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Small but mighty grid batteries take root in Virginia amid energy crunch

Two new battery projects on Virginia’s remote eastern peninsula could signal a growing trend in the clean-energy transition: midsize energy-storage units that are bigger than the home batteries typically paired with rooftop solar, but cheaper and quicker to build than massive utility-scale projects. The 10-megawatt,…

Two new battery projects on Virginia’s remote eastern peninsula could signal a growing trend in the clean-energy transition: midsize energy-storage units that are bigger than the home batteries typically paired with rooftop solar, but cheaper and quicker to build than massive utility-scale projects. The 10-megawatt, four-hour batteries, one each in the tiny towns of Exmore and Tasley, represent this ​“missing middle,” said Chris Cucci, chief strategy officer for Climate First Bank, which provided $32 million in financing for the two units. Batteries are a critical technology in the shift to renewable energy because they can store wind and solar electrons and discharge them when the sun isn’t shining or breezes die down. When it comes to energy storage, ​“we need volume, but we also need speed to market,” Cucci said. ​“The big projects do move the needle, but they can take a few years to come online.” And in rural Virginia, batteries paired with enormous solar arrays — which can span 100-plus acres — face increasing headwinds, in part over the concern that they’re displacing farmland. The Exmore and Tasley systems, by contrast, took about a year to permit, broke ground in April, and came online this fall, Cucci said. Sited at two substations 10 miles apart, the batteries occupy about 1 acre each. Beyond being relatively simple to get up and running, the systems could help ease energy burdens on customers of A&N Electric Cooperative, the nonprofit utility that owns the substations where the batteries are sited, said Harold Patterson, CEO of project developer Patterson Enterprises. Wait times to link to the larger regional grid, operated by PJM Interconnection, are up to two years. So for now, the batteries will draw power only from the electric co-op, Patterson said. Once they connect to PJM, the batteries will charge when system-wide electricity consumption is down and spot prices are low. Then, the batteries’ owner, Doxa Development, will sell power back when demand is at its peak, creating revenue that will help lower bills for co-op consumers. “That’s the final step to try to drive down power prices” for residents of Virginia’s Eastern Shore, Patterson said. ​“Get it online and increase supply in the wholesale marketplace.” Moving away from gas Though the batteries aren’t paired with a specific solar project, they are likely to lap up excess solar electrons on the PJM grid. And since they’ll be discharged during hours of heavy demand, they could help avert the revving up of gas-fired ​“peaker plants.” “Peaker plants are smaller power plants that are in closer proximity to the populations they serve, and [they] are traditionally very dirty,” Cucci said. ​“They’re also economically inefficient to run. Battery storage is cleaner, more efficient, and easier to deploy.” Gas peaker plants are wasteful partly because of all the energy required to drill and transport the fuel that fires them, said Nate Benforado, senior attorney at the Southern Environmental Law Center, a nonprofit legal advocacy group. “Then you get [the fuel] to your power plant, and you have to burn it,” Benforado said. ​“And guess what? You only capture a relatively small portion of the potential energy in those carbon molecules.” Single-cycle peaker plants, the most common type, can go from zero to full power in minutes, much like a jet engine. Their efficiency ranges between 33% and 43%.  “Burning fossil fuels is not an efficient way to generate energy,” Benforado said.  “Leaning into batteries is the way we have to go. They’re efficient on the power side but also on the price side.”

Labor’s nature laws risk collapse with deal yet to be struck on eve of parliament’s final sitting day

Greens expected to sign on to 11th-hour compromise after Labor offers new concessionsAnthony Albanese is yet to land a deal to rewrite federal nature laws ahead of parliament’s final sitting day of the year, leaving the long-promised reforms at risk of collapse for the second time in 12 months.But political, industry and environment movement sources expect the Greens will eventually accept an 11th-hour compromise after Labor offered new concessions to secure the minor party’s support. Continue reading...

Anthony Albanese is yet to land a deal to rewrite federal nature laws ahead of parliament’s final sitting day of the year, leaving the long-promised reforms at risk of collapse for the second time in 12 months.But political, industry and environment movement sources expect the Greens will eventually accept an 11th-hour compromise after Labor offered new concessions to secure the minor party’s support.The government was locked in tense negotiations with the Greens and the Coalition on Wednesday as it races to meet a self-imposed deadline of overhauling the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation (EPBC) Act before parliament breaks for summer.The prime minister, Anthony Albanese, has become involved in negotiations, speaking directly with his Greens counterpart Larissa Waters in a bid to resolve the standoff.Albanese’s active role in party-to-party talks on legislation is typically a sign that negotiations have reached the pointy end.Government sources confirmed there was no deal as of Wednesday night.The prime minister was yet to hold leader-to-leader talks with Sussan Ley as of Wednesday night, although the environment minister, Murray Watt, did speak again with his Liberal counterpart, Angie Bell.Watt’s meeting with Bell showed the government remained open to a potential deal with the Coalition, although that option was considered less likely after Ley criticised Labor’s offer to them as “totally insufficient”.Guardian Australia understands the opposition requested additional business-friendly changes on Wednesday, further complicating the prospects of a last-minute deal between the major parties.After an initial package of concessions, including measures to effectively prevent the fast-tracking of coal and gas projects, failed to sway the Greens, the government offered further changes to the minor party on Wednesday.Guardian Australia has not seen the revised offer and neither the Greens or the government would confirm details of the updated proposal.The Greens party room met on Wednesday to consider a position.Inspired by Graeme Samuel’s 2020 review of the EPBC Act, the bill promises to better protect nature through new environmental standards while also speeding up project assessments.It will also establish a new environmental protection agency – a Labor election promise at the past two federal ballots.The bill has faced intense criticism from all sides. Environmentalists warn it won’t properly tackle the extinction crisis while industry fears that certain features, in particular a proposed new “unacceptable impact”, could knock out projects.If Labor can’t secure a deal on Thursday, it would mark the second time in 12 months that planned reforms to the EPBC Act have been pushed off the agenda.In the last term of parliament, the former environment minister, Tanya Plibersek, proposed a staged approach to reforms and introduced legislation to establish an environment protection agency.But when Plibersek was on the cusp of a deal with the Greens and independent senator David Pocock, the bill was vetoed by the prime minister after pressure from the Western Australian government and mining sector.Albanese decided against resurrecting the bill ahead of the federal election in May, delaying the reform task until after he was returned to power.In an email to supporters on Wednesday, the Labor Environment Action Network (LEAN) – which has campaigned for years to fix the EPBC Act – said it preferred the government teamed up with the Greens.“The Greens offer includes most of LEAN’s key asks, and we are hopeful this will be the path forward. The Coalition offer, while clearly inferior, does not catastrophically weaken the Labor bills,” the email, seen by Guardian Australia, said.“We remain positive, though understandably nervous, and we know many of you feel the same.”

