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For Oregon tribes, retracing the Rogue River Trail of Tears helps heal old wounds

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Saturday, May 25, 2024

Forged by an explosive volcanic eruption in southwest Oregon, Table Rocks took their shape over millions of years, carved by the steady waters of the Rogue River, which now flows more than 800 feet below the rim.Every autumn, as temperatures drop and rainclouds return, acorns fall from oak trees that surround the pair of flat-topped mesas. The return of the acorns precedes the return of Native peoples, who gather the bitter nuts, grind them up and turn them into a nutritious mush – a practice that goes back millennia.In recent years, the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde and the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians have created opportunities for members to reforge connections to the lands their ancestors knew intimately. Their removal from this place in 1856, an event some historians call the Rogue River Trail of Tears, has become a road map that many tribal members are retracing into the future.In the fall, the two tribes come together to gather acorns at an event called Acorn Camp in southwest Oregon. This June, they will host their first joint Camas Camp, where they will harvest camas lilies and other spring plants. And, just after Memorial Day Weekend, the Siletz tribe will host its annual Run to the Rogue marathon, a 216-mile relay down the coastline and up the Rogue River.Greg Archuleta, cultural policy analyst with the Grand Ronde tribe, said the current focus is on refamiliarizing tribal members with the places of their ancestors, as well as passing down practices that have survived for generations.“Our primary focus right now is really to get tribal members out on the landscape,” Archuleta said. “It’s all about presence.”That presence has also created a new sense of home for many Indigenous families who have spent generations living elsewhere – on reservations far away, in bigger cities or out of the region altogether.“It’s kind of like meeting a relative that you’ve heard about for a long time but never had a chance to meet,” Robert Kentta, tribal council member for the Siletz tribe, said of returning to southwest Oregon. “That connection is still there.”A popular hiking trail leads up to and around Upper Table Rock, a volcanic plateau near Medford in southern Oregon.Jamie Hale/The OregonianRobert Kentta, tribal council member for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on former reservation land that once belonged to his great-grandfather, who was removed from southwest Oregon in 1856. Jamie Hale/The OregonianTRAUMA AT TABLE ROCKSFor tribal members, revisiting Table Rocks isn’t always easy. There is trauma there, buried in the ground, filling the recesses of the hard, volcanic rock.At the start of the 19th century, the region was home to the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan peoples who had lived in the area for untold generations. But it was also becoming home to a growing number of non-Indigenous settlers. The first to arrive, French fur trappers called the Indigenous people in the region “rogues,” a derogatory nickname that was often used as a justification for violence, according to historian Gray Whaley in “Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee.”When gold miners showed up in 1849, they treated the “rogues” as a threat, and waged an open campaign of extermination, according to historical documents. That first year, a militia killed 60 Indigenous people after allegedly finding an Indigenous man “secreted” in a white woman’s home, according to Whaley. Tribal historians say their ancestors suffered violence both casual and organized, by both local militias and the U.S. Army.“Pretty much the whole philosophy was to exterminate the Indians,” Archuleta said. “It was something that was pretty extreme during that time.”In 1853, many of the Rogue River peoples gathered at Table Rocks to sign a treaty with the U.S. government in which they agreed to cede the lands in exchange for a permanent reservation, where they might be safe. Violence from militias continued during the treaty negotiations, an attempt to derail the process, tribal historians said. After signing the treaty, the people were removed to a temporary reservation at Table Rocks, where hardships continued.Being forced to remain in one location kept the Rogue River peoples from their traditionally mobile practices of gathering, hunting and creating seasonal homes, resulting in starvation in addition to disease and continued attacks, according to historians. Those who left the reservation were often hunted down and killed by local militias.The situation came to a head in 1855, when the deaths of two packers were blamed on Indigenous men. A white militia seeking to avenge the deaths left under the cover of darkness to the Table Rock Reservation, where they killed about 25 people sleeping by the banks of the river, according to historical accounts. As they left, the militiamen killed another 50 to 80 Indigenous people in the area, most of whom were women and children.The violence was particularly brutal. One witness recalled seeing two elderly women who were bashed to death with clubs and a child who was “taken by the heels and its