sign InThe Big Story is exclusive to subscribers. START FREE TRIALword word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word word wordmmMwWLliI0fiflO&1mmMwWLliI0fiflO&1mmMwWLliI0fiflO&1mmMwWLliI0fiflO&1mmMwWLliI0fiflO&1mmMwWLliI0fiflO&1mmMwWLliI0fiflO&1

Drinking water contaminated with Pfas probably increases risk of infant mortality, study finds

Study of 11,000 births in New Hampshire shows residents’ reproductive outcomes near contaminated sitesDrinking water contaminated with Pfas chemicals probably increases the risk of infant mortality and other harm to newborns, a new peer-reviewed study of 11,000 births in New Hampshire finds.The first-of-its-kind University of Arizona research found drinking well water down gradient from a Pfas-contaminated site was tied to an increase in infant mortality of 191%, pre-term birth of 20%, and low-weight birth of 43%. Continue reading...

Drinking water contaminated with Pfas chemicals probably increases the risk of infant mortality and other harm to newborns, a new peer-reviewed study of 11,000 births in New Hampshire finds.The first-of-its-kind University of Arizona research found drinking well water down gradient from a Pfas-contaminated site was tied to an increase in infant mortality of 191%, pre-term birth of 20%, and low-weight birth of 43%.It was also tied to an increase in extremely premature birth and extremely low-weight birth by 168% and 180%, respectively.The findings caught authors by surprise, said Derek Lemoine, a study co-author and economics professor at the University of Arizona who focuses on environmental policymaking and pricing climate risks.“I don’t know if we expected to find effects this big and this detectable, especially given that there isn’t that much infant mortality, and there aren’t that many extremely low weight or pre-term births,” Lemoine said. “But it was there in the data.”The study also weighed the cost of societal harms in drinking contaminated water against up-front cleanup costs, and found it to be much cheaper to address Pfas water pollution.Extrapolating the findings to the entire US population, the authors estimate a nearly $8bn negative annual economic impact just in increased healthcare costs and lost productivity. The cost of complying with current regulations for removing Pfas in drinking water is estimated at about $3.8bn.“We are trying to put numbers on this and that’s important because when you want to clean up and regulate Pfas, there’s a real cost to it,” Lemoine said.Pfas are a class of at least 16,000 compounds often used to help products resist water, stains and heat. They are called “forever chemicals” because they do not naturally break down and accumulate in the environment, and they are linked to serious health problems such as cancer, kidney disease, liver problems, immune disorders and birth defects.Pfas are widely used across the economy, and industrial sites that utilize them in high volume often pollute groundwater. Military bases and airports are among major sources of Pfas pollution because the chemicals are used in firefighting foam. The federal government estimated that about 95 million people across the country drink contaminated water from public or private wells.Previous research has raised concern about the impact of Pfas exposure on fetuses and newborns.Among those are toxicological studies in which researchers examine the chemicals’ impact on lab animals, but that leaves some question about whether humans experience the same harms, Lemoine said.Other studies are correlative and look at the levels of Pfas in umbilical cord blood or in newborns in relation to levels of disease. Lemoine said those findings are not always conclusive, in part because many variables can contribute to reproductive harm.The new natural study is unique because it gets close to “isolating the effect of the Pfas itself, and not anything around it”, Lemoine said.Researchers achieved this by identifying 41 New Hampshire sites contaminated with Pfoa and Pfos, two common Pfas compounds, then using topography data to determine groundwater flow direction. The authors then examined reproductive outcomes among residents down gradient from the sites.Researchers chose New Hampshire because it is the only state where Pfas and reproductive data is available, Lemoine said. Well locations are confidential, so mothers were unaware of whether their water source was down gradient from a Pfas-contaminated site. That created a randomization that allows for causal inference, the authors noted.The study’s methodology is rigorous and unique, and underscores “that Pfas is no joke, and is toxic at very low concentrations”, said Sydney Evans, a senior science analyst with the Environmental Working Group non-profit. The group studies Pfas exposures and advocates for tighter regulations.The study is in part effective because mothers did not know whether they were exposed, which created the randomization, Evans said, but she noted that the state has the information. The findings raise questions about whether the state should be doing a similar analysis and alerting mothers who are at risk, Evans said.Lemoine said the study had some limitations, including that authors don’t know the mothers’ exact exposure levels to Pfas, nor does the research account for other contaminants that may be in the water. But he added that the findings still give a strong picture of the chemicals’ effects.Granular activated carbon or reverse osmosis systems can be used by water treatment plants and consumers at home to remove many kinds of Pfas, and those systems also remove other contaminants.The Biden administration last year put in place limits in drinking water for six types of Pfas, and gave water utilities several years to install systems.The Trump administration is moving to undo the limits for some compounds. That would probably cost the public more in the long run. Utility customers pay the cost of removing Pfas, but the public “also pays the cost of drinking contaminated water, which is bigger”, Lemoine said.

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