Ambitious Plan to Store CO2 Beneath the North Sea Set to Start Operations

INEOS plans to transform the Nini oil field in the North Sea into a carbon storage site

NORTH SEA, Denmark (AP) — Appearing first as a dot on the horizon, the remote Nini oil field on Europe’s rugged North Sea slowly comes into view from a helicopter.Used to extract fossil fuels, the field is now getting a second lease on life as a means of permanently storing planet-warming carbon dioxide beneath the seabed.In a process that almost reverses oil extraction, chemical giant INEOS plans to inject liquefied CO2 deep down into depleted oil reservoirs, 1,800 meters (5,900 feet) beneath the seabed.The Associated Press made a rare visit to the Siri platform, close to the unmanned Nini field, the final stage in INEOS’ carbon capture and storage efforts, named Greensand Future.When the project begins commercial operations next year, Greensand is expected to become the European Union’s first fully-operational offshore CO2 storage site. Environmentalists say carbon capture and storage, also known as CCS, has a role to play in dealing with climate change but should not be used as an excuse by industries to avoid cutting emissions. Mads Gade, chief executive of INEOS Energy Europe, says it will initially begin storing 400,000 tons (363,000 metric tons) of CO2 per year, scaling up to as much as 8 million tons (7.3 million metric tons) annually by 2030.“Denmark has the potential to actually store more than several hundred years of our own emissions,” says Gade. “We are able to create an industry where we can support Europe in actually storing a lot of the CO2 here.”Greensand has struck deals with Danish biogas facilities to bury their captured carbon emissions into the Nini field’s depleted reservoirs.A “CO2 terminal” that temporarily stores the liquefied gas is being built at the Port of Esbjerg, on the western coast of the Danish Jutland peninsula. A purpose-built carrier vessel, dubbed “Carbon Destroyer 1,” is under construction in the Netherlands.Proponents of carbon capture technology say it is a climate solution because it can remove the greenhouse gas that is the biggest driver of climate change and bury it deep underground.The EU has proposed developing at least 250 million tons (227 million metric tons) of CO2 storage per year by 2040, as part of plans to reach “net zero” emissions by 2050.Gade says carbon capture and storage is one of the best means of cutting emissions."We don’t want to deindustrialize Europe,” he said. “We want to have actually a few instruments to decarbonize instead.”Experts at Denmark’s geological survey say Greensand sandstone rock is well-suited for storing the liquefied CO2. Almost a third of the rock volume is made up of tiny cavities, said Niels Schovsbo, senior researcher at the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland.“We found that there (are) no reactions between the reservoir and the injected CO2. And we find that the seal rock on top of that has sufficient capacity to withhold the pressure that is induced when we are storing CO2 in the subsurface,” added Schovsbo. “These two methods makes it a perfect site for storage right there.” Limitations and criticism But while there are many carbon capture facilities around the world, the technology is far from scale, sometimes uses fossil fuel energy in its operations and captures just a tiny fraction of worldwide emissions.The Greensand project aims to bury up to 8 million tons (7.3 million metric tons) of CO2 a year by 2030. The International Energy Agency says nearly 38 billion tons (34.5 billion metric tons) of CO2 were emitted globally last year.Environmental campaigners say CCS has been used as an excuse by industries to delay cutting emissions.“We could have CCS on those very few sectors where emissions are truly difficult or impossible to abate,” said Helene Hagel, head of climate and environmental policy at Greenpeace Denmark.“But when you have all sectors in society almost saying, we need to just catch the emissions and store them instead of reducing emissions — that is the problem.”While the chemical giant ramps up carbon storage efforts, it is also hoping to begin development at another previously unopened North Sea oil field."The footprint we deliver from importing energy against producing domestic or regional oil and gas is a lot more important for the transition instead of importing with a higher footprint,” said Gade, defending the company’s plans.“We see a purpose in doing this for a period while we create a transition for Europe.”The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

Celebrating the advancement of technology leadership through policy analysis and guidance

The MIT Technology and Policy Program marked 50 years with a symposium exploring its history of education, research, and impact — while looking ahead to technology policy issues of the future.

