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Deja vu comes to Arkansas as lithium follows oil

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Wednesday, September 25, 2024

This story was supported by the Fund for Environmental Journalism of the Society of Environmental Journalists. In the dusty light of a decades-old lunch counter in Lewisville, Arkansas, Chantell Dunbar-Jones expressed optimism at what the lithium boom coming to this stretch of the state will mean for her hometown. She sees jobs, economic development, and a measure of prosperity returning to a region that needs them. After waving to a gaggle of children crossing the street in honey-colored afternoon sunshine, the city council member assessed the future as best she could. “Not to say that everything’s perfect, but I feel like the positives way outweigh the negative,” she said. Lewisville sits in the southwest corner of the state, squarely atop the Smackover Formation, a limestone aquifer that stretches from northeast Texas to the Gulf Coast of Florida and has for 100 years spurted oil and natural gas. The petroleum industry boomed here in the 1920s and peaked again in the 1960s before declining to a steady trickle over the decades that followed. But the Smackover has more to give. The brine and bromine pooled 10,000 feet below the surface contains lithium, a critical component in the batteries needed to move beyond fossil fuels. Exxon Mobil is among at least four companies lining up to draw it from the earth. It opened a test site not far from Lewisville late last year and plans to extract enough of the metal to produce 100,000 electric vehicle batteries by 2026 and 1 million by 2030. Another company, Standard Lithium, believes its leases may hold 1.8 million metric tons of the material and will spend $1.3 billion building a processing facility to handle it all. All of this has Governor Sarah Huckabee Sanders predicting that her state will become the nation’s leading lithium producer.  With so much money to be made, Dunbar-Jones and other public officials find themselves being courted by extraction company executives eager to tell them what all of this could mean for the people and places they lead. They have been hosting town meetings, promising to build lasting, mutually beneficial relationships with the communities and residents of the area. So far, Dunbar-Jones and many others are optimistic. They see a looming renaissance, even as other community members acknowledge the mixed legacies of those who earn their money pulling resources from the ground. Such companies provide livelihoods, but only as long as there is something to extract, and they often leave pollution in their wake.  The companies eyeing the riches buried beneath the pine forests and bayous promise plenty of jobs and opportunities, and paint themselves as responsible stewards of the environment. But drawing brine to the surface is a water-intensive process, and similar operations in Nevada aren’t expected to create more than a few hundred permanent jobs. It’s high-paying work, but often requires advanced degrees many in this region don’t possess. Looking beyond the employment question, some local residents are wary of the companies looking to lease their land for lithium. It brings to mind memories of the unscrupulous and shady dealings common during the oil boom of a century ago. For residents of Lewisville, which is majority-Black, such concerns are set against a broader history of bigotry and the fact that even as other towns prospered, they have long been the last to benefit from promises of the sort being made these days. Folks throughout the area are quick to note that the wealth that flowed from the oil fields their parents and grandparents worked benefited some more than others, even as they lived with the ecological devastation that industry left behind. Dunbar-Jones is confident that, if nothing else, concern about their reputation and a need to ensure cordial relations with community leaders will sway lithium companies into supporting local needs. “All I can say is right now it’s up in the air as to what they will do,” she said, “but it seems promising.”  Lewisville sits just west of Magnolia, El Dorado, and Camden, three cities that outline the “golden triangle” region that prospered after the discovery of oil in 1920. In an area long dependent upon timber, the plantation economy transformed almost instantly as tenant farmers, itinerant prospectors, and small landholders became rich. Within five years, 3,483 wells dotted the land, and Arkansas was producing 73 million barrels annually.  Although the boom created great wealth, Lewisville remained largely rural, and its residents labored in the fields that made others rich. Still, the oil economy, coupled with the timber industry, brought a rush of saloons, itinerant workers, and hotels to many towns. Restaurants, supermarkets, and other trappings of a middle-class community soon followed, though Lewisville always lagged a bit behind. That prosperity lasted a bit longer than the oil did. The first wells ran dry by the end of the 1920s, but the Smackover continued producing 20 to 30 million barrels annually until 1967, when it began a steady decline. These days, it offers about 4.4 million a year. A fading map of Arkansas on a building in Lafayette County. Grist/Lou Murrey The shops that once served Lewisville and the furniture and feed factories that employed those who didn’t work the fields have long since gone. Jana Crank, who has lived here for 58 years, came of age in the 1960s and remembers prosperous times. She runs a community gallery in what’s left of downtown, where most buildings sport faded paint and cracked windows. “It used to be a TV fix-it shop,” Crank, a retired high school art teacher, said of the space. As she spoke, a group of friends painted quietly. Canvases showing sunsets, crosses, and landscapes lined the walls. The scenes, bright and cheerful, stood in contrast to Lewisville, where retailers have moved on, the hospital has closed, and the schools have been consolidated to save money. Fewer than 900 people live here, about half as many as during the town’s peak in the 1970s. They tend to be older, with a median household income of around $30,000. “People are just dying out, their children don’t even live in town,” Crank said. “They have nothing to come back for.”  That could change. Jobs associated with mining rare-earth minerals are highly compensated and highly sought-after, many of them netting as much as $92,000 per year. State Commerce Secretary Hugh McDonald believes the state could provide 15 percent of the world’s lithium needs, and Sanders has said Arkansas is “moving at breakneck speed to become the lithium capital of America.” A few steps in that direction already have been taken around Lewisville, the county seat of Lafayette County. It is home to 13 lithium test wells, the most in the region. They’re tucked away behind pine trees, fields of cattle, and, occasionally, homes. The dirt and gravel roads leading to them have been churned to slurry by heavy equipment. A dirt road in Lafayette County leads to a lithium test well. Grist/Lou Murrey Those who own and work the wells arrived quietly last year, their presence indicated by the increasing number of trucks with plates from nearby Texas and Louisiana, sparking rumors throughout the region. They officially announced themselves to Mayor Ethan Dunbar last fall, in visits to local officials, mostly county leaders, to initiate friendly relations and establish the basis for economic partnerships. Mayor Dunbar and the Lewisville City Council were invited to a public meeting where lithium company executives discussed their plans and took questions.   The town’s motto is “Building Community Pride,” something Dunbar-Jones, who is the mayor’s sister, takes seriously. She and others have hosted movie nights, community dinners, and, in a particular point of pride, clinics to help people convicted of crimes get their records expunged. Meanwhile, the city council, joined by a number of residents, has come together to nail down just what the lithium boom will mean for the town and to ensure everyone knows what’s in store.  That’s particularly important, Dunbar-Jones said, because 60 percent of the town’s residents are Black. “Typically in minority neighborhoods, people are not as aware of what’s going on, because the information just doesn’t trickle down to them the way it does to other people,” she said. “At the meetings with the actual lithium companies, there may be a handful of people of color there versus others. So that lets you know who’s getting that information.” Chantell Dunbar-Jones talks her town’s future in the Burge’s restaurant, Lewisville’s only thriving business. Grist/Lou Murrey A representative of Exxon, the only company that responded to a request for comment, said it has strived to build ties with communities throughout the region. “We connect early and often with elected officials, community members and local leaders to have meaningful conversations, provide transparency, and find ways to give back,” the representative said. It has opened a community liaison office in Magnolia and has worked with the city’s Chamber of Commerce to sponsor community events. It also established a $100,000 endowment for Columbia and Lafayette counties to provide grants for “education, public safety, and quality-of-life initiatives.” Folks in Lewisville would like to see more of that kind of attention. In March, the city, working with the University of Arkansas Hope-Texarkana, hosted a town hall meeting so residents could speak to lithium executives and express concerns. The mayor recalls it drawing a standing room-only crowd that expressed hope that the industry would bring jobs and revenue to town, but also worried about the environmental impact. Folks called on Exxon and other companies to support new housing and establish pathways for young people to work in the industry.  Venesha Sasser, who at 29 is the chief development officer of the local telephone company, sees the coming boom providing an opportunity to build generational wealth for families and resources, like broadband internet access, for communities. Any company that can invest $4 billion in a lithium operation can surely afford to toss a little back, Sasser said. “We want to make sure that whoever is investing in our community, and who we are investing in, actually means our people good.” Sasser followed a trajectory common among young Black professionals from the area: She left to pursue an education, then returned to care for loved ones. As she got more involved in the community, she often found herself being treated a little differently, an experience Mayor Dunbar delicately described as bumping up against “old systems.” Lewisville is a majority-Black town in a majority-white county, and as of 2022, had a poverty rate of 23 percent. Although community leaders say they work well with colleagues in other towns and with county leaders, they also feel that they’ve had to elbow their way into conversations with lithium companies. They worry that the dynamics of the oil days, when Black men worked alongside whites but often in lower-paying, less desirable jobs and most of the money stayed in wealthier cities like El Dorado, will repeat themselves. “You had people from Magnolia and El Dorado and Spring Hill and other places coming in and doing the work and reaping the benefits, and then when it was gone, they were gone,” said Virginia Perry, a retired school teacher who grew up in Lewisville and lives in Little Rock. Her ex-husband drilled for oil years ago, and the experience left her with a sour taste in her mouth. “I’m thinking it’s going to be pretty much the same,” she said. “They’re going to ease in, they want to do all this work and create all these jobs for somebody and then ease out when it’s done in a few years. Then here we’ll be with soil that can’t grow anything, contaminated water, and a whole bunch of kids with asthma.” Mayor Dunbar, who is midway through his second term, is trying to balance reservations with optimism. “‘Imagine the possibilities.’ That’s my tagline,” he said, settling into a chair at City Hall. A blackboard behind him outlined his priorities: housing, recreation, education. He hopes support from companies like Tetra Technologies, which is developing a 6,138-acre project not far away, will finance those goals and give people a future that’s more stable than the past, one in which Lewisville’s children can pursue the same opportunities that kids in nearby, better-resourced communities can.  “Think about Albemarle in Magnolia,” he said, referring to the bromine plant about 30 miles up the road. “Get a job at Albemarle, you stay there 25 years, you earn a decent salary, you’d have a decent retirement. You can live well. Quality of life is good. We are hoping to see the same thing here.”  Ethan Dunbar, mayor of Lewisville, sits in front of a blackboard filled with notes on his priorities as mayor. Grist/Lou Murrey Many of the people poised to benefit from the lithium beneath their feet seem ambivalent about climate change. In El Dorado, in a bar called The Mink Eye, an oil refinery worker grimaced at the mention of electric vehicles. The next morning, retired oil workers gathered at Johnny B’s Grill scoffed at the idea of a boom. A waitress admitted that she’d bought stock in lithium companies, but said any faith that the industry will bring renewed prosperity does not necessarily mean folks are on board with the green transition. “These men drive diesels,” she said, pointing toward her customers. Still, she said, any jobs are good jobs. That attitude pervades the state capitol in Little Rock, where politicians who don’t give much thought to why the energy transition is necessary cheer the state’s emerging role in it. The governor, who has cast doubt on human-caused climate change, has appeared at industry events like the Arkansas Lithium Innovation Summit to proclaim the state “bullish” on its reserves of the element. “We all knew that towns like El Dorado and Smackover were built by oil and gas,” Sanders told the audience. “But who knew that our quiet brine and bromine industry had the potential to change the world.” Much of the world’s lithium is blasted out of rocks or drawn from brine left to evaporate in vast pools, leaving behind toxic residue. The companies descending on Arkansas plan to use a more sustainable method called direct lithium extraction, or DLE. It seems to be a bit more ecologically friendly and much less water-intensive than the massive pit mines or vast evaporation ponds often found in South America. It essentially pumps water into the aquifer, filters the lithium from the extracted brine, then returns it to the aquifer in what advocates call a largely closed system. Researchers from the University of California, Los Angeles, in a report prepared for the Nature Conservancy, said that “DLE appears to offer the lowest impacts of available extraction technologies.” Still, the technology is relatively new. According to Yale Environment 360, Arkansas provides a suitable proving ground for the approach because it has abundant water, a large concentration of lithium, and an established network of wells, pipelines, and refineries. But there are concerns about the amount of water required and the waste material left behind, despite repeated assurances from lithium companies that the process is safe and sustainable. Although DLE doesn’t require as much water as brine evaporation, in which that water is lost, “it is a freshwater consumption source,” Patrick Donnelly, of the Center for Biological Diversity, said in an interview with KUAF radio in Fayetteville, Arkansas. The waste generated by the process is another concern, he said, “in particular, a solid waste stream. It’s impossible for them to extract only the lithium.”   Locals are well aware of the impact brine can have on the land. Before anyone realized its value, oil and gas producers didn’t worry much about it leaking or spilling onto the ground, literally salting the earth. Some are concerned that the pipelines that will carry brine to refineries might leak, as they did in the oil days. Such fears are compounded by the fact the state Department of Environmental Quality relies on individuals to report problems and doesn’t appear to do much outreach to residents. A churned-up entrance to a lithium test site in Lafayette County. Grist/Lou Murrey There’s also a lot of skepticism about how many jobs the boom may create. So far, Standard Lithium’s plant in El Dorado employs 91 people, said Douglas Zollner, who works with the Arkansas branch of the Nature Conservancy and has toured the facility. No one’s offered any projections on how many people might find work in the budding industry, but a lithium boom in Nevada suggests it may not be all that many. Construction of the Thacker Pass mine, which could produce 80,000 metric tons of lithium annually, is expected to generate 1,500 temporary construction and other jobs — but it will only employ 300 once operational. Those jobs pay well, but typically require advanced training. Public universities like Arkansas Tech University are revising science and engineering curricula to meet the lithium industry’s needs, hoping to connect students with internships in the field. However, locals worry that disinvestment in schools in rural and largely Black communities will leave those who most need these jobs unable to attain the training necessary to land them. Just how much money might flow into local communities remains another open question. Fossil fuel companies lease the land they drill and pay landowners royalties of 16.67 percent of their profit. Any oil pumped from the land also is taxed at 4 to 5 percent of its market value. This fee, called severance tax, is paid to the counties or towns from which the resource was extracted.  None of these things apply to lithium. So far, there is no severance tax on the metal, though the state levies a tax of $2.75 for every 1,000 barrels of the brine from which it is extracted. The state Oil and Gas Commission continues haggling over a royalty rate, though it seems unlikely the fee will be as high as those paid on oil and gas leases. When the state sought a double-digit royalty, the industry balked, arguing that extracting and processing lithium is expensive and officials ought to wait until production begins in earnest before deciding what’s fair.  Companies cannot extract and sell the metal for commercial use until the commission sets a royalty rate, a process expected to drag on for some time. On July 26, the major players in the Arkansas lithium industry filed a joint application seeking a rate of 1.82 percent. The South Arkansas Mineral Association — which represents the majority of landowners, which is to say, timber companies, oil companies, and other corporate interests — demanded a higher share.  Small landowners still hope to benefit, and the lack of clarity around royalties hasn’t done much to engender trust among locals wary of the companies looking to lease their land. Some folks, already offered terms, are using online forums to determine if they’re being stiffed. Others fear efforts to wrest land from the few Black families who own property, often passed between generations informally without a deed or title. Such land, called heirs’ property, accounts for more than one-third of Black-owned property in the South, and without the documentation required to prove ownership, land can be subject to court-ordered sales.  Many in Lewisville, say they regularly receive calls and texts from people interested in buying land, and Perry has seen people checking out properties and attending auctions. During a visit to the Lafayette County courthouse archives, I noticed a woman thumbing through mineral rights records. Although she wouldn’t identify herself, she politely explained that she was checking such documents throughout Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana, bringing to mind the speculators who, during the oil boom, did the same before approaching naive residents who may not know about the riches under their land.  Beyond the timber companies with holdings in the region, most of the major landowners are white and wealthy, and any spoils, Perry suspects, will simply pass from one affluent family or powerful company to another, with no benefit to people like her. “What land, honey?” she said with a small, sardonic laugh. “That’s a pie in the sky type dream to me.” Despite the concerns, the hype and fanfare surrounding the possibility of an economic revival remains high. City officials in Lewisville, and the people they lead, are trying to remain open-minded and easygoing even if unanswered questions linger about how many jobs might be coming, how the boom will benefit their town, and what it will mean for the environment. “You know, it’s kind of frustrating because the questions get asked at these meetings,” Dunbar, the mayor, said. But he feels the lithium companies often meet questions with the same pleasant, if unhelpful, answer of “We can’t talk about it.” They’re always so careful in their responses. ”They deliberately did not say anything until they knew what they wanted to do and say, that’s the same with what they want to provide communities,” Dunbar said.  Mayor Ethan Dunbar stands outside Lewisville city hall. Grist/Lou Murrey As for the $100,000 commitment from Exxon, no one’s sure exactly who will receive that money or how allocations will be made. The mayor, discussing that point, showed some frustration. He said he has tried, and will continue to try, to get the companies to put their promises of jobs and support for local infrastructure in writing. The balance of goodwill that he is trying to maintain between everyone involved is delicate: the lithium companies, whose jobs and support his community desperately needs; the county officials he must work with; the residents of Lewisville; and the mayors he collaborates with on grant applications. These towns are small, and word spreads quickly; relationships are as precious as the riches deep below the ground. As Dunbar-Jones, the city council member, finished her turkey sandwich in the late afternoon light of the diner, she spoke of her faith in the ties between the people of Lewisville. “It’s hard to get a group of people to work together, period, especially when they don’t know each other,” she said. “But we all know each other.” Despite her confidence, she knows she’s dealing with relationships in which companies take what they can and leave, where the question of what they owe the communities that enrich them is naive. Her father benefited from his job at Phillips 66, but it couldn’t last forever. When the oil was gone, those who profited from it were, too. From their perspective, she said, it’s a question of “How long am I going to support a community I’m no longer in? It would be unrealistic to think that there will be some long-term benefits from it.” The same is true of lithium, and the companies that will mine it. At some point, they will leave, and take their jobs and their money with them. Dunbar-Jones only hopes they leave Lewisville a little better off once they’ve left. Editor’s note: Climeworks is an advertiser with Grist. Advertisers have no role in Grist’s editorial decisions. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Deja vu comes to Arkansas as lithium follows oil on Sep 25, 2024.