brains dashed out against a tree.” According to Whaley, one attacker later said that while the extermination made him feel bad, “the understanding was that [the Indians] were all to be killed. So we did that work.”In response to the attacks, a group of Indigenous leaders retaliated with raids on homesteads and settlements. In less than a year, roughly 250 Indigenous people were killed, along with some 50 non-Indigenous soldiers and 44 civilians, according to historical records.Table Rocks are a pair of volcanic mesas above the Rogue River in southwest Oregon.Jamie Hale/The OregonianTravis Stewart, director of the Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center in Grand Ronde, stands outside a plankhouse named achaf-hammi.Jamie Hale/The OregonianA winter landscape at Fern Ridge Lake, a reservoir on the Long Tom River outside Eugene that is on the historic pathway of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.Jamie Hale/The OregonianTribal members have been holding those horrific memories for generations.“We have these historical legal traumas as well as physical and emotional and spiritual traumas,” which metastasized into issues like substance abuse and domestic violence, Kentta said. “We often hear about elders who don’t want to be hugged.”Kentta’s great-grandfather was 7 or 8 years old when his people were removed from their homelands. After the boy’s father was killed, his mother left him with his paternal grandparents while she left to find her family. She never returned. The boy left southwest Oregon as an orphan.In February 1856, amid the fighting, U.S. soldiers led by Bureau of Indian Affairs agent George Ambrose moved 325 people by foot from the Table Rocks Reservation to a place that would become the Grand Ronde Reservation, 263 miles away. The 33-day journey went over mountains and along rivers, north through the Willamette Valley, roughly following the future Interstate 5 corridor, and up into the Coast Range.Aside from the rugged environment, winter weather and generally poor conditions, the captive travelers also faced the constant threat of violence from militiamen stalking the group. Ambrose, who apprehended one man, eventually dissuaded militias from murdering members of the group, though casualties still mounted. According to Ambrose’s journal, the journey saw eight deaths among the captives – as well as eight births.The Rogue River people who chose to stay and fight against removal held out until that summer, eventually surrendering after brutal losses. The surviving holdouts were taken to both the Grand Ronde and Siletz/Coast reservations, according to tribal historians.Despite generations of oppression and the attempted genocide of a people, leaders in the Grand Ronde and Siletz tribes said they prefer a frame of resilience.“There’s pride in the resilience of our ancestors,” Kentta said. “And some of it’s probably a stroke of luck that they didn’t get swept away.”A view of Spirit Mountain from Fort Yamhill State Heritage Area in Grand Ronde. Jamie Hale/The OregonianChris Mercier, vice chair of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde tribal council, stands in the Uyxat Powwow Grounds at the Grand Ronde Community. Jamie Hale/The OregonianHOMECOMINGIn the Grand Ronde Community, just a mile down the road from the tribe’s Spirit Mountain Casino, is a quiet place: the Uyxat Powwow Grounds, home to an outdoor arena lined with turf and a large ceremonial plankhouse named achaf-hammi.Outside the plankhouse is a tall gray pole carved from a single western redcedar tree, marking this place as the end of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.Travis Stewart, director of the tribe’s Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center, created the pole with a carving group for the plankhouse’s dedication in 2010. Standing at the base of the roughly 26-foot pole, he pointed out the headman at the top and coyote running down either side. The length of the pole is decorated with five tiers of faces representing five treaties signed by the tribe, he said, each face crying a stream of tears.Those tears are not just from grief, Stewart explained, “they’re bringing their generational knowledge to this place and it’s coming out into the ground here.”Traditional practices like carving and basket weaving, as well as harvesting plants for food and medicine, are now representations of the resiliency of Indigenous people throughout generations of hardship, Stewart said. The pole, the plankhouse, and events like Acorn Camp and Camas Camp are proof that this generational knowledge still exists.“There was a lot of effort and sacrifice on behalf of those old people that made tough decisions ultimately in order to preserve that (knowledge),” Stewart said. “It’s a responsibility of ours to continue that.”After the removal from southwest Oregon, the Grand Ronde and Siletz reservations became home to more Indigenous survivors, people from neighboring lands who spoke different languages, ate different food and practiced their own customs. At first, most people kept to their own (going so far as to organize themselves geographically), according to tribal historians, but as the U.S. Government shrank the reservations – Siletz from 1.1 million acres to nearly 17,000 today, Grand Ronde from 61,000 acres to 11,500 today – the people came together, creating new tribal communities.