In 1965, after completing his PhD in civil engineering at MIT, Professor Richard de Neufville joined the first class of White House Fellows, one of the nation’s most prestigious programs for leadership and public service, through which he spent an intensive year working full-time at the highest levels of government. Soon after, de Neufville joined the MIT faculty and led a steering committee that developed what would become the MIT Technology and Policy Program (TPP). TPP was approved in 1975 and launched in 1976 as an Institute-wide hub of education and research, and included a two-year, research-based master’s degree, with de Neufville serving as its founding chair.This October, TPP held a symposium and celebration at MIT, marking TPP’s 50th year as an interdisciplinary effort focused on advancing the responsible leadership of technology through the integration of technical expertise and rigorous policy analysis in critical areas such as energy, the environment, security, innovation, and beyond.As the 1988 “TPP Fact Book” stated: “The Technology and Policy Program educates men and women for leadership on the important technological issues confronting society. We prepare our graduates to excel in their technical fields, and to develop and implement effective strategies for dealing with the risks and opportunities associated with those technologies. This kind of education is vital to the future of our society.”Now in its 50th year, TPP’s legacy of education, research, and impact has shaped more than 1,500 alumni who are among the most distinguished technology policy leaders across the world. TPP alumni often describe the program as life-changing and transformative — an educational experience that shaped their understanding of purpose, systems, and leadership in ways that continue to guide their careers throughout their lives. Today, over 50 TPP graduate students conduct research across the Institute on topics such as energy grid modeling, environmental protection, nuclear safety, industrial decarbonization, space system engineering and public policy, technoeconomic modeling of materials value chains, and governance of global digital systems and artificial intelligence.Working to bring technically-informed and scientifically robust insights to technology policy is as urgent today as it was 50 years ago, says Christine Ortiz, Morris Cohen Professor of Materials Science and Engineering and the current director of TPP. “The role of technology policy is more essential than ever, helping to shape national and international priorities and underpinning societal and planetary well-being,” said Ortiz in her opening remarks. “Today’s symposium is convened with urgency amid a rapidly shifting landscape. We are situated here today at the epicenter of profound technological advancement, reaffirming our collective responsibility to ensure that innovation advances the well-being of humanity and the health of our planet.”North stars and new routesThe TPP 50th Anniversary Symposium — North Stars and New Routes — held on Oct. 11, convened more than 630 participants from 30 countries, both in-person and virtually. The gathering brought together alumni, faculty, students, and global leaders to celebrate five decades of impact while exploring bold new directions for the future of technology and policy.Over the course of seven thematic sessions and 45 speakers, the symposium offered a sweeping view of the current issues shaping the next era of technology policy. Discussions spanned a wide range of topics, including energy systems modeling, global environmental governance, ecologically neutral manufacturing, design of global digital systems, trust as national security infrastructure, the future of technology policy as a domain of scholarship, and the role of technology policy in the future of the research university.The day opened with a dynamic panel examining the technical frontiers and possibilities of interactive energy systems modeling. Speakers highlighted the dual role of simulation tools as both advanced instruments for understanding decision outcomes and uncertainties, as well participatory platforms for engaging policymakers and stakeholders.The next session, focused on global environmental governance, explored new approaches to planetary cooperation and emphasized how data-driven policy, equitable technology transfer, and accountability mechanisms can strengthen international climate action. Panelists called for adaptive and integrated governance frameworks that mirror the interconnectedness and complexity of the environmental systems they aim to protect.In a session on ecologically neutral manufacturing, participants discussed advances in circular materials design and life-cycle modeling that reduce industrial emissions and resource intensity. Speakers underscored the importance of policies promoting reuse, recycling, and cleaner production — linking manufacturing innovation with both economic competitiveness and ecological resilience.Turning to the design and governance of global digital systems, keynote speaker David Clark, senior research scientist at MIT’s Computer Science and Artificial Intelligence Laboratory and a pioneering architect of the internet, examined how the architecture of digital networks both reflects and shapes societal values, power, and accountability. He noted that the internet’s original open design — built for innovation and resilience — now faces pressing challenges of trust, privacy, and control. The next generation of digital infrastructure, he argued, must embed trust and accountability into its very foundations. The subsequent panel expanded on these themes, exploring how global digital ecosystems are influenced by the competing incentives of governments, corporations, and users. Speakers called for governance models that integrate technical, economic, and ethical considerations — emphasizing that true accountability depends not only on external regulation, but on embedding human values directly into the design of technology.The theme of trust carried into the next discussion, with the focus on trust as infrastructure for security policy, where experts emphasized that national and global security must evolve to encompass cyber-trust, space governance, and technological resilience as essential infrastructures for stability in an era defined by AI and geopolitical complexity and uncertainty.In the final session, which explored the role of technology policy in the future of the research university, panelists discussed how research institutions can strengthen their societal role by embedding technology policy and interdisciplinary scholarship into the institutional structure. Speakers emphasized the need for universities to evolve into more cohesive, outward-looking engines of policy innovation — coordinating existing centers of excellence, improving communication between research and government, and expanding educational pathways that integrate engineering, social science, and civic engagement.Technology, policy, and powerIn a keynote address, Senator Edward J. Markey, U.S. senator for Massachusetts, delivered a compelling call for moral and democratic leadership in governing the technologies shaping modern life. He warned that the rapid expansion of artificial intelligence and digital systems has outpaced the ethical and policy frameworks needed to protect society, declaring that “the privacy protections of all preceding generations have broken down.” Markey called for a renewed commitment to AI civil rights and accountability in the digital age, urging that technology must be harnessed as “a tool for connection, not addiction,” and developed to advance human dignity, fairness, and shared prosperity.Framing technology as both a source of immense potential and a concentration of power, Markey argued that the defining question of our era is who controls that power, and to what end. He urged policymakers, researchers, and citizens alike to ensure that innovation strengthens democracy rather than undermines it. Closing on a note of determination and hope, Markey reminded the audience that technology policy is inseparable from human and planetary well-being: “Technology is power … the question is, who wields it and for what purpose. We must ensure it serves democracy, equality, and the future of our planet.”New Institute-wide policy initiative announcedThe symposium concluded with the announcement of an exciting new Institute-wide initiative, Policy@MIT, introduced by Maria Zuber, E.A. Griswold Professor of Geophysics and Presidential Advisor for Science and Technology Policy. Zuber described the effort as a bold and unifying step to synergize and amplify policy initiatives across MIT, strengthening the Institute’s capacity to inform evidence-based policymaking. Building upon the foundational work of TPP — within which the program will serve as a core pillar — Policy@MIT aims to connect MIT’s deep technical expertise with real-world policy challenges, foster collaboration across schools and disciplines, and train the next generation of leaders to ensure that science and technology continue to serve humanity and the planet.Extending MIT TPP’s legacy of technology and policy leadership As MIT charts the next half-century of leadership at the intersection of technology, policy, and society, TPP continues to serve as a cornerstone of this mission. Operating within the MIT Institute for Data, Systems, and Society (IDSS), the MIT School of Engineering, and the MIT Schwarzman College of Computing, TPP distinctively engages and integrates state-of-the-art modeling, simulation, and analytical methods in information and decision systems, statistics and data science, and the computational social sciences, with a diverse range of foundational, emerging, and cross-disciplinary policy analysis methods. Sitting at the confluence of engineering, computer science, and the social sciences, TPP equips students and researchers to study some of the most important and complex emerging issues related to technology through systems thinking, technical rigor, and policy analysis.Founding IDSS director Munther Dahleh, the William A. Coolidge Professor in Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, described this integration as cultivating the “trilingual student” — someone fluent in data and information, social reasoning, and a technical domain. “What we’re trying to produce in the TPP program,” he explained, “is the person who can navigate all three dimensions of a problem.”Reflecting on TPP’s enduring mission, Ortiz concluded the symposium, “As we look ahead to the next 50 years, this is a pivotal moment for the Technology and Policy Program — both at MIT and globally. TPP holds tremendous potential for growth, translation, and impact as a leader in technology policy for the nation and the world.”

Mind, hand, and harvest

A volunteer-driven pilot program brings low-cost organic produce to the MIT community.