In the energy towns of Arkansas, the coming lithium rush is bringing with it the risk of repeating the same mistakes and inequities of the past.

This story was supported by the Fund for Environmental Journalism of the Society of Environmental Journalists.

In the dusty light of a decades-old lunch counter in Lewisville, Arkansas, Chantell Dunbar-Jones expressed optimism at what the lithium boom coming to this stretch of the state will mean for her hometown. She sees jobs, economic development, and a measure of prosperity returning to a region that needs them. After waving to a gaggle of children crossing the street in honey-colored afternoon sunshine, the city council member assessed the future as best she could. “Not to say that everything’s perfect, but I feel like the positives way outweigh the negative,” she said.

Lewisville sits in the southwest corner of the state, squarely atop the Smackover Formation, a limestone aquifer that stretches from northeast Texas to the Gulf Coast of Florida and has for 100 years spurted oil and natural gas. The petroleum industry boomed here in the 1920s and peaked again in the 1960s before declining to a steady trickle over the decades that followed. But the Smackover has more to give. The brine and bromine pooled 10,000 feet below the surface contains lithium, a critical component in the batteries needed to move beyond fossil fuels.

Exxon Mobil is among at least four companies lining up to draw it from the earth. It opened a test site not far from Lewisville late last year and plans to extract enough of the metal to produce 100,000 electric vehicle batteries by 2026 and 1 million by 2030. Another company, Standard Lithium, believes its leases may hold 1.8 million metric tons of the material and will spend $1.3 billion building a processing facility to handle it all. All of this has Governor Sarah Huckabee Sanders predicting that her state will become the nation’s leading lithium producer. 

With so much money to be made, Dunbar-Jones and other public officials find themselves being courted by extraction company executives eager to tell them what all of this could mean for the people and places they lead. They have been hosting town meetings, promising to build lasting, mutually beneficial relationships with the communities and residents of the area. So far, Dunbar-Jones and many others are optimistic. They see a looming renaissance, even as other community members acknowledge the mixed legacies of those who earn their money pulling resources from the ground. Such companies provide livelihoods, but only as long as there is something to extract, and they often leave pollution in their wake

The companies eyeing the riches buried beneath the pine forests and bayous promise plenty of jobs and opportunities, and paint themselves as responsible stewards of the environment. But drawing brine to the surface is a water-intensive process, and similar operations in Nevada aren’t expected to create more than a few hundred permanent jobs. It’s high-paying work, but often requires advanced degrees many in this region don’t possess. Looking beyond the employment question, some local residents are wary of the companies looking to lease their land for lithium. It brings to mind memories of the unscrupulous and shady dealings common during the oil boom of a century ago.

For residents of Lewisville, which is majority-Black, such concerns are set against a broader history of bigotry and the fact that even as other towns prospered, they have long been the last to benefit from promises of the sort being made these days. Folks throughout the area are quick to note that the wealth that flowed from the oil fields their parents and grandparents worked benefited some more than others, even as they lived with the ecological devastation that industry left behind.