“We’ve made our footprint here,” said Chris Mercier, vice chair of the Grand Ronde tribal council. “It wasn’t under the best circumstances that the tribal people were ushered up here, but I like the fact that we’ve established this community, one that’s been existing for over 150 years now.”Of the 5,700 enrolled members of the Grand Ronde tribe, only about 1,200 today live in or around Grand Ronde, Mercier said. But those who do enjoy a tight-knit community, where the past, present and future of the tribe seem to collide at every turn.The Rogue River runs through Valley of the Rogue State Park near Grants Pass in southern Oregon. Jamie Hale/The OregonianBuddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on the banks of the Siletz River down the road from the tribe’s headquarters.Jamie Hale/The OregonianThe Siletz River flows through the Coast Range near the Siletz Reservation. Jamie Hale/The OregonianFor several generations after removal, people didn’t want to directly confront the traumas of the past, tribal leaders said. That was in large part due to ongoing struggles, including being forced to send their children to boarding schools, which were rampant with abuse, and the 1954 termination of western Oregon tribes, during which the government severed all federal support.Only in the past few decades have the tribes directly faced the past, they said, seeking healing through conversation, support and returning to places of tragedy.In the mid 1990s, the Siletz tribe started Run to the Rogue, in which tribal members run and walk their way down the coastline, then up the Rogue River to a place called Oak Flat, about 50 miles from Table Rocks, where in 1856 several bands of the tribe’s ancestors surrendered to the U.S. Army.Buddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the tribe, has been organizing the event since 2012. He said runners of all abilities participate to different degrees. The tribe’s youngest members take the first mile in Siletz, and the elders take the final mile to Oak Flat. The strongest runners take the hardest miles along U.S. 101 at Cape Perpetua, a stretch Lane has done before.“The trek is a lot easier than it was for our ancestors,” Lane said.Many tribal members follow runners along the route, supporting their effort and finding ways to reconnect with their roots, he said. Some pay visits to the lands where their families once lived, or gather in parks, staying up late into the night as runners come and go.“It’s an emotionally charged event,” Lane said. “We’re not celebrating something, but we’re remembering things and making sure those folks with stories are not forgotten.”The relay, along with the Acorn Camp and Camas Camp, represents a new generation of tribal members who are actively connecting with their past through new experiences in the present, they said. The fact that these homecoming events all include a return trip back home – to Siletz, Grand Ronde and other places – underlines a complex question: What is “home” to a displaced people?For Kentta, who has lived his whole life in Siletz and whose ancestors are from the Applegate Valley as well as Finland, southwest Oregon is like a home away from home.“Whenever I’m in the Rogue Valley it’s kind of an emotional feeling of like a connection, even though I didn’t grow up there,” he said. “It’s an ancestral home rather than my current home.”Archuleta grew up primarily in east Portland and traces his ancestry to the Willamette Tumwater, Clackamas Chinook, Cascades Chinook, Santiam Kalapooia, Shasta and Rogue River peoples. He has family ties to the Warm Springs, Yakama, Siletz and Klamath tribes. “Pretty much all of western Oregon” is home, he said.“It’s really each person, each family’s perspective of how they see it,” he said.While many other places may be home, for these sister tribes, there’s still something special about the land in southwest Oregon. Table Rocks has always been an important place, a site of harvest and ritual, as well as the setting of creation stories, tribal historians said. Today, for non-Indigenous people, Lower Table Rock and Upper Table Rock are primarily places for recreation and conservation, managed by the Bureau of Land Management and environmental nonprofit The Nature Conservancy.The area is home to more than 340 species of plants and 70 animals, including the tiny dwarf-wooly meadowfoam wildflower, which grows nowhere else in the world, as well as a threatened species of fairy shrimp, which hatches in vernal pools that form in the rocky soil every winter.For the descendants of the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan people, it is also once again becoming a place to build community, while communing with a landscape that holds a rich and complicated history.“Some of these activities that we’re doing is to bring back healing, bring back families together, and to connect to the landscape, and to continue that stewardship and responsibility to the land,” Archuleta said. “Just being able to fish in a place where your ancestor fished or gathered … it’s restoring what’s always been there, and what’s always been in our hearts and minds.”--Jamie Hale covers travel and the outdoors and co-hosts the Peak Northwest podcast. Reach him at 503-294-4077, jhale@oregonian.com or @HaleJamesB.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