On a sunny, warm Sunday MIT students, staff, and faculty spread out across the fields of Hannan Healthy Foods in Lincoln, Massachusetts. Some of these volunteers pluck tomatoes from their vines in a patch a few hundred feet from the cars whizzing by on Route 117. Others squat in the shade cast by the greenhouse to snip chives. Still others slice heads of Napa cabbage from their roots in a bed nearer the woods. Everything being harvested today will wind up in Harvest Boxes, which will be sold at a pop-up farm stand the next day in the lobby of the Stata Center back on the MIT campus.This initiative — a pilot collaboration between MIT’s Office of Sustainability (MITOS), the MIT Anthropology Section, Hannan Healthy Foods, and the nascent MIT Farm student organization — sold six-pound boxes of fresh, organic produce to the MIT community for $10 per box — half off the typical wholesale price. The weekly farm stands ran from Sept. 15 through Oct. 27.“There is a documented need for accessible, affordable, fresh food on college campuses,” says Heather Paxson, William R. Kenan, Jr. Professor of Anthropology and one of the organizers of the program. “The problems for a small farmer in finding a sufficient market … are connected to the challenges of food insecurity in even wealthy areas. And so, it really is about connecting those dots.”Through the six weeks of the project, farm stand shoppers purchased more than 2,000 pounds of fresh produce that they wouldn’t otherwise have had access to. Hannan, Paxson, and the team hope that this year’s pilot was successful enough to continue into future growing seasons, either in this farm stand form or as something else that can equally serve the campus community.“This year we decided to pour our heart, soul, and resources into this vision and prove what’s possible,” says Susy Jones, senior sustainability project manager at MITOS. “How can we do it in a way that is robust and goes through the official MIT channels, and yet pushes the boundaries of what’s possible at MIT?”A growing ideaMohammed Hannan, founder of Hannan Healthy Foods, first met Paxson and Jones in 2022. Jones was looking for someone local who grew vegetables common in Asian cuisine in response to a student request. Paxson wanted a small farm to host a field trip for her subject 21A.155 (Food, Culture and Politics). In July, Paxson and Jones learned about an article in the Boston Globe featuring Hannan as an example of a small farmer hit hard by federal budget cuts.They knew right away they wanted to help. They pulled in Zachary Rapaport and Aleks Banas, architecture master’s students and the co-founders of MIT Farm, an organization dedicated to getting the MIT community off campus and onto local farms. This MIT contingent connected with Hannan to come up with a plan.“These projects — when they flow, they flow,” says Jones. “There was so much common ground and excitement that we were all willing to jump on calls at 7 p.m. many nights to figure it out.”After a series of rapid-fire brainstorming sessions, the group decided to host weekly volunteer sessions at Hannan’s farm during the autumn growing season and sell the harvest at a farm stand on campus.“It fits in seamlessly with the MIT motto, ‘mind and hand,’ ‘mens et manus,’ learning by doing, as well as the heart, which has been added unofficially — mind, hand, heart,” says Paxson.Jones tapped into the MITOS network for financial, operational, student, and city partners. Rapaport and Banas put out calls for volunteers. Paxson incorporated a volunteer trip into her syllabus and allocated discretionary project funding to subsidize the cost of the produce, allowing the food to be sold at 50 percent of the wholesale price that Hannan was paid for it.“The fact that MIT students, faculty, and staff could come out to the farm, and that our harvest would circulate back to campus and into the broader community — there’s an energy around it that’s very different from academics. It feels essential to be part of something so tangible,” says Rapaport.The volunteer sessions proved to be popular. Throughout the pilot, about 75 students and half a dozen faculty and staff trekked out to Lincoln from MIT’s Cambridge, Massachusetts, campus at least once to clear fields and harvest vegetables. Hannan hopes the experience will change the way they think about their food.“Harvesting the produce, knowing the operation, knowing how hard it is, it’ll stick in their brain,” he says.On that September Sunday, second-year electrical engineering and computer science major Abrianna Zhang had come out with a friend after seeing a notification on the dormspam email lists. Zhang grew up in a California suburb big on supporting local farmers, but volunteering showed her a different side of the job.“There’s a lot of work that goes into raising all these crops and then getting all this manual labor,” says Zhang. “It makes me think about the economy of things. How is this even possible … for us to gain access to organic fruits or produce at a reasonable price?”Setting up shopSince mid-September, Monday has been Farm Stand day at MIT. Tables covered in green gingham tablecloths strike through the Stata Center lobby, holding stacks of cardboard boxes filled with produce. Customers wait in line to claim their piece of the fresh harvest — carrots, potatoes, onions, tomatoes, herbs, and various greens.Many of these students typically head to off-campus grocery stores to get their fresh produce. Katie Stabb, a sophomore civil and environmental engineering major and self-proclaimed “crazy plant lady,” grows her own food in the summer, but travels far from campus to shop for her vegetables during the school year. Having this stand right at MIT gives her time back, and she’s been spreading the news to her East Campus dorm mates — even picking boxes up for them when they can’t make it themselves and helping them figure out what to do with their excess ingredients.“I have encountered having way too many chives before, but that’s new for some folks,” she says. “Last week we pooled all of our chives and I made chive pancakes, kind of like scallion pancakes.”Stabb is not alone. In a multi-question customer survey conducted at the close of the Farm Stand season, 62 percent of respondents said the Harvest Box gave them the chance to try new foods and 49 percent experimented with new recipes. Seventy percent said this project helped them increase their vegetable intake.Nearly 60 percent of the survey respondents were graduate students living off campus. Banas, one of the MIT Farm co-leads, is one of those grad students enjoying the benefits.“I was cooking and making food that I bought from the farm stand and thought, ‘Oh, this is very literally influencing my life in a positive way.’ And I’m hoping that this has a similar impact for other people,” she says.The impact goes beyond the ability of students to nourish themselves with fresh vegetables. New communities have grown from this collaboration. Jones, for example, expanded her network at MITOS by tapping into expertise and resources from MIT Dining, the Vice President for Finance Merchant Services, and the MIT Federal Credit Union.“There were just these pockets of people in every corner of MIT who know how to do these very specific things that might seem not very glamorous, but make something like this possible,” says Jones. “It’s such a positive, affirming moment when you’re starting from scratch and someone’s like, ‘This is such a cool idea, how can I help?’”Strengthening communityInviting people from MIT to connect across campus and explore beyond Cambridge has helped students and employees alike feel like they’re part of something bigger.“The community that’s grown around this work is what keeps me so engaged,” says Rapaport. “MIT can have a bit of a siloing effect. It’s easy to become so focused on your classes and academics that your world revolves around them. Farm club grew out of wanting to build connections across the student body and to see ourselves and MIT as part of a larger network of people, communities, and relationships.”This particular connection will continue to grow, as Rapaport and Banas will use their architectural expertise to lead a design-build team in developing a climate-adaptive and bio-based root cellar at Hannan Healthy Foods, to improve the farm’s winter vegetable storage conditions. Community engagement is an ethos Hannan has embraced since the start of his farming journey in 2018, motivated by a desire to provision first his family and then others with healthy food.“One thing I have done over the years, I was not trying to do farming by myself,” he says. “I always reached out to as many people as I could. The idea is, if community is not involved, they just see it as an individual business.”It’s why he gifts his volunteers huge bags of tomatoes at the end of a shift, or donates some of his harvest to food banks, or engages an advisory committee of local residents to ensure he’s filling the right needs.“There’s a reciprocal dimension to gifting that needs to continue,” says Paxson. “That is what builds and maintains community — it’s classic anthropology."And much of what’s exchanged in this type of reciprocity can’t be charted or graded or marked on a spreadsheet. It’s cooking pancakes with dorm mates. It’s meeting and appreciating new colleagues. It’s grabbing a friend to harvest cabbage on a beautiful autumn Sunday.“Seeing a student who volunteered over the weekend harvesting chives come to the market on Monday and then want to take a selfie with those chives,” says Jones. “To me, that’s a cool moment.”