Dunbar-Jones is confident that, if nothing else, concern about their reputation and a need to ensure cordial relations with community leaders will sway lithium companies into supporting local needs. “All I can say is right now it’s up in the air as to what they will do,” she said, “but it seems promising.” 


Lewisville sits just west of Magnolia, El Dorado, and Camden, three cities that outline the “golden triangle” region that prospered after the discovery of oil in 1920. In an area long dependent upon timber, the plantation economy transformed almost instantly as tenant farmers, itinerant prospectors, and small landholders became rich. Within five years, 3,483 wells dotted the land, and Arkansas was producing 73 million barrels annually. 

Although the boom created great wealth, Lewisville remained largely rural, and its residents labored in the fields that made others rich. Still, the oil economy, coupled with the timber industry, brought a rush of saloons, itinerant workers, and hotels to many towns. Restaurants, supermarkets, and other trappings of a middle-class community soon followed, though Lewisville always lagged a bit behind.

That prosperity lasted a bit longer than the oil did. The first wells ran dry by the end of the 1920s, but the Smackover continued producing 20 to 30 million barrels annually until 1967, when it began a steady decline. These days, it offers about 4.4 million a year.

A fading map of Arkansas on a building in Lafayette County. Grist/Lou Murrey

The shops that once served Lewisville and the furniture and feed factories that employed those who didn’t work the fields have long since gone. Jana Crank, who has lived here for 58 years, came of age in the 1960s and remembers prosperous times. She runs a community gallery in what’s left of downtown, where most buildings sport faded paint and cracked windows. “It used to be a TV fix-it shop,” Crank, a retired high school art teacher, said of the space.

As she spoke, a group of friends painted quietly. Canvases showing sunsets, crosses, and landscapes lined the walls. The scenes, bright and cheerful, stood in contrast to Lewisville, where retailers have moved on, the hospital has closed, and the schools have been consolidated to save money. Fewer than 900 people live here, about half as many as during the town’s peak in the 1970s. They tend to be older, with a median household income of around $30,000. “People are just dying out, their children don’t even live in town,” Crank said. “They have nothing to come back for.” 

That could change. Jobs associated with mining rare-earth minerals are highly compensated and highly sought-after, many of them netting as much as $92,000 per year. State Commerce Secretary Hugh McDonald believes the state could provide 15 percent of the world’s lithium needs, and Sanders has said Arkansas is “moving at breakneck speed to become the lithium capital of America.”

A few steps in that direction already have been taken around Lewisville, the county seat of Lafayette County. It is home to 13 lithium test wells, the most in the region. They’re tucked away behind pine trees, fields of cattle, and, occasionally, homes. The dirt and gravel roads leading to them have been churned to slurry by heavy equipment.

A dirt road in Lafayette County leads to a lithium test well.
Grist/Lou Murrey

Those who own and work the wells arrived quietly last year, their presence indicated by the increasing number of trucks with plates from nearby Texas and Louisiana, sparking rumors throughout the region. They officially announced themselves to Mayor Ethan Dunbar last fall, in visits to local officials, mostly county leaders, to initiate friendly relations and establish the basis for economic partnerships. Mayor Dunbar and the Lewisville City Council were invited to a public meeting where lithium company executives discussed their plans and took questions.  

The town’s motto is “Building Community Pride,” something Dunbar-Jones, who is the mayor’s sister, takes seriously. She and others have hosted movie nights, community dinners, and, in a particular point of pride, clinics to help people convicted of crimes get their records expunged. Meanwhile, the city council, joined by a number of residents, has come together to nail down just what the lithium boom will mean for the town and to ensure everyone knows what’s in store. 

That’s particularly important, Dunbar-Jones said, because 60 percent of the town’s residents are Black. “Typically in minority neighborhoods, people are not as aware of what’s going on, because the information just doesn’t trickle down to them the way it does to other people,” she said. “At the meetings with the actual lithium companies, there may be a handful of people of color there versus others. So that lets you know who’s getting that information.”

Chantell Dunbar-Jones talks her town’s future in the Burge’s restaurant, Lewisville’s only thriving business. Grist/Lou Murrey

A representative of Exxon, the only company that responded to a request for comment, said it has strived to build ties with communities throughout the region. “We connect early and often with elected officials, community members and local leaders to have meaningful conversations, provide transparency, and find ways to give back,” the representative said. It has opened a community liaison office in Magnolia and has worked with the city’s Chamber of Commerce to sponsor community events. It also established a $100,000 endowment for Columbia and Lafayette counties to provide grants for “education, public safety, and quality-of-life initiatives.”

Folks in Lewisville would like to see more of that kind of attention. In March, the city, working with the University of Arkansas Hope-Texarkana, hosted a town hall meeting so residents could speak to lithium executives and express concerns. The mayor recalls it drawing a standing room-only crowd that expressed hope that the industry would bring jobs and revenue to town, but also worried about the environmental impact. Folks called on Exxon and other companies to support new housing and establish pathways for young people to work in the industry. 

Venesha Sasser, who at 29 is the chief development officer of the local telephone company, sees the coming boom providing an opportunity to build generational wealth for families and resources, like broadband internet access, for communities. Any company that can invest $4 billion in a lithium operation can surely afford to toss a little back, Sasser said. “We want to make sure that whoever is investing in our community, and who we are investing in, actually means our people good.”

Sasser followed a trajectory common among young Black professionals from the area: She left to pursue an education, then returned to care for loved ones. As she got more involved in the community, she often found herself being treated a little differently, an experience Mayor Dunbar delicately described as bumping up against “old systems.” Lewisville is a majority-Black town in a majority-white county, and as of 2022, had a poverty rate of 23 percent. Although community leaders say they work well with colleagues in other towns and with county leaders, they also feel that they’ve had to elbow their way into conversations with lithium companies. They worry that the dynamics of the oil days, when Black men worked alongside whites but often in lower-paying, less desirable jobs and most of the money stayed in wealthier cities like El Dorado, will repeat themselves.

“You had people from Magnolia and El Dorado and Spring Hill and other places coming in and doing the work and reaping the benefits, and then when it was gone, they were gone,” said Virginia Perry, a retired school teacher who grew up in Lewisville and lives in Little Rock. Her ex-husband drilled for oil years ago, and the experience left her with a sour taste in her mouth. “I’m thinking it’s going to be pretty much the same,” she said. “They’re going to ease in, they want to do all this work and create all these jobs for somebody and then ease out when it’s done in a few years. Then here we’ll be with soil that can’t grow anything, contaminated water, and a whole bunch of kids with asthma.”

Mayor Dunbar, who is midway through his second term, is trying to balance reservations with optimism. “‘Imagine the possibilities.’ That’s my tagline,” he said, settling into a chair at City Hall. A blackboard behind him outlined his priorities: housing, recreation, education. He hopes support from companies like Tetra Technologies, which is developing a 6,138-acre project not far away, will finance those goals and give people a future that’s more stable than the past, one in which Lewisville’s children can pursue the same opportunities that kids in nearby, better-resourced communities can. 

“Think about Albemarle in Magnolia,” he said, referring to the bromine plant about 30 miles up the road. “Get a job at Albemarle, you stay there 25 years, you earn a decent salary, you’d have a decent retirement. You can live well. Quality of life is good. We are hoping to see the same thing here.” 

Ethan Dunbar, mayor of Lewisville, sits in front of a blackboard filled with notes on his priorities as mayor. Grist/Lou Murrey

Many of the people poised to benefit from the lithium beneath their feet seem ambivalent about climate change. In El Dorado, in a bar called The Mink Eye, an oil refinery worker grimaced at the mention of electric vehicles. The next morning, retired oil workers gathered at Johnny B’s Grill scoffed at the idea of a boom. A waitress admitted that she’d bought stock in lithium companies, but said any faith that the industry will bring renewed prosperity does not necessarily mean folks are on board with the green transition. “These men drive diesels,” she said, pointing toward her customers. Still, she said, any jobs are good jobs.

That attitude pervades the state capitol in Little Rock, where politicians who don’t give much thought to why the energy transition is necessary cheer the state’s emerging role in it. The governor, who has cast doubt on human-caused climate change, has appeared at industry events like the Arkansas Lithium Innovation Summit to proclaim the state “bullish” on its reserves of the element. “We all knew that towns like El Dorado and Smackover were built by oil and gas,” Sanders told the audience. “But who knew that our quiet brine and bromine industry had the potential to change the world.”

Much of the world’s lithium is blasted out of rocks or drawn from brine left to evaporate in vast pools, leaving behind toxic residue. The companies descending on Arkansas plan to use a more sustainable method called direct lithium extraction, or DLE. It seems to be a bit more ecologically friendly and much less water-intensive than the massive pit mines or vast evaporation ponds often found in South America. It essentially pumps water into the aquifer, filters the lithium from the extracted brine, then returns it to the aquifer in what advocates call a largely closed system. Researchers from the University of California, Los Angeles, in a report prepared for the Nature Conservancy, said that “DLE appears to offer the lowest impacts of available extraction technologies.”

Still, the technology is relatively new. According to Yale Environment 360, Arkansas provides a suitable proving ground for the approach because it has abundant water, a large concentration of lithium, and an established network of wells, pipelines, and refineries. But there are concerns about the amount of water required and the waste material left behind, despite repeated assurances from lithium companies that the process is safe and sustainable.

Although DLE doesn’t require as much water as brine evaporation, in which that water is lost, “it is a freshwater consumption source,” Patrick Donnelly, of the Center for Biological Diversity, said in an interview with KUAF radio in Fayetteville, Arkansas. The waste generated by the process is another concern, he said, “in particular, a solid waste stream. It’s impossible for them to extract only the lithium.”  

Locals are well aware of the impact brine can have on the land. Before anyone realized its value, oil and gas producers didn’t worry much about it leaking or spilling onto the ground, literally salting the earth. Some are concerned that the pipelines that will carry brine to refineries might leak, as they did in the oil days. Such fears are compounded by the fact the state Department of Environmental Quality relies on individuals to report problems and doesn’t appear to do much outreach to residents.

A churned-up entrance to a lithium test site in Lafayette County. Grist/Lou Murrey

There’s also a lot of skepticism about how many jobs the boom may create. So far, Standard Lithium’s plant in El Dorado employs 91 people, said Douglas Zollner, who works with the Arkansas branch of the Nature Conservancy and has toured the facility. No one’s offered any projections on how many people might find work in the budding industry, but a lithium boom in Nevada suggests it may not be all that many. Construction of the Thacker Pass mine, which could produce 80,000 metric tons of lithium annually, is expected to generate 1,500 temporary construction and other jobs — but it will only employ 300 once operational.