The forced removal of Indigenous people from the Rogue River Valley still resonates in Oregon.

Forged by an explosive volcanic eruption in southwest Oregon, Table Rocks took their shape over millions of years, carved by the steady waters of the Rogue River, which now flows more than 800 feet below the rim.

Every autumn, as temperatures drop and rainclouds return, acorns fall from oak trees that surround the pair of flat-topped mesas. The return of the acorns precedes the return of Native peoples, who gather the bitter nuts, grind them up and turn them into a nutritious mush – a practice that goes back millennia.

In recent years, the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde and the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians have created opportunities for members to reforge connections to the lands their ancestors knew intimately. Their removal from this place in 1856, an event some historians call the Rogue River Trail of Tears, has become a road map that many tribal members are retracing into the future.

In the fall, the two tribes come together to gather acorns at an event called Acorn Camp in southwest Oregon. This June, they will host their first joint Camas Camp, where they will harvest camas lilies and other spring plants. And, just after Memorial Day Weekend, the Siletz tribe will host its annual Run to the Rogue marathon, a 216-mile relay down the coastline and up the Rogue River.

Greg Archuleta, cultural policy analyst with the Grand Ronde tribe, said the current focus is on refamiliarizing tribal members with the places of their ancestors, as well as passing down practices that have survived for generations.

“Our primary focus right now is really to get tribal members out on the landscape,” Archuleta said. “It’s all about presence.”

That presence has also created a new sense of home for many Indigenous families who have spent generations living elsewhere – on reservations far away, in bigger cities or out of the region altogether.

“It’s kind of like meeting a relative that you’ve heard about for a long time but never had a chance to meet,” Robert Kentta, tribal council member for the Siletz tribe, said of returning to southwest Oregon. “That connection is still there.”

Upper Table Rock

A popular hiking trail leads up to and around Upper Table Rock, a volcanic plateau near Medford in southern Oregon.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Robert Kentta, tribal council member for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on former reservation land that once belonged to his great-grandfather, who was removed from southwest Oregon in 1856. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

TRAUMA AT TABLE ROCKS

For tribal members, revisiting Table Rocks isn’t always easy. There is trauma there, buried in the ground, filling the recesses of the hard, volcanic rock.

At the start of the 19th century, the region was home to the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan peoples who had lived in the area for untold generations. But it was also becoming home to a growing number of non-Indigenous settlers. The first to arrive, French fur trappers called the Indigenous people in the region “rogues,” a derogatory nickname that was often used as a justification for violence, according to historian Gray Whaley in “Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee.”

When gold miners showed up in 1849, they treated the “rogues” as a threat, and waged an open campaign of extermination, according to historical documents. That first year, a militia killed 60 Indigenous people after allegedly finding an Indigenous man “secreted” in a white woman’s home, according to Whaley. Tribal historians say their ancestors suffered violence both casual and organized, by both local militias and the U.S. Army.

“Pretty much the whole philosophy was to exterminate the Indians,” Archuleta said. “It was something that was pretty extreme during that time.”

In 1853, many of the Rogue River peoples gathered at Table Rocks to sign a treaty with the U.S. government in which they agreed to cede the lands in exchange for a permanent reservation, where they might be safe. Violence from militias continued during the treaty negotiations, an attempt to derail the process, tribal historians said. After signing the treaty, the people were removed to a temporary reservation at Table Rocks, where hardships continued.