Two College Students Are Building a Robot to Replant Burned Forests

Marta Bernardino and Sebastião Mendonça invented Trovador, a six-legged, A.I.-powered robot that can plant trees in hard-to-reach, wildfire-damaged terrain

Two College Students Are Building a Robot to Replant Burned Forests Marta Bernardino and Sebastião Mendonça invented Trovador, a six-legged, A.I.-powered robot that can plant trees in hard-to-reach, wildfire-damaged terrain Nineteen-year-olds Marta Bernardino and Sebastião Mendonça are developing a robot capable of reaching and reforesting areas where humans have been unable to. Trovador For 19-year-olds Marta Bernardino and Sebastião Mendonça, the forest was the intimate, untamed backdrop of their childhood. “It was a living playground where we built worlds, a sanctuary where the concepts of ‘importance’ were felt instinctively rather than taught,” says Bernardino. As children growing up near Lisbon, the two always believed that the forest would remain a constant in their lives. But with each year, they watched as fires ravaged the forests not far from their homes, leaving behind scorched gray hillsides. Desperate to revive these forests, the two then-high school students set out to create Trovador—a robot capable of reaching and reforesting areas where humans have been unable to. The state of Portugal’s forests A 2024 study by Carlos C. DaCamara, an atmospheric scientist at the University of Lisbon, revealed that between 1980 to 2023, over 1.2 million acres burned in wildfires across mainland Portugal, equivalent to 54 percent of its territory. In 2017, the country recorded 32,000 acres of tree cover loss, with wildfire accounting for 75 percent of that destruction, the highest in a year to date. Moreover, Portugal is the southern European nation most affected by wildfires, based on the scale of burned areas and the sharp rise in recent wildfires. To begin their project, Bernardino and Mendonça set out to understand the current methods used for reforestation and the reasons behind the forests’ slow recovery. “The initial, passive hope that nature would heal itself was shattered when we learned the soil was too damaged and the fires too frequent for recovery,” Bernardino adds. Though volunteers and community members strived to revive the burned forests, it was physically impossible to reach the most vulnerable parts, which happened to be on steep, treacherous slopes. “The defining moment came,” Bernardino says, “when a project leader articulated the brutal truth: the terrain itself was the enemy, making manual replanting a dangerous and often impossible task.” She continues, “The inspiration was no longer a feeling of loss, but a cleareyed recognition of a flawed system. We saw that existing solutions—from volunteer planting to drone seed-dropping—were failing to meet the scale and complexity of the problem.” Quick facts: The impact of climate change on wildfires Between 2003 and 2023, extreme wildfire activity worldwide increased by 2.2-fold. Wildfire seasons are lengthening too, starting earlier in the spring and lasting longer into the fall. Over 60 percent of forests in Portugal lie on steep, rugged terrain, where planting is unsafe and labor is scarce, Bernardino explains. Tractors can’t handle slopes, and they compact the soil. Using heavy vehicles for reforesting can disturb the oxygen and water supply to plants and soil microorganisms. Such disturbances can cause substantial damage to the soil systems, which in certain cases can be long-lasting and even irreversible, harming the productivity of the forest and the overall functionality of the ecosystem. Drone-based aerial seeding is one viable alternative highly considered today for reforestation. However, the technique has its own challenges. While it’s competent in precision identification of suitable locations for reforestation, the method typically uses thousands of seeds per acre (at least 4,000) for blanket seedings, making it less economical. “Drones, while flexible, scatter seeds with low precision—wasting one of the most scarce natural resources,” Bernardino adds. One pilot project focusing on certain conifer species found their survival rate when dropped from drones fell between 0 and 20 percent. “Since the early 2000s, Portugal has lost over half of its forest cover, triggering erosion, water loss and biodiversity collapse,” Bernardino explains. “This crisis hits rural communities hardest: places like Fundão and Alentejo, where forests provide food, water, income and cultural identity. As ecosystems vanish, so do livelihoods.” And the rapid loss of forest cover isn’t limited to Portugal—it extends around the globe. Recent data from the University of Maryland’s Global Land Analysis & Discovery (GLAD) lab, reported in the World Resources Institute’s “Global Forest Review,” found that an unprecedented 16.6 million acres of primary rainforest was lost in the tropics in 2024. Researchers at the GLAD lab estimate that tropical primary forests vanished at an accelerated pace of 18 soccer fields every minute last year. The loss—largely caused by massive forest fires—is almost double that of 2023. “The problem itself became our blueprint,” recounts Bernardino, “and we dedicated ourselves to creating a solution that embraced all the constraints: steep terrain, high survival rates and autonomy.” A firefighter tackles the flames next to a road as vegetation burns during a wildfire in Vila Real, Portugal, this past August. David Oliveira/Anadolu via Getty Images Designing a solution In 2023, Bernardino and Mendonça set out to create Trovador—a six-legged robot able to walk on rugged slopes and plant trees. Their first €15 ($17) prototype, built from recycled parts, planted 28 percent faster than humans with a 90 percent survival rate. The saplings also thrived without any post-planting care. The two are currently working to improve the efficiency of the robot and hope that their current prototype is able to handle longer operations on steeper terrains. “We build all-terrain robots that carry baby trees on their backs and plant them autonomously across difficult terrain,” says Bernardino. The innovators didn’t expect the wave of interest that followed their initial prototype. As a top finalist for National Geographic’s 2024 Slingshot Challenge, they won a grant of $10,000, and the invention was also featured in the magazine as one of the world’s most promising youth-led climate solutions. “On the tech side, the robotics world took notice, too—we became the youngest ever to receive Europe’s top award for Robotics for Sustainability,” says Bernardino. The hexapod robot is capable of climbing slopes of up to 45 degrees while detecting and simultaneously avoiding any boulders in its way. Trovador is also equipped to carry and plant up to 200 saplings per hour. Unlike a tractor, it barely makes an indent on the ground thanks to its light movement, preserving pore space for air and water in the soil. A depth camera attached to it maps any obstacles and allows it to slightly adapt its trajectory in real time. It also uses artificial intelligence and sensors to analyze the pH and humidity of the soil, after which Trovador will follow a three-step dig-place-tamp sequence to plant rooted saplings instead of seeds. “The sequence is validated to hit up to 85 to 90 percent survival in field trials and literature,” says Bernardino. With built-in sensors, Trovador uploads real-time data like GPS coordinates of each plant, soil humidity and battery life to a cloud, allowing the team to monitor the robot remotely. Moreover, during future soil analysis, the robot will be trained to skip the dry ground and steer planting to micro-niches with better odds. Bringing a viable product to market Miguel Jerónimo, a landscape architect and coordinator of Renature projects at the Group for Studies on Spatial Planning and the Environment, an independent environmental organization in Portugal, is optimistic about the tool. “Trovador appears to be an innovative project with potential, particularly as it was developed by two young students who turned a low-cost prototype into a possible approach to one of Portugal’s environmental challenges,” says Jerónimo. “The concept of a six-legged robot designed to move across steep slopes and dense vegetation offers a practical framework for reforestation in areas that are unsafe or difficult for people to access.” While Jerónimo is hopeful about the success of Trovador, he’s equally apprehensive about the robot’s durability in the actual field. “Moving from an experimental prototype to a reliable field-ready tool will require robust testing to ensure it can handle the rough, humid and heavily vegetated conditions typical of Portuguese forests,” he says. “Operational endurance, mobility in dense vegetation and ease of maintenance are areas that need further exploration before the system can be considered ready for broad use.” Additionally, the price tag on the tool also needs to be taken into account. “Keeping production costs low will be essential,” the landscape architect points out. “The robot must be affordable if it is to become a useful and accessible instrument in large-scale reforestation efforts rather than a one-off innovation.” However, Bernardino and Mendonça already have some ideas on how to make it affordable. Instead of selling the Trovador robot itself, the team plans to first market it as a platform that they operate as a service, selling “trees-in-the-ground.” By 2026, they hope to make the robot robust and user-friendly enough to deploy it in large-scale plantations. “Clients [like] municipalities, insurers, forestry firms or NGOs can open our app, outline a polygon, choose native species and receive a quote,” Bernardino elaborates. “Pricing is expected to be a big step up from the current methods, up to six times cheaper than manual crews and four times more cost‑effective than drones once seed wastage is factored in.” The innovators are narrowing in on a minimum viable product. For the next few months, the Trovador team intends to improve the tool based on feedback they received after field testing it in Lisbon this past summer. Both Bernardino and Mendonça’s hopes and ambitions remain high. With the robot, they aspire to make “reforestation that is fast, precise, audit-ready and scalable to the millions of hectares climate models say we must restore this decade,” says Bernardino. Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