Those jobs pay well, but typically require advanced training. Public universities like Arkansas Tech University are revising science and engineering curricula to meet the lithium industry’s needs, hoping to connect students with internships in the field. However, locals worry that disinvestment in schools in rural and largely Black communities will leave those who most need these jobs unable to attain the training necessary to land them.

Just how much money might flow into local communities remains another open question. Fossil fuel companies lease the land they drill and pay landowners royalties of 16.67 percent of their profit. Any oil pumped from the land also is taxed at 4 to 5 percent of its market value. This fee, called severance tax, is paid to the counties or towns from which the resource was extracted. 

None of these things apply to lithium. So far, there is no severance tax on the metal, though the state levies a tax of $2.75 for every 1,000 barrels of the brine from which it is extracted. The state Oil and Gas Commission continues haggling over a royalty rate, though it seems unlikely the fee will be as high as those paid on oil and gas leases. When the state sought a double-digit royalty, the industry balked, arguing that extracting and processing lithium is expensive and officials ought to wait until production begins in earnest before deciding what’s fair. 

Companies cannot extract and sell the metal for commercial use until the commission sets a royalty rate, a process expected to drag on for some time. On July 26, the major players in the Arkansas lithium industry filed a joint application seeking a rate of 1.82 percent. The South Arkansas Mineral Association — which represents the majority of landowners, which is to say, timber companies, oil companies, and other corporate interests — demanded a higher share

Small landowners still hope to benefit, and the lack of clarity around royalties hasn’t done much to engender trust among locals wary of the companies looking to lease their land. Some folks, already offered terms, are using online forums to determine if they’re being stiffed. Others fear efforts to wrest land from the few Black families who own property, often passed between generations informally without a deed or title. Such land, called heirs’ property, accounts for more than one-third of Black-owned property in the South, and without the documentation required to prove ownership, land can be subject to court-ordered sales. 

Many in Lewisville, say they regularly receive calls and texts from people interested in buying land, and Perry has seen people checking out properties and attending auctions. During a visit to the Lafayette County courthouse archives, I noticed a woman thumbing through mineral rights records. Although she wouldn’t identify herself, she politely explained that she was checking such documents throughout Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana, bringing to mind the speculators who, during the oil boom, did the same before approaching naive residents who may not know about the riches under their land. 

Beyond the timber companies with holdings in the region, most of the major landowners are white and wealthy, and any spoils, Perry suspects, will simply pass from one affluent family or powerful company to another, with no benefit to people like her. “What land, honey?” she said with a small, sardonic laugh. “That’s a pie in the sky type dream to me.”


Despite the concerns, the hype and fanfare surrounding the possibility of an economic revival remains high. City officials in Lewisville, and the people they lead, are trying to remain open-minded and easygoing even if unanswered questions linger about how many jobs might be coming, how the boom will benefit their town, and what it will mean for the environment.

“You know, it’s kind of frustrating because the questions get asked at these meetings,” Dunbar, the mayor, said. But he feels the lithium companies often meet questions with the same pleasant, if unhelpful, answer of “We can’t talk about it.” They’re always so careful in their responses. ”They deliberately did not say anything until they knew what they wanted to do and say, that’s the same with what they want to provide communities,” Dunbar said. 

Mayor Ethan Dunbar stands outside Lewisville city hall. Grist/Lou Murrey

As for the $100,000 commitment from Exxon, no one’s sure exactly who will receive that money or how allocations will be made. The mayor, discussing that point, showed some frustration. He said he has tried, and will continue to try, to get the companies to put their promises of jobs and support for local infrastructure in writing.

The balance of goodwill that he is trying to maintain between everyone involved is delicate: the lithium companies, whose jobs and support his community desperately needs; the county officials he must work with; the residents of Lewisville; and the mayors he collaborates with on grant applications. These towns are small, and word spreads quickly; relationships are as precious as the riches deep below the ground.

As Dunbar-Jones, the city council member, finished her turkey sandwich in the late afternoon light of the diner, she spoke of her faith in the ties between the people of Lewisville. “It’s hard to get a group of people to work together, period, especially when they don’t know each other,” she said. “But we all know each other.”

Despite her confidence, she knows she’s dealing with relationships in which companies take what they can and leave, where the question of what they owe the communities that enrich them is naive. Her father benefited from his job at Phillips 66, but it couldn’t last forever. When the oil was gone, those who profited from it were, too. From their perspective, she said, it’s a question of “How long am I going to support a community I’m no longer in? It would be unrealistic to think that there will be some long-term benefits from it.” The same is true of lithium, and the companies that will mine it. At some point, they will leave, and take their jobs and their money with them. Dunbar-Jones only hopes they leave Lewisville a little better off once they’ve left.

Editor’s note: Climeworks is an advertiser with Grist. Advertisers have no role in Grist’s editorial decisions.

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Deja vu comes to Arkansas as lithium follows oil on Sep 25, 2024.

Read the full story here.
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Ohio’s largest utility pushes to slash rooftop solar compensation

Ohio’s largest utility wants to slash compensation for rooftop solar owners — which would affect not only future investments but also thousands of regulated utility customers who have already installed panels on their homes based on existing rules. Later this year, the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio will decide…

The Citizens Utility Board of Ohio, Interstate Gas Supply, the Retail Energy Supply Association, Solar United Neighbors, the Ohio Environmental Council, and the Environmental Law & Policy Center have all filed formal replies with the PUCO, urging regulators to reject AEP’s arguments and to keep the current net-metering rules in place for all ratepayers. AEP’s Ohio media relations office wrote via email, ​“Under net metering, a portion of the distribution-related charges are essentially shifted to other customers when the charges are calculated only for the net portion of the electricity delivered,” because infrastructure costs ​“are designed to be spread across the customers the system was built to serve.” The company did not respond to Canary Media’s request for data showing how it or other regulated utilities would be hurt by net metering for customers who pick competitive energy suppliers or take part in community aggregation programs. The company has come after net metering before — and ultimately lost. More than a decade ago, AEP took its arguments to limit net metering to the Ohio Supreme Court. The court ultimately dismissed that case after the PUCO released new rules that generally favored the company. A year after hearing lawyers’ arguments urging it to reconsider those rules, however, the commission changed course. The current policy, adopted in December 2018, requires regulated utilities to compensate all rooftop solar customers for excess power, but it does not allow credit for distribution charges or for any avoided capacity charges. AEP’s gambit to change the rules now surprised advocates for renewable energy, such as Mryia Williams, Ohio program director for Solar United Neighbors. ​“The PUCO staff had already concluded that net-metering rules are working as intended, and they didn’t think any changes needed to be made,” she said, referring to a Nov. 5 administrative law judge’s order in the rules docket. The utility has not offered any data or other detailed assessment to justify its proposed changes, Williams said. And many rooftop solar owners relied on the current regulations when calculating whether to make the investment. ​“Everybody is just wanting to make sure that what’s already been promised is continued,” she said. Plus, rooftop solar customers already pay for equipment to feed excess power to the utility. Levying distribution costs for electricity that customers wind up feeding back to the grid would, in effect, charge them for supplying the utility with distributed energy. Other energy suppliers don’t have to pay that expense, so it shouldn’t be something utilities can charge residents for either, said Nat Ziegler, manager of community solutions for Power a Clean Future Ohio. Moreover, reducing net-metering compensation and limiting who can get it would discourage more people from adding rooftop solar, said Joe Flarida, executive director for Power a Clean Future Ohio. “More generation on the grid will help limit the amount of price increases we’re seeing,” Flarida explained. ​“Certainly, if we can encourage more distributed energy, that would offset the amount of added power we need on the grid.” Power a Clean Future Ohio is among the hundreds of groups and individuals who filed public comments with the PUCO, in addition to the formal party filings. That level of response represents a big change from a decade ago, Rutschilling said, noting increased interest in rooftop solar over the past few years. People’s electricity bills have already jumped dramatically as grid operators like PJM have sounded the alarm about needing more electricity to meet demand from data centers, increased electrification, and other factors. And results of the most recent auction will almost certainly increase costs even more. A bill introduced last fall would declare it state policy to ​“ensure affordable, reliable, and clean energy security,” with ​“clean energy” specified as meaning electricity from nuclear or natural gas, with no reference at all to renewables. But any new nuclear power requires years of review, and even with expedited permitting, Rutschilling noted, orders for new natural gas plant turbines have lag times of several years. “We need as much generation as possible,” he said. ​“We need to have things like distributed energy.” { if ($event.target.classList.contains('hs-richtext')) { if ($event.target.textContent === '+ more options') { $event.target.remove(); open = true; } } }" >

Low on energy? A new understanding of rest could help revitalise you

There is a state of relaxation that few of us spend much time in, but which comes with profound well-being benefits. With healthier ageing, reduced risk of disease and feeling more energised all on offer, here's how to get there