Being forced to remain in one location kept the Rogue River peoples from their traditionally mobile practices of gathering, hunting and creating seasonal homes, resulting in starvation in addition to disease and continued attacks, according to historians. Those who left the reservation were often hunted down and killed by local militias.

The situation came to a head in 1855, when the deaths of two packers were blamed on Indigenous men. A white militia seeking to avenge the deaths left under the cover of darkness to the Table Rock Reservation, where they killed about 25 people sleeping by the banks of the river, according to historical accounts. As they left, the militiamen killed another 50 to 80 Indigenous people in the area, most of whom were women and children.

The violence was particularly brutal. One witness recalled seeing two elderly women who were bashed to death with clubs and a child who was “taken by the heels and its brains dashed out against a tree.” According to Whaley, one attacker later said that while the extermination made him feel bad, “the understanding was that [the Indians] were all to be killed. So we did that work.”

In response to the attacks, a group of Indigenous leaders retaliated with raids on homesteads and settlements. In less than a year, roughly 250 Indigenous people were killed, along with some 50 non-Indigenous soldiers and 44 civilians, according to historical records.

Upper Table Rock

Table Rocks are a pair of volcanic mesas above the Rogue River in southwest Oregon.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Travis Stewart, director of the Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center in Grand Ronde, stands outside a plankhouse named achaf-hammi.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

A winter landscape at Fern Ridge Lake, a reservoir on the Long Tom River outside Eugene that is on the historic pathway of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Tribal members have been holding those horrific memories for generations.

“We have these historical legal traumas as well as physical and emotional and spiritual traumas,” which metastasized into issues like substance abuse and domestic violence, Kentta said. “We often hear about elders who don’t want to be hugged.”

Kentta’s great-grandfather was 7 or 8 years old when his people were removed from their homelands. After the boy’s father was killed, his mother left him with his paternal grandparents while she left to find her family. She never returned. The boy left southwest Oregon as an orphan.

In February 1856, amid the fighting, U.S. soldiers led by Bureau of Indian Affairs agent George Ambrose moved 325 people by foot from the Table Rocks Reservation to a place that would become the Grand Ronde Reservation, 263 miles away. The 33-day journey went over mountains and along rivers, north through the Willamette Valley, roughly following the future Interstate 5 corridor, and up into the Coast Range.

Aside from the rugged environment, winter weather and generally poor conditions, the captive travelers also faced the constant threat of violence from militiamen stalking the group. Ambrose, who apprehended one man, eventually dissuaded militias from murdering members of the group, though casualties still mounted. According to Ambrose’s journal, the journey saw eight deaths among the captives – as well as eight births.

The Rogue River people who chose to stay and fight against removal held out until that summer, eventually surrendering after brutal losses. The surviving holdouts were taken to both the Grand Ronde and Siletz/Coast reservations, according to tribal historians.

Despite generations of oppression and the attempted genocide of a people, leaders in the Grand Ronde and Siletz tribes said they prefer a frame of resilience.

“There’s pride in the resilience of our ancestors,” Kentta said. “And some of it’s probably a stroke of luck that they didn’t get swept away.”

Rogue River Trail of Tears

A view of Spirit Mountain from Fort Yamhill State Heritage Area in Grand Ronde. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Chris Mercier, vice chair of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde tribal council, stands in the Uyxat Powwow Grounds at the Grand Ronde Community. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

HOMECOMING

In the Grand Ronde Community, just a mile down the road from the tribe’s Spirit Mountain Casino, is a quiet place: the Uyxat Powwow Grounds, home to an outdoor arena lined with turf and a large ceremonial plankhouse named achaf-hammi.

Outside the plankhouse is a tall gray pole carved from a single western redcedar tree, marking this place as the end of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.

Travis Stewart, director of the tribe’s Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center, created the pole with a carving group for the plankhouse’s dedication in 2010. Standing at the base of the roughly 26-foot pole, he pointed out the headman at the top and coyote running down either side. The length of the pole is decorated with five tiers of faces representing five treaties signed by the tribe, he said, each face crying a stream of tears.

Those tears are not just from grief, Stewart explained, “they’re bringing their generational knowledge to this place and it’s coming out into the ground here.”