What’s for Dinner, Mom?

The women who want to change the way America eats

Illustrations by Lucas BurtinSometimes I think I became a mother not in a hospital room but in a Trader Joe’s in New York City. It was May 2020. A masked but smizing employee took one look at my stomach and handed me a packet of dark-chocolate peanut-butter cups. “Happy Mother’s Day!” she said. I was pregnant, with twins, during the early months of the pandemic, and all I could think about was food—what to eat and how to acquire it. Once a week I dashed clumsily through the store’s aisles, grabbing cans of beans and bags of apples while trying not to breathe, like a contestant on a postapocalyptic episode of Supermarket Sweep.Food then was interlaced with a sense of danger, the coronavirus potentially spreading (we worried, absurdly it turned out) even by way of reusable totes. Meanwhile, I knew from my relentless pregnancy apps that what I ate could have monumental implications for my future children’s eating habits. I was scared, and I felt powerless, and food seemed like one of the few things I could control, or at least try to.[Read: Becoming a parent during the pandemic was the hardest thing I’ve ever done]What I didn’t yet know was that I was tapping into a deep-rooted tradition—or that, even as I panic-shopped, it was evolving. Mothers are our first food influencers, and for most of history, they have been our primary ones. The process starts even before we’re born, we now know: The tastes we’re exposed to in utero inform the preferences we’ll have much later in life. Culture, “at least when it comes to food, is really just a fancy word for your mother,” Michael Pollan wrote in his best-selling 2008 book, In Defense of Food: An Eater’s Manifesto. Up until the mid-20th century or so, we humans ate much as our parents did, and their parents before them, and so on: food cooked at home, from fresh ingredients, made predominantly by women.But a flurry of destabilizing changes followed the Second World War, which had accustomed Americans to mass-produced boxed meals via rations issued to the military. Technological developments on multiple fronts brought prepackaged meals, frozen food, industrialized agriculture, the microwave oven. Marketers were learning how to subliminally manipulate shoppers. Perhaps most significant of all was a shift taking place at home: Women were joining the workforce, happily ceding the task of dinner to Big Food.[Read: Avoiding ultra-processed foods is completely unrealistic]By the 2000s, the consequences of all these changes were becoming calamitous. In the 1960s, 13 percent of American adults and about 5 percent of children were obese; by 2005, the number had risen to 35 percent of adults and more than 15 percent of children. Food companies had long since mastered the art of engineering products to encourage mindless overconsumption with every lab-perfected crunch, crisp, and snap. They’d also figured out how to maximize their sway over U.S. food policy, donating to politicians and directly funding scientists. And they did so while decrying as intrusive any efforts to rein in the ruthless lobbying tactics laid bare by the nutritionist and advocate Marion Nestle in her 2002 book, Food Politics: How the Food Industry Influences Nutrition and Health.Nestle, whom The New York Times has called “one of the most influential framers of the modern food movement,” has spent the two decades since then trying to help Americans understand the extent to which the systems that feed them are implicated in sickening them for profit. Big Food, she was among the first to highlight, often bypasses parents to target kids directly using cartoon mascots and promotional collaborations with toy companies. (One of the prized possessions in her archive is an Oreo-themed Barbie doll.) Until recently, Nestle’s war against the Pillsbury Doughboy and Tony the Tiger looked unwinnable, as she observes in her new book, What to Eat Now: The Indispensable Guide to Good Food, How to Find It, and Why It Matters. An update of her 2006 field guide for supermarket shoppers, it demonstrates how lamentably little progress has been made since then.Supermarkets and supply chains are even more consolidated than they were 20 years ago, and corporations are more empowered, as Nestle writes, “to sell food products no matter what they do to or for your health.” Nearly three-quarters of American adults are now overweight or obese. An array of new products since 2006—oat milk and gluten-free pasta, more global ingredients (gochujang, sumac), plant-based “meats,” CBD-infused everything—has added variety, but also confusion. What counts as healthy? The influx certainly hasn’t halted a rise in consumption of ultra-processed foods (those heavily reliant on industrial ingredients and methods far removed from anything you’d cook at home). They now make up more than half of the average American adult’s diet and two-thirds of what children eat. The food system in America, Nestle explains, produces twice the amount of calories we actually need, while ravaging the environment we can’t survive without. (Industrialized farming results in water and air pollution, soil degradation, deforestation, and a loss of biodiversity.)But something perplexing has also been happening for half a decade or so now: Once again, patterns of influence over what we eat are being upended. Enabled by social media, certain mothers have been mobilizing, intent on reasserting their authority over mealtime. I wasn’t the only one obsessed with food during the pandemic; something about the confluence of fear, frustration, and way too much time online ignited an impassioned, women-led, influencer-stoked, food-centered movement. A lot of the focus on fresh, homemade meals that this missionary crew has been advocating for has felt familiar—and sensible—to parents like me, dealing with uneaten strips of bell pepper and endless requests for snacks heavy in high-fructose corn syrup. Much has also felt wholly reactionary, rooted not just in the dietary and agricultural traditions of bygone days, but also in old-style gender politics.The past few years have seen a glut of wellness content about the dangers of seed oils and chemicals, as well as nostalgic imagery disseminated over social media by women labeled “tradwives”: freshly baked bread emerging from a weathered Dutch oven in a lovely country kitchen, cows being milked in bucolic bliss, chubby-cheeked toddlers waddling through vegetable patches. And then “Make America Healthy Again,” a slogan that began life as a winking provocation in a 2016 Sweetgreen ad, morphed into a more politicized mantra among an improbable coalition of personalities who also want milk unpasteurized, food dyes banned, vaccines eliminated—and who also seem to want women re-enshrined in their rightful place in the kitchen.