It happens every new year. Party time is over, and it is time to brace yourself for the predictable onslaught of health advice. Most of it will involve doing more of something that you already know is good for you. More exercise. More cooking from scratch. More wholesome, mindful hobbies. It is no wonder so many of us fall off the wellness wagon before the month is out. No matter how sage the advice, who has the time and energy to do more of anything? If this sounds familiar, it might come as good news that scientists have come up with a more appealing alternative – one that still promises to increase your chances of staying healthy for longer, but involves doing less, not more. Or, more precisely, that involves perfecting the art of doing, physiologically speaking, as little as possible. This unusual, yet deeply effective, twist on the New Year’s resolution hinges on mastering a physiological state that many of us spend few of our waking hours in. It is called deep rest – a way of being in which signals between the body and brain align on one fundamental fact: that all is well and there is absolutely nothing to worry about. In essence, it is the polar opposite of stress. Deep rest is a state where the body can take a break from fighting and fleeing, instead regrouping and catching up with some much-needed maintenance and repair. And while it might take some trial and error to find your personal off switch, the evidence is accumulating that the payoffs could be huge: healthier ageing, reduced risk of disease and more energy to spend on something other than maintaining an ambient panic response. Alexandra Crosswell is a psychologist at the University of California, San Francisco, who, along with a group of her colleagues, proposed the idea of deep rest in early 2024. She is aware the term may sound familiar to some. Andrew Huberman, a Stanford neuroscientist turned wellness influencer, has widely promoted what he calls “non-sleep deep rest” on his podcast and social media channels. But, says Crosswell, the two aren’t quite the same. “The difference between how we define deep rest and how Huberman describes non-sleep deep rest is that his is a relaxation practice and ours is a psycho-physiological state,” says Crosswell. “Deep rest is beyond relaxation – it’s a coordinated shift of the whole nervous, endocrine and immune system into an overall state of safety signalling.” Stressing out It is a truth, universally acknowledged, that if one thing could transform human health, it would be an antidote to stress. Problematic stress is a centuries-old issue that people have been complaining about since at least the industrial revolution. The things that generation struggled with – the cost of living, the pressures of work and family and an unsettling change in the pace of life – are still as relevant today as they were then. What’s new is that these very human concerns are layered on top of an underlying current of unease fuelled by 24-hour access to awareness of global crises, many of which seem frighteningly out of our control. There are signs that all of this is taking a serious toll. According to a 2022 survey of over 3000 US adults, more than a quarter of respondents said stress made it difficult to function in daily life. Meanwhile, chronic stress has been linked to soaring rates of everything from depression and anxiety to cardiovascular disease, high blood pressure, infectious diseases and some cancers. It is a major factor in the epidemic of tiredness and fatigue and is linked to accelerated ageing and an increased risk of all-cause mortality from middle age onwards. Yet despite an overwhelming consensus that too much stress is bad for our health, it has proved difficult to pin down exactly why, which has made it difficult to know how to go about fixing the problem. The big picture is clear enough and, arguably, pretty obvious. “ While a stress response is on the go, the body takes a break from less urgent processes like digestion, reproduction, maintenance and repair “ Stress is draining because, whether the threat is physical or psychological, mounting a stress response requires a huge investment of the body’s resources. In experiments, a short bout of psychological stress increased volunteers’ energy expenditure by up to 67 per cent above their resting metabolic rate. Other studies suggest that about a third of this energy is spent on fuelling the rise in heart rate, with the rest accounted for by the cost of producing stress hormones and inflammation. Once the stress hormones are circulating in the body, they have knock-on effects on the cell’s metabolism. The stresses of modern life leave many of us feeling depletedCorbis via Getty Images Human cells that are chronically exposed to stress hormones in the lab have been found to burn through energy 60 per cent faster, age faster and die younger. The whole process gobbles up so much energy that, while an active stress response is on the go, the body takes a break from less urgent processes like digestion, reproduction, maintenance and repair. The stress response is an example of a process called allostasis, or “stability through change”. Allostasis is different from the more familiar process of homeostasis, which describes how we regain balance after one or more biological processes have been knocked off course by environmental change. In allostasis, though, the adjustments don’t happen after change, but in advance, based on the brain’s predictions about what is likely to happen next (like identifying a possible incoming threat) and how best to adapt (like by flooding your system with hormones as part of the fight or flight response.) “Your brain is predictively regulating your body,” says Lisa Feldman Barrett, a neuroscientist at Northeastern University in Boston. “Your body is [then] sending signals back to your brain about the sensory conditions of the body and the sensory consequences of allostasis.” How the brain regulates the body Recently, a group of neuroscientists, including Feldman Barrett, have argued that allostasis isn’t just a side project for the brain; rather, it is its main function and number one priority. In this view, thinking, feeling and action all work in service of allostasis, helping the brain reach its goals by motivating us to do whatever is necessary to balance the books and stay alive. This new view of the brain puts a spin on the challenge of tackling the epidemic of stress, says Karen Quigley, also at Northeastern University, who, along with her colleague Feldman Barrett, proposed the idea in a 2025 paper in the journal Neuron. “If you start from the biology and try to understand this important and critical role for a brain managing its energy budget, then you start to think about concepts like stress slightly differently,” says Quigley. Thinking of toxic stress as allostasis gone awry helps explain why the expense of chronic or repeated stress takes its toll on our health. Allostatic states, like stress, are supposed to be temporary. In short bursts, the investment is worthwhile when you need to run, fight or think your way out of a crisis. But given that most modern threats aren’t actually likely to lead to your demise, much of the time, the investment is metabolic overkill. And given that daily hassles are a part of life – a survey of US adults reported an average of three or more stressful events a day – there is often little time to recover before the next thing hits the fan. The result is tension, fatigue and an increased risk of poor health, as the body continues to sideline maintenance and repair in a misguided attempt to be ready for anything. Your internal ‘off switch’ Ironically, there is some evidence that constantly being in “a little bit on” state makes the body less efficient at responding to acute stress, so when we actually need our fight or flight system, it’s as worn out as we are. In better news, the fact that allostatic states are temporary by nature raises the possibility that if we can find the right bodily switch, we can change the signal, and the accompanying allostatic state, to one where all is well and biological bankruptcy isn’t an immediate concern. “It may be that you can create a ‘system reset’ partly by enhancing signals that current resources are sufficient,” says Quigley. This is where the idea of deep rest comes in. Crosswell and her colleagues set out to explore why contemplative practices like prayer, chanting, meditation, yoga and qigong (a practice involving flowing, coordinated movements) have positive effects on physical health and mental well-being, reducing self-reported levels of stress and improving markers of physical health such as blood pressure and inflammation. Bringing together a team of researchers spanning neuroscience, physiology and cellular metabolism, the idea was to identify the special sauce in these practices. They concluded that the beneficial effects of contemplative practices come from the way they put a spanner in the physiology of the stress response. “These practices put the organism in a state of lower energy demand,” says Martin Picard, a mitochondrial psychobiologist at Columbia University who collaborated with Crosswell on the research. When the brain gets the memo, he says, it starts to be generous with its resources. “Instead of wasting your energy making cortisol and speeding up your heart rate, you have this energy pool that’s available for restoration,” he says. Studies suggest that contemplative practices do indeed reduce energy consumption. Mindful practices like qigong can help you enter a state of deep restVCG/VCG via Getty Images Research dating back to the 1970s found that during transcendental meditation, metabolic rate dropped by 40 per cent compared with when the same volunteers were sitting quietly without meditating. Studies of regular yoga practitioners have also found that they consume up to 15 per cent less energy at rest than non-practitioners and have lower resting heart rate and blood pressure and lower levels of circulating stress hormones. As to what exact mechanism is behind the effect, Crosswell and her colleagues speculate that one thing these interventions have in common is – by accident or design – that they tend to involve slow, deep breathing. Deep breathing, particularly at or around 6 breaths per minute, activates stretch-sensitive sensors in the chest, which activate parasympathetic activity in the vagus nerve (see “Breathing your way to deep rest“, below). The parasympathetic nervous system controls the so-called rest-and-digest response, which is the polar opposite of fight or flight. When parasympathetic activity is high, heart rate, blood pressure and other signs of arousal are low, and the body gets on with all the internal housekeeping that it has been keeping on hold. “ With prayer and mindfulness and other deep rest practices, you’re moving your mind away from worrying about the future into this present moment “ The shift to parasympathetic dominance, combined with the meditative element of these practices, might be enough to persuade the brain that there is no longer any threat, and to stand down, says Crosswell. “With prayer and mindfulness and other deep rest practices, you’re moving your mind away from worrying about the future into this present moment,” she says. Assuming that the here and now feels safe, this adds a second positive signal for the brain to factor into its budgeting – what Crosswell calls a “present moment sufficiency mindset” or “that right now, I have all the energy I need”. A woman rests in a flotation tank, another way of sinking into a state of profound restnya Semenoff/The Denver Post via Getty Images) A 2025 study on using a mindfulness intervention seems to back up this idea that deep rest makes a measurable difference. Those who did 10 sessions of an hour-long mindful breathing and stretching-based practice had higher levels of healthy metabolic markers in the blood and lower levels of those associated with disease risk. A comparison group whose participants underwent relaxation training showed no such changes. This precise prescription wouldn’t work for everyone, however; for some, meditation might evoke a stress response, for example. Different options include paced breathing, particularly hitting those apparently crucial 6 breaths per minute, or simply spending time with a loved one who makes you feel safe. As social creatures, our brains are wired to factor in how much support we have to deal with life’s ups and downs. Its power as an antidote to stress may even explain why close, supportive relationships are linked to better health and longer lifespan, says Quigley. “Humans are really critical allostatic supports for one another,” she says. “Social support is an important allostatic regulator.” Social connection A good way to super-charge social support – or to mimic it if you don’t happen to have a loved one to hand – involves activating skin-based sensory nerves that are thought to have evolved to solidify social bonds. Known as C-tactile afferent fibres, these fire most enthusiastically when stroked slowly and gently at close to body temperature. Experiments into the effects of this “affective touch” have shown that it not only feels pleasant and calming to people of all ages, but it also leads to a drop in heart rate and other markers of parasympathetic activity, even when applied during a stressful experience. Research suggests that a soft-bristled brush stimulates these nerves almost as well as a loving caress from an actual human. A team of researchers at Cornell University in New York state are even trialling a wearable device that has shown promise in early tests as a stress-buster. But the paramount message, says Crosswell, is that there is no single route to deep rest. Some people find meditation more stressful than calming, while others find affective touch ticklish or rage-inducing. What’s important is to seek out something that makes you feel warm, safe and calm from the inside. The ultimate state of deep rest, of course, is sleep, a time when the energy savings of being still and breathing more deeply allow the body to flush out the brain and make repairs to the body. It is possible that, for anyone short on sleep, adding deep rest to waking hours could help make up the shortfall. As for how much you need to neutralise the effects of stress, the answer is: it varies. “I wish I could say how many minutes is enough,” says Crosswell. Even so, with growing evidence that deep rest is a state worth making time for, the best advice right now is to find where you feel safe and spend as much time in it as possible, basking in the knowledge that you are investing in your long-term health. Breathing your way to deep rest Smartphones and watches, with their constant flurry of updates and notifications, seem like the antithesis of a calm, stress-free existence. But for anyone keen to find their own deep rest state, they do have their uses. One marker of stress regulation that comes as standard in most smart watches is heart rate variability (HRV) – a measure of the tiny variations of the time between successive heartbeats that is used as a marker of overall physiological stress, and of how efficiently the body is managing its resources. Different devices use slightly different measures, and what counts as healthy varies by age, but a higher HRV is generally considered healthier. An HRV below 25 millisends (ms), for example, has been linked to a greater risk of cardiovascular disease and depression. A tried and tested way to boost HRV is via resonance breathing biofeedback, in which slow breathing at around 6 breaths per minute causes two of the body’s key heart-rate regulating reflexes to synchronise so that each boosts the activity of the other. The net result is a boost to the parasympathetic (rest and digest) arm of the nervous system. Some research suggests that when practised regularly, HRV biofeedback trains the body to recover more efficiently after stress. While HRV biofeedback works best when both blood pressure and heart rate are measured in the lab, apps exist that offer breathing exercises based on real-time measurements of HRV. I spent a four-week period self-experimenting using one such app, combined with a chest-mounted heart rate monitor. Week one was spent logging my baseline average HRV. During week two, I did 20 minutes of resonance breathing biofeedback a day, and in the third week, I took a break from daily training. For the final week, I returned to training. The results were clear: during the biofeedback weeks, my average daily HRV, measured on my Apple Watch, came in at between 55 and 60 ms (at the healthy end of normal for my age), more than 10 ms above the just-about-healthy baseline I established in week one. The effects seemed to spill over during my week off, with my average HRV staying higher than average, before returning to the high 50s in my final week of training. This was encouraging, but the training is quite time-consuming. So I was keen to try an even easier alternative. According to its website, the Nurosym vagus nerve stimulator has been shown to significantly increase HRV and improve other markers of stress. The device attaches via a clip to the hard flap of cartilage at the front of the ear, where a branch of the vagus nerve runs close to the surface. I used the device (lent to me by the company) three times, for up to 20 minutes, at the same time of day as I had previously done my breathing practice. The results were… mixed. The stimulation either led to no change in HRV, a slight decrease (55 ms before, 48 ms after), or a very slight increase (45 ms before, 48 ms during, 51 ms after). Confused, I contacted Julian Koenig, a psychobiologist and member of the international consensus group on transcranial vagus nerve stimulation research. He points out that my results are about as consistent as what has been found in various studies on the subject. Yet while results vary, the study the company refers to on its website, published in 2022, is something of an outlier in the field in showing an increase in HRV with stimulation. “That’s why we did [a] meta-analysis,” says Koenig. So far, he says, the published results of the consensus group’s ongoing “live” meta-analysis have shown “no effects on heart rate or HRV” during short-term stimulation. And while there is still much to learn about what, if anything, these devices can do for health, he says that, for now, “if the goal is to increase HRV, deep breathing is one of the best and cheapest options”.