Traditional practices like carving and basket weaving, as well as harvesting plants for food and medicine, are now representations of the resiliency of Indigenous people throughout generations of hardship, Stewart said. The pole, the plankhouse, and events like Acorn Camp and Camas Camp are proof that this generational knowledge still exists.

“There was a lot of effort and sacrifice on behalf of those old people that made tough decisions ultimately in order to preserve that (knowledge),” Stewart said. “It’s a responsibility of ours to continue that.”

After the removal from southwest Oregon, the Grand Ronde and Siletz reservations became home to more Indigenous survivors, people from neighboring lands who spoke different languages, ate different food and practiced their own customs. At first, most people kept to their own (going so far as to organize themselves geographically), according to tribal historians, but as the U.S. Government shrank the reservations – Siletz from 1.1 million acres to nearly 17,000 today, Grand Ronde from 61,000 acres to 11,500 today – the people came together, creating new tribal communities.

“We’ve made our footprint here,” said Chris Mercier, vice chair of the Grand Ronde tribal council. “It wasn’t under the best circumstances that the tribal people were ushered up here, but I like the fact that we’ve established this community, one that’s been existing for over 150 years now.”

Of the 5,700 enrolled members of the Grand Ronde tribe, only about 1,200 today live in or around Grand Ronde, Mercier said. But those who do enjoy a tight-knit community, where the past, present and future of the tribe seem to collide at every turn.

Valley of the Rogue

The Rogue River runs through Valley of the Rogue State Park near Grants Pass in southern Oregon. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Buddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on the banks of the Siletz River down the road from the tribe’s headquarters.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

The Siletz River flows through the Coast Range near the Siletz Reservation. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

For several generations after removal, people didn’t want to directly confront the traumas of the past, tribal leaders said. That was in large part due to ongoing struggles, including being forced to send their children to boarding schools, which were rampant with abuse, and the 1954 termination of western Oregon tribes, during which the government severed all federal support.

Only in the past few decades have the tribes directly faced the past, they said, seeking healing through conversation, support and returning to places of tragedy.

In the mid 1990s, the Siletz tribe started Run to the Rogue, in which tribal members run and walk their way down the coastline, then up the Rogue River to a place called Oak Flat, about 50 miles from Table Rocks, where in 1856 several bands of the tribe’s ancestors surrendered to the U.S. Army.

Buddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the tribe, has been organizing the event since 2012. He said runners of all abilities participate to different degrees. The tribe’s youngest members take the first mile in Siletz, and the elders take the final mile to Oak Flat. The strongest runners take the hardest miles along U.S. 101 at Cape Perpetua, a stretch Lane has done before.

“The trek is a lot easier than it was for our ancestors,” Lane said.

Many tribal members follow runners along the route, supporting their effort and finding ways to reconnect with their roots, he said. Some pay visits to the lands where their families once lived, or gather in parks, staying up late into the night as runners come and go.

“It’s an emotionally charged event,” Lane said. “We’re not celebrating something, but we’re remembering things and making sure those folks with stories are not forgotten.”

The relay, along with the Acorn Camp and Camas Camp, represents a new generation of tribal members who are actively connecting with their past through new experiences in the present, they said. The fact that these homecoming events all include a return trip back home – to Siletz, Grand Ronde and other places – underlines a complex question: What is “home” to a displaced people?

For Kentta, who has lived his whole life in Siletz and whose ancestors are from the Applegate Valley as well as Finland, southwest Oregon is like a home away from home.

“Whenever I’m in the Rogue Valley it’s kind of an emotional feeling of like a connection, even though I didn’t grow up there,” he said. “It’s an ancestral home rather than my current home.”

Archuleta grew up primarily in east Portland and traces his ancestry to the Willamette Tumwater, Clackamas Chinook, Cascades Chinook, Santiam Kalapooia, Shasta and Rogue River peoples. He has family ties to the Warm Springs, Yakama, Siletz and Klamath tribes. “Pretty much all of western Oregon” is home, he said.

“It’s really each person, each family’s perspective of how they see it,” he said.