“Who isn’t a food person these days?” the chef Ruby Tandoh asks in her new essay collection, All Consuming: Why We Eat the Way We Eat Now, surveying a culture in which everybody seems to be “talking about almost nothing else.” What’s striking is that these days, most of us recognize that America’s diet needs an intervention that goes beyond talk—and medication: GLP-1 drugs, however remarkable their effects may be, can’t feed kids. Yet the dramatic showdown between profit-greedy Big Food and proselytizing Big Family is eclipsing a middle ground of parenting pragmatists. Contradictory nutrition advice online drowns out a basic consensus: Experts overwhelmingly agree that a healthy diet still aligns with the same boring guidelines we grew up hearing—eat your fruits and vegetables, avoid ultra-processed (formerly “junk”) foods, limit sugar. How has the discussion become so polarized? And what might it take to actually fix dinner?We’ve seen politicized food fights before. In the mid-2000s, a harried mother in Chicago, navigating a fast-track, dual-career schedule with her partner, began to rely on quick fixes when feeding her kids: takeout, ready meals, prepackaged snacks. One day, at a routine doctor appointment, she learned that both of her daughters were on the path to becoming overweight, a warning that spurred her to overhaul the way her family was eating. “I was grateful for the time and the effort that I saved with these kinds of products,” Michelle Obama told a gathering of food-business executives in 2010, after she became first lady of the United States. “But I was also completely unaware that all that extra convenience sometimes made it just a little too easy for me to eat too much, for my kids to eat too much, and to eat too often.” She was unprepared, too, for the partisan ruckus that was about to begin.The chef, advocate, and policy adviser Sam Kass recounts this story in his wide-ranging and pragmatic new book about America’s food failings, The Last Supper: How to Overcome the Coming Food Crisis. Kass was just a few years out of college when he was hired by Obama in 2007 to help improve what and how her family ate at home. He then moved to Washington to work with the first lady on expanding her healthy-eating revolution from a personal goal into a political project. At the time, Kass notes, he’d been radicalized by Pollan and Nestle, who were giving shape to an intellectual, leftish, Berkeley-centric movement advocating for sustainable food production and more health-oriented food policies: “I shopped at farmers markets. I ate organic. My beef was grass fed. I thought that everyone should eat that way.” He arrived in the capital, he writes, “ready to decisively take on Big Ag—until reality reared its ugly head.”In February 2010, Obama announced her first major initiative as first lady: Let’s Move, a public-health campaign aimed at lowering childhood-obesity rates in the U.S. Improving the nutritional quality of school meals nationwide was a centerpiece; for children living in poverty, those breakfasts and lunches could be their main source of sustenance. Conservatives instantly caught the scent of a culture war. Figures such as Sarah Palin and Fox News’s Glenn Beck regularly fulminated against nanny statism and accused the Obamas of trying to overrule the sacred rights of American parents.Some of the backlash was bipartisan. When Kass tried to eliminate a policy that offered White House employees free Coke—after all, the administration was trying to get the nation to drink less of it—Michelle Obama’s deputy chief of staff responded, “Over my dead body.” And when Kass and the first lady spearheaded a national campaign to get people to drink more water, they were criticized by some of their public-health allies—Nestle among them—for not considering the environmental impact of plastic bottles.The uproar, in retrospect, is illuminating. Food is deeply personal. Our natural response to being told what to eat is defensive: We tend to be attached to the foods we associate with family, comfort, and care. Obama had presumed that the straightforward changes that had worked for her family might benefit the wider public—and to her credit, she aimed to provide healthier meals for all American children, through broad institutional reform. Kass cites a study showing that the odds of poor children developing obesity would have been about 50 percent higher without the school-meal interventions. Crucially, though, childhood obesity was soon rising again. And Let’s Move, rather than surging in popularity, was cast as elitist coercion, and Obama as the mean mommy forcing America to finish its vegetables.[Read: RFK Jr. is repeating Michelle Obama’s mistakes]In hindsight, Kass concludes, almost nothing Let’s Move could have suggested would have pleased conservatives at the time. But he also infers that the biggest failure of Let’s Move was one of communication. If you come across as instructing people on what to eat or, especially, what not to eat, you’re more likely to prompt a raised middle finger than compliance. Slide gracefully into people’s subconscious by enlisting the power of suggestion—visually presenting healthier products in a way that elicits an emotional response, say, or evokes a sense of home or prosperity—and you can help an idea take hold. There’s a reason the MAHA movement caught fire as social-media use escalated. “Marketers will tell you this,” Kass writes: “When you are trying to shift culture, seek out the influencers.” Illustration by Lucas Burtin One thing that Big Food, and now MAHA moms, understands is that what we see fundamentally affects our attitudes about what we eat. In 2010, the same year that the Obamas were hustling to pass the Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act, two software engineers debuted a photo-sharing app that they named Instagram, unwittingly ushering in a new hyper-visual food era of “serial virality,” as Tandoh puts it. Three years later, when the French pastry chef Dominique Ansel debuted the cronut (a hybrid of French patisserie and American deep fat frying), Instagram had 100 million users, many of whom responded to photos of his concoction with ravenous abandon. “People just shared the cronut, a platonic torus of golden dough with a sugar-salt-fat ratio to please the gods,” Tandoh writes. “Instead of spreading person to person through word of mouth, it