What ‘data center alley’ portends for America’s AI-powered future

As data centers hurtle to the forefront of the national debate over artificial intelligence (AI) and energy costs, northern Virginia offers a preview of the political fights that will play out in communities across the country seeking to cash in on the booming industry. Virginia is the unofficial data center capital of the world, with...

As data centers hurtle to the forefront of the national debate over artificial intelligence (AI) and energy costs, northern Virginia offers a preview of the political fights that will play out in communities across the country seeking to cash in on the booming industry.  Virginia is the unofficial data center capital of the world, with more than half of the world’s internet traffic running through hundreds of facilities in Loudoun and Fairfax counties, generating some 74,000 jobs and $9.1 billion for the state’s economy each year.  But the sprawling data centers are also transforming the landscape and gobbling up massive amounts of water and electricity, leading state politicians to grapple with how to regulate and monitor the rapid development — without alienating the powerful interests backing the projects, from tech giants to local leaders and labor unions.  It’s a delicate balance that’s quickly moving to the center of a national conversation about how to execute on the Trump administration’s push to rapidly expand the country’s AI infrastructure.  Policymakers across the country are watching Virginia’s efforts closely, said Michael Villa, an analyst at 10a Labs, the AI company behind the Data Center Watch Project. “They look up to Northern Virginia because [they] are the ones with more experience and where this dynamic has been working for longer,” he told The Hill.  Your data is ‘in a building in Ashburn’ Northern Virginia has been a hot spot for data centers stretching back to the 1990s, due to its proximity to the nation’s capital and surrounding metro areas, land affordability, tax breaks and local ordinances clearing the way for construction.  The demand for the data centers — massive facilities that house computers, servers, and other IT systems that process and store online data — has steadily increased over the years and is set to explode amid the global race for computing power.  “Everybody doesn’t really realize that your data isn’t just out there, your photos are not just wandering in the ether,” said Trinity Mills, a conservation advocacy coordinator at the Loudoun Wildlife Conservancy. “They’re in a building in Ashburn.” It’s a frustrating reality for people living next to these buildings, who point to higher energy bills and increased noise in their neighborhoods.  Tracy Fowle, a 57-year-old lifelong resident of Loudoun County, said the emergence of data centers in her community is driving her out.  “Well, it’s certainly very depressing, such so that I’m going to be leaving the area…We are going to put our house on the market next year,” Fowle told The Hill. “We’ve lived here since 2006, but this is not a comfortable place for me anymore.”  “The power lines, the growth of the data centers [and] the construction doesn’t stop. It is just ongoing. And I would rather have something more peaceful in my backyard,” she added.  With Homeowner Associations (HOAs) unable to slow the construction, she said residents have three choice: “grin and bear it,” move someplace else or band together to force political action. Energy costs: A major flashpoint The impact on energy costs, amid a growing focus on “affordability” under Trump, is particularly prickly for developers. The three states with the largest concentration of data centers saw a surge in utility bills as of August, compared to the same time last year. Illinois saw a 16 percent increase, Virginia followed at 13 percent and Ohio at 12 percent, according to a report from CNBC, well above the 6 percent average national increase in electricity prices.  Some of the largest data centers are expected to consume as much electricity as a city of more than half a million people, Ali Fenn, president of Lancium, a company that secures land and power for data centers in Texas, told CNBC. Dan Dorio, vice president of state policy at the Data Center Coalition (DCC), a membership organization for the industry, said the jury is still out on the impact of these projects on regional energy costs.  He pointed to a University of California, Berkeley study that found states with the highest “load growth” in electricity demand saw reductions in real prices from 2019 to 2024, “whereas states with contracting loads generally saw prices rise.” “The industry is leaning in to be a responsible, [responsive] partner in the communities where they operate to help answer questions about the development, to work with those local leaders, those local infrastructure providers, to ensure that these projects are going to be economic value to the community,” Dorio said. Over 300 data centers across northern Virginia used nearly two billion gallons of water in 2023, while Loudoun County alone used 900 million, according to a study by the Environmental and Energy Study Institute. Along with using substantial amounts of water to cool off servers, data centers depend on back-up diesel generators that pollute the air 200-600 times more than natural gas-fired power plants, according to a study conducted by University of California, Riverside.  Emissions are projected to cost the public health care system more than $20 billion come 2028, with disadvantaged communities being more susceptible, according to the study.  Uphill fight to impose guardrails The financial benefits of data centers for local coffers are undeniable.  Revenue generated from data centers accounts for over a third of Loudoun’s tax base, bringing the county over $1 billion this year, and has reduced residential property taxes by 48 cents per $100 of value, according to a Loudoun County spokesperson.  However, Buddy Rizer, executive director for economic development in Loudoun County, said the county is slowing down applications because of energy constraints.  “We’re toward the end of our growth for data centers,” he said.  But Rizer doesn’t expect the national demand to slow down anytime soon. “I don’t know what the alternative is, unless everyone’s going to stop using the internet,” he said.   Given the economic boon, lawmakers have been cautious in crafting new regulations.  Virginia House Del. Ian Lovejoy, a Republican who represents a district in northern Virginia, introduced legislation to place a land buffer between data centers and residential areas, spurred by data centers sharing property lines with homes and elementary schools in his district.  He has found support from Del. Shelly Simonds (D), who plans to introduce her own legislation tracking water usage by the facilities in the state. Both Simonds and Lovejoy said that bills to regulate the centers have been hard to pass due to some indifference from colleagues representing southern Virginia and opposition from local politicians on county boards that support the developments.  “There’s a rising awareness that the data centers are contributing to higher energy costs across the state,” said Simonds, who represents a southern Virginia district.  State legislators managed to pass some legislation to regulate the industry earlier this year, only to have it shot down by Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican.  Youngkin vetoed the bill in November that would’ve required developers to perform a land assessment of proposals that are within 500 feet of homes and schools, looking at ground and surface water resources in the area and potential interference with historic sites.  “While well-intentioned, the legislation imposes a one-size-fits-all approach on communities that are best positioned to make their own decisions,” he said in explaining the veto.  “Virginia is the data center capital of the world, and we should not enact legislation to allow other states to pass us by nor to restrict local government from developing data centers based on their community’s specific circumstances,” Youngkin continued.  Powerful forces meet growing resistance Prominent data center operators have also courted Virginia lawmakers on both sides of the aisle.  A Business Insider review of filings earlier this year found that the DCC donated around $165,000 to state lawmakers between last year’s November elections and the start of the January legislative session.  The group donated $25,000 to Youngkin, who last month announced two data center developments from Vantage and CleanArc Data Centers, collectively valued at $5 billion. The incoming Democratic administration of Gov.-elect Abigail Spangerger and Lt. Gov.-elect Ghazala Hashmi has proposed working with the legislature to force data centers to “pay their fair share” for electricity, to ensure that consumers don’t see inflated energy bills.  But data centers have faced limited resistance at the state level, due in part to an unusual alliance between big business and labor unions, said Lovejoy, the Republican state legislator.  “You have the business community, and you have the labor unions who really, really enjoy these types of projects,” he said. “So you have sort of this bond between two opposing forces that are usually opposed to one another, all swimming in the same direction for once.” However, voices of opposition are seeing increasing success across the country.  At least 16 data center projects, including nine in Virginia, have been blocked or delayed as local opposition mounts to the developments, according to a new study, which also found growing opposition from local politicians in both parties.   Brennan Gilmore, executive director of environmental group Clean Virginia, said that mounting successful opposition now was especially important because the “worst impacts are still to come.” Gilmore warned of projections that energy costs would double or even triple if the current trajectory in data centers continued.  “Virginia is expected to bear the burden of building out the infrastructure to support that level of demand, a build out that took 100 years to get to our current level, in an extraordinarily collapsed time frame,” he said. “So essentially we have an energy crisis on the horizon.”  Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

The Environmental and Human Rights Costs of China’s Clean Energy Investments Abroad

Chinese companies have pledged hundreds of billions of dollars in clean energy manufacturing investments overseas, but the projects are having significant social, environmental, and human rights impacts.