While many other places may be home, for these sister tribes, there’s still something special about the land in southwest Oregon. Table Rocks has always been an important place, a site of harvest and ritual, as well as the setting of creation stories, tribal historians said. Today, for non-Indigenous people, Lower Table Rock and Upper Table Rock are primarily places for recreation and conservation, managed by the Bureau of Land Management and environmental nonprofit The Nature Conservancy.

The area is home to more than 340 species of plants and 70 animals, including the tiny dwarf-wooly meadowfoam wildflower, which grows nowhere else in the world, as well as a threatened species of fairy shrimp, which hatches in vernal pools that form in the rocky soil every winter.

For the descendants of the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan people, it is also once again becoming a place to build community, while communing with a landscape that holds a rich and complicated history.

“Some of these activities that we’re doing is to bring back healing, bring back families together, and to connect to the landscape, and to continue that stewardship and responsibility to the land,” Archuleta said. “Just being able to fish in a place where your ancestor fished or gathered … it’s restoring what’s always been there, and what’s always been in our hearts and minds.”

--Jamie Hale covers travel and the outdoors and co-hosts the Peak Northwest podcast. Reach him at 503-294-4077, jhale@oregonian.com or @HaleJamesB.

Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

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Study Finds High Levels of Mercury in Hair Samples From Indigenous Women in Peru and Nicaragua

Small-scale gold mining in the area releases mercury into the environment, where it can make its way into fish and, in turn, humans

Study Finds High Levels of Mercury in Hair Samples From Indigenous Women in Peru and Nicaragua Small-scale gold mining in the area releases mercury into the environment, where it can make its way into fish and, in turn, humans Sara Hashemi - Daily Correspondent October 14, 2025 1:05 p.m. A gold mining operation in Peru IPEN Women in Indigenous communities living near artisanal and small-scale gold mining operations in Peru and Nicaragua have high levels of mercury in their hair, a new analysis suggests. Researchers say the finding illustrates the dangers of small-scale mining worldwide. A new report published October 14 by the International Pollutants Elimination Network (IPEN)—a coalition of non-governmental organizations dedicated to eliminating toxic chemicals—analyzed hair samples from 105 women of child-bearing age (18-44) in four Indigenous communities in Peru and two in Nicaragua. All lived along rivers close to gold mining operations, and fish was part of their diets. An analysis performed at the Biodiversity Research Institute in Maine found 88 percent of these women had mercury levels above the United States Environmental Protection Agency’s 1 ppm threshold for adverse effects from mercury in a developing fetus. All but one had levels above 0.58 ppm, a stronger threshold proposed by a variety of environmental organizations based on research linking low levels of mercury exposure to brain damage to fetuses. The researchers attribute the high mercury levels in the women’s hair to small-scale gold mining. Pollution caused by the practice is a growing problem globally, and Indigenous communities face the brunt of its impact. These mining operations use mercury to extract gold: Miners dredge gold from soil or river sediment and mix in mercury to form a hard coating around the metal. This mercury-gold amalgam is then burned, leaving behind the coveted gold, while mercury is released into the environment. Key concept: Mercury in fish Though nutrition experts tout fish as a healthy food, chowing down could get you sick due to high mercury levels in some fish. The EPA advises people to eat primarily from a list of healthier seafood including anchovy, herring, lobster and salmon and avoid the fishes with the highest mercury levels: king mackerel, swordfish, shark, bigeye tuna, orange roughy, marlin and tilefish. “The rivers are becoming contaminated as a result of the mercury use and gold extraction,” Lee Bell, the lead author of the study and IPEN’s mercury and persistent organic pollutants policy advisor, tells Smithsonian magazine. “You’ve got food chain contamination, and Indigenous people are heavily reliant on fish from the rivers in the Amazon basin as their main dietary protein source,” he adds. “They have very little say in the impacts that are occurring, and there’s very little redress for them under the current arrangements, both at national and international level, to preserve their human rights.” Though it’s naturally occurring in the environment, mercury acts as a neurotoxin in the human body. According to the World Health Organization, the element “is toxic to human health, posing a particular threat to the development of the child in utero and early in life.” Its impacts include nervous system damage, developmental and behavioral disorders, and kidney problems. The amount of mercury in hair is considered a reflection of a person’s blood concentration of mercury at the moment of hair growth. Hair samples are collected in Puerto Arturo, Peru. IPEN “The results from this sampling project clearly indicate that women of childbearing age in Peru and Nicaragua are being impacted by mercury contamination of their environments,” the researchers write in the report. The local effects of the contamination—and its associated impacts on child development within the community—“far outweigh the economic gain for the few miners who succeed in extracting significant amounts of gold,” they conclude. William Pan, a researcher at the Duke Global Health Institute who studies mercury contamination but was not involved in the new report, tells Smithsonian magazine that while the study further confirms that mercury pollution is a problem in Indigenous communities in South America, it has a serious limitation: the fact that the sampling was not randomized. Instead, the women were selected based on different criteria, including their willingness to participate. The 105 women in the study represented about 25 percent of the women in their communities. “Normally, you would say a 25 percent sample is pretty good. But since it wasn’t randomized, you can’t say it’s representative of those women,” Pan explains. “That’s not to say the mercury levels aren’t high, but I don’t know why they did not randomize.” Bell notes that because the Indigenous communities that participated in the study are small, randomizing their sample would have been difficult. But given that the community members shared similar diets on the same rivers, “it is unlikely that randomization would have produced much different results,” he adds. If governments were to conduct larger studies in the future, he agrees that randomization would play a role there. The Minamata Convention on Mercury is an international treaty adopted in 2013 that aims to protect human health and the environment against the impact of mercury. Currently, it does not prohibit the use of mercury in artisanal and small-scale gold mining operations. “Minamata is just not doing enough to address that problem,” Pan tells Smithsonian magazine. “I think you really need to tackle the main problem. Let’s just stop mercury. Let’s figure out how to stop that.”  Marcos Orellana, an environmental lawyer and the United Nations special rapporteur on toxics and human rights who wrote the foreword to the report, also says the convention needs strengthening. “This may be a very good moment to think about ways to do that, now that the evidence keeps on mounting in regard to the gaps that hinder the Minamata Convention’s effectiveness when it comes to small-scale gold mining,” he tells Smithsonian magazine. The treaty’s governing body will meet in early November, and Bell says he hopes it bans the use of mercury in these mining operations, as well as the mercury trade. Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