spread exponentially, like a contagion.”The cronut wasn’t remotely healthy, but it was totemic of food trends in the 2010s, as community bonding through photo sharing took off. While the Affordable Care Act fueled attacks on Democrats as the party of Big Health Care, an alternative subculture was gaining momentum. In September 2008, the Oscar-winning actor Gwyneth Paltrow launched Goop, a newsletter of recipes and recommendations intended to foster—and eventually monetize—a more intimate relationship with her fans.Paltrow, who had lost her father to cancer, was now the mother of two young children, and believed passionately in the connection between food and health. “I am convinced that by eating biological foods it is possible to avoid the growth of tumors,” she told an Italian newspaper, drawing fierce pushback from doctors and dieticians—but not from her audience. Paltrow seemed to intuit the mood of many women in the aftermath of the Great Recession: their concerns, their exhaustion, their eagerness for an escape from their own cramped kitchens offered by images of delightfully wholesome domesticity. Goop gave an air of both glamour and accessibility to the kind of alternative lifestyle that had previously existed only on the crunchy fringes.[Read: The baffling rise of Goop]Since Goop’s debut, the wellness market has ballooned and is now worth more than $6 trillion, with the U.S. making up about a third of that figure. Paltrow’s association of food with health helped instill in people’s minds a connection between what they ate and how they felt. “I would rather smoke crack than eat cheese from a can,” she told an interviewer in 2011. And mothers were especially vulnerable to this messaging. We worry endlessly; we (traditionally) manage doctor appointments and household budgets, to the tune of an estimated $2 trillion a year in America.Over the course of the 2010s, even as the Alice Waters–inspired farm-to-table cause of the 1980s was enjoying a boost from Pollan and company, a different cottage industry of food and wellness advocates gained influence online. It tapped into valid concerns about health in America, while also hyping fearful ideas about a contaminated state of modernity (ridden with parasites, carcinogens, and GMOs, as well as vaccines and prescription drugs). Zen Honeycutt, a pro-organic-farming and anti-vaccine activist—now one of many mom acolytes of Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—founded the pressure group Moms Across America in 2012. “We, the mothers who buy 85% of the food and we women who make 90% of household purchasing decisions, have the power to shift the marketplace and protect our people and the planet,” the group’s website proclaims.In 2020, amid the anxiety and embattled politics of the pandemic, the 21st century’s wellness fads, paranoid tendencies, and regressive gender dynamics consolidated. The horseshoe gap between leftist naturopaths and libertarian farmsteaders began to close, enabled by health influencers, podcasters, and the cheap thrill of algorithmic engagement. Today, the people most likely to be advocating online for slow food are homesteaders and tradwives, canny content creators who post reels of themselves churning butter and pulling dirt-dusted produce out of the soil.Yet you don’t have to be a homesteader to be anxious about the food systems and environments that your children grow up in. Many of us parents have been buying organic and baking from scratch and trying to get creamed spinach off upholstery since our kids were born. We give them whisks and make cooking time part of family time, and do our best to serve them fresh, colorful meals. Though we may rarely live up to Waters’s edict about lovely food preparation and presentation—“Beauty is a language of care,” as she writes in her new book, A School Lunch Revolution—there’s always the joy of messy participation.What few of us have is the tradwife’s luxury of retreating to the Instagrammed home, of opting out of an external reality where food conglomerates go unchecked and food deserts unchanged. “Don’t overcomplicate it,” the homesteader known online as Greenview Farms posted this summer, in text overlaying a video of a sunset. “Just marry your best friend, have his babies, spend your days on the land, plant a garden, get a few chickens and a cow, and live a simple life.” (This surfaced in my feed, shared approvingly by a distant relative, a woman who—for the record—works in finance.)[Read: The wellness women are on the march]If you overlook the very real public-health ramifications of vaccine hesitancy and raw milk, the rise of the MAHA movement might offer some promise. Trump “sounds just like me when he talks!” Marion Nestle exclaimed back in February, laughing at the absurdity of a hard-core McDonald’s eater railing against “the industrial food complex.” RFK Jr. and his merry band of mothers have, if nothing else, made the importance of good food in encouraging good health more prominent in our culture, and more bipartisan.But unlike, say, Michelle Obama, MAHA proselytizers simply want moms to take on more responsibility, turning what should be a multifaceted effort into an atomized, individualistic one. The onus isn’t on the administration to regulate food companies or restrict marketing to children. It is on mothers to obsess over what their families are eating.[Olga Khazan: Doomed to be a tradwife]The irony is that plenty of parents who don’t dream of returning to the land are already on board for back-to-basics meals, made as manageable as possible. The Instagram account for Feeding Littles, which gives guidance on how to raise “adventurous, intuitive eaters,” has 1.9 million followers. The most popular Substack newsletter under the category of food and drink is titled “What to Cook When You Don’t Feel Like Cooking”; it dishes out quick, practical recipes oriented toward exhausted parents and has more than half a million subscribers. We care not just because we’re fixated on health, or on our own homes. We’re also reminding ourselves, and showing our kids, that eating is more than a solo need; it’s a communal enterprise, one that thrives on dealing as carefully and fairly with food resources as we can. “You eat. Willingly or not you participate in the environment of food choice,” Nestle writes toward the end of her new book. “The choices you make about food are as much about the kind of world you want to live in as they are about what to have for lunch.”This article appears in the January 2026 print edition with the headline “What’s for Dinner, Mom?”

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