This story originally appeared on Inside Climate News as part of its Planet China series and is part of the Climate Desk collaboration.The audience sat patiently through the presentations about the cluster of battery factories going up nearby. They listened to descriptions of the hazardous chemicals the plants will use, their huge water withdrawals and energy demands.WIRED's Guide to How the Universe WorksYour weekly roundup of the best stories on health care, the climate crisis, new scientific discoveries, and more. When it came time for questions, people began shifting in their chairs and standing up, making the cramped room feel even smaller.What if the chemicals leak, one woman asked. What’s in it for the politicians in their “velvet chairs,” another demanded. A third warned it would be just like the Soviet era, when iron and steel plants left a polluted legacy.Then a woman began to tear up as she told the 50 or so people who had gathered in a community center on a cold, dark evening that the factories’ smokestacks and hazardous materials were about a mile from her daughter’s kindergarten.“Please stand up for yourselves,” she said, urging the audience to spread the word.The Chinese battery giant Contemporary Amperex Technology Co., or CATL, is nearing completion on what could be one of Europe’s largest electric vehicle battery factories. The industrial park where it is located, outside Debrecen, Hungary’s second-largest city, also hosts several other manufacturers of battery parts and supplies. At least two of those are owned by Chinese companies, one by a South Korean firm. Another Chinese-owned battery factory is being built on the other side of the city.The surge of construction is part of a nationwide frenzy, prompted by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s goal to make Hungary a leading battery manufacturer. To reach this target, Orbán has looked primarily to Beijing. Chinese companies have announced or built at least 18 EV and battery-related projects in Hungary so far, $17 billion in pledged investments, according to data compiled by the Net Zero Industrial Policy Lab at Johns Hopkins University.While the factories could position Hungary in the center of Europe’s transition off fossil fuels, they have prompted a backlash from residents worried about their impacts on public health and the environment.“Everyone will get their fair share of this stew,” said Éva Kozma, who leads the Mikepércs Mothers for the Environment Association, a citizen activist group that hosted the event. Kozma helped form the group after CATL announced its plans in 2022 and has since been highlighting the risks posed by battery development, identifying pollution events and scrutinizing the factories’ permits.

Inside the North Carolina GOP’s decade-long push to seize power from state’s Democratic governors

GOP lawmakers have passed law after law stripping powers from Democratic governors

In November 2024, Democrat Josh Stein scored an emphatic victory in the race to become North Carolina’s governor, drubbing his Republican opponent by almost 15 percentage points. His honeymoon didn’t last long, however. Two weeks after his win, the North Carolina legislature’s Republican supermajority fast-tracked a bill that would transform the balance of power in the state. Its authors portrayed the 131-page proposal, released publicly only an hour before debate began, as a disaster relief measure for victims of Hurricane Helene. But much of it stripped powers from the state’s governor, taking away authority over everything from the highway patrol to the utilities commission. Most importantly, the bill eliminated the governor’s control over appointments to the state elections board, which sets voting rules and settles disputes in the swing state’s often close elections. Ignoring protesters who labeled the bill a “legislative coup,” Republicans in the General Assembly easily outvoted Democrats, then overrode the outgoing Democratic governor’s veto. The maneuver culminated a nearly decade-long effort by Republican legislators, who have pushed through law after law shrinking the powers of North Carolina’s chief executive — always a Democrat during that time frame — as well as the portfolios of other executive branch officials who are Democrats. Over that period, lawmakers have attempted to transfer control or partial control of at least 29 boards, entities or important executive powers. In most cases, they succeeded. As a result, Republicans now hold increased sway not only over North Carolina’s election board, but also over its schools, building codes, environmental regulations, coastal development, wildlife management, utilities, cabinet appointments and more. All had previously been under control of the governor. “This is not what people voted for,” said Derek Clinger, a senior counsel at the State Democracy Research Initiative, an institute at the University of Wisconsin Law School, who has studied the events in North Carolina. Stein, as well as all of North Carolina’s living former governors — Republicans and Democrats alike — have blasted the legislature’s erosion of gubernatorial authority as a violation of the state’s constitutionally enshrined separation of powers. “You should not be able to make the laws and then control who enforces them — just ask any fourth grader about the three branches of government,” Stein said in a statement to ProPublica. Lawmakers’ actions “throw the will of the voters into the trash can,” he added. Initially, governors had some success using separation-of-powers arguments in lawsuits filed to challenge efforts to strip their powers. Even majority-Republican courts ruled in their favor, declaring laws that shifted authority directly from the governor to the legislature were unconstitutional. More recently, though, legislators have found a loophole, writing laws that move traditional gubernatorial powers to elected executive branch officials who are Republicans. Since 2023, when the GOP won majorities on the state’s appellate courts, judges have increasingly rejected lawsuits aimed at blocking such legislation. The North Carolina GOP’s effort to rein in executive power at the state level stands in sharp contrast to the Trump administration’s efforts to expand such power federally. Before the Supreme Court, for example, the administration has argued for a “unitary executive” theory that would allow the president near-total control over personnel. North Carolina Republican legislative leaders didn’t respond to interview requests or detailed emailed questions from ProPublica about the power shifts. In the past, Republicans have defended whittling down Democratic governors’ authority by pointing to similarly partisan moves by Democrats decades ago, though these were on a much smaller scale. Current and former lawmakers also say the power shifts reflect the vision of North Carolina’s founders, who deliberately made the state’s governor weak and its legislature strong to prevent abuses suffered under British rule. “It’s never been co-equal, never will be, never intended to be,” said Paul Stam, who was the lame-duck Republican speaker pro tempore of the House when the General Assembly began its push to weaken the governor in 2016. Republicans also dispute the notion that voters oppose reducing governors’ authorities. “The people voted for a strong Republican majority in the legislature,” Sam Hayes, the former general counsel for North Carolina’s speaker of the House, said in an interview. “That role can involve reassigning the powers of the executive branch.” After lawmakers took away the governor’s power to appoint the election board’s members, Hayes became its director. The board’s new Republican majority has handed control over North Carolina’s county election boards to conservatives, some of whom have moved to eliminate early voting sites favored by Democrats. In recent years, states including Wisconsin, Michigan and Kentucky have waged similar battles over separation of powers. In almost all cases, Republican-dominated legislatures have stripped powers from Democrats elected to statewide offices. Still, North Carolina’s example has been particularly notable, critics say. According to a scholarly review by Clinger, the General Assembly’s power grabs in 2016 and 2024 are the most expansive in recent American history. Collectively, lawmakers have brought the powers of the state’s chief executive to a low ebb, said Christopher Cooper, a political scientist at Western Carolina University. In 2010, the textbook “Politics in the American States” ranked the institutional powers of North Carolina’s governor the third-weakest in the nation. By 2024, they ranked dead last. “Soon,” Cooper said of the legislature, “they’re not going to have anything left to take.” When the battles over the election board began in 2016, the joke among Republican lawmakers was that to get things done on elections policy, “you either need the Northern Hammer or the Sweet Southern Stammer.” The Northern Hammer was Bob Rucho, a famously blunt senator originally from Massachusetts. The Sweet Southern Stammer was David Lewis, a genial Republican House member from rural North Carolina with a speech impediment and an uncommon mastery of election law. The self-deprecating Lewis, a farmer and tractor salesman by trade, had helped design the gerrymandering strategies that, starting in 2010, handed Republicans long-term control of the legislature even in election cycles when Democrats won a majority of statewide offices. The importance of controlling the election board — and the potential disastrousness of not controlling it — was clear in the 2016 gubernatorial race, a close contest between Republican Gov. Pat McCrory and his Democratic challenger, Roy Cooper. The board makes decisions that can affect election outcomes in myriad ways, such as deciding where and for how long early voting takes place. It picks the state’s election director and members of county election boards, which maintain voter registration lists and operate voting sites. It arbitrates postelection challenges from losing candidates. As governors historically had, McCrory had appointed the five board members who oversaw the 2016 race, choosing three from his party and two from the opposing party as state law directed. But the panel and its professional staff still operated with considerable independence. After McCrory challenged his 10,000-vote loss to Cooper, alleging widespread voter fraud, the board — led by McCrory’s picks — voted against his protests, effectively ending the race. When Republican legislators launched their first effort to seize control of the board soon after, senior staffers figured it was payback for not helping McCrory. “I viewed it as retaliation for the board not having played a partisan enough role,” said Katelyn Love, who was then an attorney for the board and went on to become its general counsel. Lewis, who left the legislature in 2020, said he and other lawmakers were convinced that once appointment power passed to Cooper, he’d “stack the board” against Republicans. “In certain parts of the state,” he said, “elections really do come down to two or three votes, or a small percentage of votes, and we had no confidence” that Cooper’s appointees “would just treat us fairly.” Republican legislative leaders called a special session, proposing multiple bills that redirected powers from the governor, often to the legislature itself. “We said, ‘You know what: We’re the legislature and we decide who appoints who,’” Lewis recalled. “Instead of letting Roy do it, why don’t we put folks in place that kind of support the way we see things?” Lawmakers targeted not only the elections board, but also Cooper’s ability to hire and fire more than 1,000 political appointees in state government and to choose members of the state’s Industrial Commission, which handles matters such as worker safety claims. They took aim at some positions in part because they came with big paychecks, Lewis acknowledged; a seat on the Industrial Commission pays more than $160,000, for example. “The truth is, a lot of the importance of some of these positions is who gets to appoint whose friends to the board,” Lewis said. “It’s kind of considered a plum job.” The election board measure was framed as making oversight more bipartisan. Indeed, it increased the number of board members to eight and required even numbers of Republican and Democratic appointees. But the governor controlled only four of those seats. The legislature appointed the other four. Also, in even-numbered years — those when federal elections are held — the law required the board’s chair to be “a member of the political party with the second-highest number of registered affiliates.” At the time, that meant a Republican. Since the chair shaped what matters were taken up and had other bureaucratic influence, this gave the party an edge. Lewis insisted the restructured board was designed to even the scales — between the parties and between the governor and the legislature. “If one side can block the other, then bad things don’t happen,” he said. “And if both sides can work together, you can get a more positive resolution.” Less than two weeks after McCrory conceded, the legislature quickly forced through the changes, despite protests so intense they led to numerous arrests. Cooper quickly filed a court challenge, arguing that the law violated the state’s constitution and stymied his ability to enact his policies. The separation of powers is explicitly enshrined in North Carolina’s constitution, which declares, “The legislative, executive, and supreme judicial powers of the State government shall be forever separate and distinct from each other.” Democrats also made the case that the new, evenly split election board was intended to produce gridlock that effectively favored Republicans, keeping in place the election director chosen by McCrory’s board and blocking steps that required majority approval, such as establishing early voting sites. In March 2017, a trial court struck down most of the legislative changes, including those affecting the elections board, ruling they illegally robbed the governor of executive authority. Lewis and other Republican leaders went back to the drawing board. Small groups of election specialists and legislative aides met early in the morning or late at night, surviving on food from Bojangles, the much-loved fried-chicken-and-biscuits chain. They sketched out priorities and drafted legislative language on whiteboards, then waited for the opportune moment to introduce a bill. According to Lewis and other Republicans, they were determined to find a winning formula, no matter how many shots it took. “We felt like we had every right to do that because the constitution invested the legislature with defining the responsibilities” of the governor, Lewis said. A month after the trial court rejected lawmakers’ first stab at breaking the governor’s grip on the elections board, the legislature tried again. It passed another law that altered the board in much the same ways as the first, expanding it to eight members, for example. But this time, instead of giving the legislature half the appointments, the law directed the governor to make all of them — from lists provided by the chairs of the state’s Democratic and Republican parties. Cooper, calling the measure the “the same unconstitutional legislation in another package,” swiftly filed another legal challenge. For almost a year, as the case wound through the courts, he refused to make appointments under the proposed rules. The board’s professional staff kept up with administrative tasks but struggled to find workarounds for responsibilities handled by board members. They went to court on multiple occasions to get judges to rule on election protests and challenges in the board’s absence. “It was very disruptive and chaotic, and a drain on the agency’s limited resources,” Love said. In January 2018, the state Supreme Court struck down the legislature’s second attempt at taking over the elections board. The third came two months later, when lawmakers passed a bill that resurrected many elements of the previous one, but with a few new tweaks. In this version, the governor chose the board’s eight members — four Republicans and four Democrats — from lists submitted by each party, plus an additional tie-breaking member, unaffiliated with either party, from nominees provided by the new board. Despite these differences, the outcome was much the same: another lawsuit from Cooper and, eventually, another loss in court. Republican legislators realized they were likely to lose the case, so they also decided to try a strategy that took the issue out of the hands of the court system, Lewis said. They put a constitutional amendment on the November 2018 ballot that proposed removing the governor’s power to choose election board members and giving that authority to the legislature. “You put your idea out for the people,” Lewis said. If “they vote for it, then it’s no longer unconstitutional.” Of the six constitutional changes on the ballot that year, the election board proposal and one other — an amendment altering who picked judges to fill empty or added court seats — targeted traditional gubernatorial powers. The measures were hotly contested, attracting about $18 million in spending by groups for and against them. Lewis said that Republican internal polling showed clear support for the amendments, but the final tallies showed a notable divide: Voters passed four of the measures but rejected the two that stripped powers from the governor by roughly 2 to 1. At the end of 2018, Republicans temporarily waved the white flag, passing a law that returned the governor’s control over the election board. In 2020, Lewis relinquished his longtime role as the House’s election policy point man after pleading guilty to charges related to using campaign funds for personal expenses, including rent. He then resigned. Today, Lewis sells cars in a small town on North Carolina’s swampy southeastern coast and does occasional political consulting. Looking back, he still believes he did the right thing. “I was following the will of the voters that gave us the majority in the legislature to do these things.” Over the next few years, the elections board made one critical decision after another in close or disputed elections, underscoring its importance. In one instance, it called a new election in a congressional race tainted by an illegal scheme to fraudulently collect and fill out mail-in ballots. Republican legislative leaders bided their time, waiting for another opportunity to launch a takeover. Karen Brinson Bell, chosen as the state’s election director in May 2019 by Cooper’s appointees, said lawmakers never let her forget the tenuousness of her position. “I knew from the day I started that my days were numbered,” she said. “I was never naive to the fact that there would likely be other attempts to change the makeup of the board.” Bell said that at a December 2022 meeting held by the National Conference of State Legislatures in West Virginia, Warren Daniel, a Senate Republican who worked on election matters, told her that he and his colleagues planned to take over the board and to reduce early voting. (Daniel didn’t respond to ProPublica’s questions about the incident.) In October 2023, the moment Bell had long expected finally arrived. The legislature’s Republican supermajority introduced a new bill to remake the election board. It shifted control over appointments to the General Assembly’s majority and minority leaders and put some of the board’s administrative functions under the secretary of state. On decisions where the board’s four Republicans and four Democrats deadlocked, the law gave Republicans a decided advantage. If members couldn’t agree on an executive director, for example, the legislature’s majority leaders would choose one. If the board couldn’t agree on a plan for expanded early voting (championed by Democrats), then each county would have just one early voting site, the minimum required by law. The measure was similar to its predecessors, but the courts that would decide its legality were vastly different. Since the demise of the previous election board law, Republicans had won 14 appellate court races in a row and held majorities on the state’s higher courts. The Supreme Court’s chief justice, Paul Newby, had made it clear he saw no legal impediment to whittling down the governor’s portfolio, writing a sharp dissent to a ruling that struck down an earlier attempt to limit gubernatorial power. In February 2024, a trial court issued a decision that reframed the debate over the constitutionality of gubernatorial power transfers. This time, the case didn’t involve the election board. It dealt instead with a law that used a variety of mechanisms to strip away Gov. Roy Cooper’s control over seven other entities that managed everything from coastal resources to building codes. A three-judge panel found three of the seven transfer schemes legal because power passed from the governor to another elected executive branch member. “While the Governor is the chief executive, other elected officers who are members of the Council of State are also vested with executive power,” the judges wrote. Michael Gerhardt, a constitutional law professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill who studies issues related to separation of powers, was aghast, saying the decision reflected partisanship rather than sound legal analysis. The court was “ignoring the fact that the governor was actually elected” and “allowing the state legislature to transfer some of his authority to Republican officials,” he said. Mitch Kokai, a senior political analyst at the conservative John Locke Foundation, argued the panel’s finding was consistent with North Carolina’s history of splitting executive power among multiple executive branch officials. He dismissed Gerhardt’s comments as partisan “sour grapes.” “The Democrats are losing, and they don’t like the fact that the Republicans are winning, so they’re casting doubt on what the conservative courts are saying,” he said. The ruling didn’t affect the October 2023 election board measure, which hadn’t been implemented, blocked by a separate trial court decision. But after Stein’s double-digit win in the 2024 governor’s race, Republican lawmakers again used a legislative session ostensibly about hurricane relief to introduce a new, superseding measure that would finally put the election board under their party’s control. It used a power transfer strategy similar to the ones that had won court approval the previous February, placing election board appointments in the hands of Dave Boliek, a Republican newly elected to the executive branch office of state auditor. Boliek could choose three of the board’s five members from his own party, giving Republicans their long-sought majority. No other state auditor in America manages elections and Boliek had no experience doing so, but he expressed enthusiasm about taking on the job. “Governor Josh Stein doesn’t have any experience supervising elections either,” Boliek told ProPublica in an email exchange. “Leading a public office requires a willingness to learn and serve — and I’m a quick study.” In the same law, legislators also redirected Stein’s authority to make appointments to an array of other boards and entities and stripped powers from other newly elected Democrats, including the lieutenant governor, attorney general and superintendent of public instruction. Stein sued to prevent the changes from taking effect, but in May, the Newby-led Supreme Court declined to block Boliek’s takeover of the election board. Although litigation continues, he has started transforming election oversight, both statewide and locally, in ways that would be hard to undo. Some of Boliek’s board members have long histories in Republican politics and efforts to tilt state elections in the party’s favor. The new chair, Francis De Luca, had led a conservative institute that sued to contest McCrory’s loss in the 2016 race for governor. (De Luca didn’t respond to ProPublica’s request for comment.) Another new Republican member was Rucho, the so-called Northern Hammer who’d worked on election policy with Lewis. The new board will be fair, he promised. “My goal is to level the playing field so that everyone is playing by the same rules,” he said. Bell’s replacement as election director, Hayes, has overhauled the board’s 60-member staff, though historically it’s been nonpartisan and largely remained when new leadership took over. Since Hayes took charge, at least nine staffers have left or been placed on leave, according to interviews and published reports. At the same time, the board has added seven new political appointees, many of whom have close ties to Republican politicians. “It’s a nonpartisan shop shifting to a partisan shop,” said one staff member who asked not to be identified, fearing retaliation. Hayes insisted the board remains nonpartisan and described the changes in staff as “nothing out of the ordinary.” He described his goals as “repairing relationships with the General Assembly” and working to “honor the letter and spirit of the law.” “If we do that,” he said, “I believe that we will rebuild trust in elections here.” Under Hayes’ leadership, the board also moved swiftly to settle a lawsuit filed against it earlier this year by the U.S. Justice Department, agreeing to require tens of thousands of voters to provide missing registration information or risk not having their ballots count in state races, voter advocacy groups say. Bell had opposed taking such steps. Hayes said he settled the suit with the “intent of honoring federal law” and to clean up the state’s voter rolls, which Republicans argue have been badly mismanaged. The new leadership has also taken steps that could limit early voting locations in the state, especially those in Democratic strongholds. Boliek hired longtime Republican operative Dallas Woodhouse, who has advocated for restricting early voting, to fill a newly created role partly focused on early voting. In October, Woodhouse emailed Republican board chairs directing them to consider moving polling sites out of urban areas, where there are more Democrats, to “areas that are outside of urban cores,” where Republicans tend to hold the majority. So far, conservative majorities in at least eight counties have moved to limit early voting sites or weekend hours sought by Democrats. At least two have rejected sites near universities, including a site near a historically Black college. In an interview, Boliek told ProPublica there was no plan to reduce early voting sites in areas that lean Democratic. He later explained in an email that Woodhouse “simply answered inquiries from board chairs.” Hayes communicates with Cleta Mitchell, a lawyer who tried to help Trump overturn the 2020 election, and Woodhouse regularly attends video calls held by the North Carolina chapter of Mitchell’s national organization, the Election Integrity Network. Boliek said Woodhouse talks to a variety of organizations from across the political spectrum, adding,“I don’t think people should be concerned.” He said the board was dedicated to making “it easy to vote and hard to cheat in North Carolina.” Hayes said Mitchell and other network leaders aren’t “receiving special access to me or treatment from this office” and that he talks to people on both sides of the aisle. All told, Republican legislators have successfully transferred power over 17 of the 29 boards, entities and important executive prerogatives they’ve targeted since 2016, a ProPublica review showed. In addition to the election board, the governor has lost control or partial control over a dozen entities, including the state’s Environmental Management Commission and its Utilities Commission. Stein told ProPublica that state residents have suffered, in the form of weakened environmental protections and rising energy costs. Rucho, the Northern Hammer, argues the power transfers have actually improved life in the state. “You have to change the way the system works, if the system is not working,” he said. “This was a real good remedy to make these boards work on behalf of the people.” Longtime observers say they have deepening concerns about the erosion of the separation of powers in North Carolina. Bob Orr, a former Republican state Supreme Court justice, said that if power grabs by Republican legislators continue to be upheld by the state’s Republican-majority courts, it will threaten democracy in the state. “Really, what can people do?” said Orr, who left the Republican Party because of how it changed under Trump. “A legislature that is literally unchecked with gerrymandered districts and a presumption of constitutionality for everything they do in the courts — that is a danger to democracy because they can change the system regardless of the will of the people.” The post Inside the North Carolina GOP’s decade-long push to seize power from state’s Democratic governors appeared first on Salon.com.

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