Another rich town stares down the CA housing department

Scheduling note: WhatMatters is taking Indigenous Peoples’ Day off and will return to your inboxes Tuesday. When the town council of Los Altos Hills approved construction of new apartment buildings two years ago, it was a big deal for the affluent Santa Clara County community, writes CalMatters’ Ben Christopher. For decades the mansion-studded town permitted […]

An aerial photo near Los Altos Hills in 2014. Photo by Jewel Samad, AFP via Getty Images Scheduling note: WhatMatters is taking Indigenous Peoples’ Day off and will return to your inboxes Tuesday. When the town council of Los Altos Hills approved construction of new apartment buildings two years ago, it was a big deal for the affluent Santa Clara County community, writes CalMatters’ Ben Christopher. For decades the mansion-studded town permitted the construction of only one type of building, single-family homes, and no more than one per acre. But now Los Altos Hills — where the average home price is $5.5 million — is having second thoughts, and the events that are unfolding underscore how local governments continue to push back against state requirements to develop more affordable housing. Due to state mandates, town officials begrudgingly approved the development of Los Altos Hills’ first-ever affordable housing units since its incorporation in 1956. They chose an area along Interstate 280, known as Twin Oaks Court, and California housing regulators signed off on this plan in the spring of 2023.  But earlier this summer, the town council voted to cut the number of planned new homes by nearly two-thirds. Officials and residents say the proposed changes still meet state requirements, and that the original plan would obstruct emergency access areas, worsen traffic and disrupt local wildlife. State regulators are expected to respond to the town’s proposals by today, but pro-housing advocates have denounced the potential changes. The California Housing Defense Fund, in a September letter to the California Department of Housing and Community Development: “It is grossly inappropriate for the Town to carve back its most important low-income site. … Local agencies should not be allowed to amend their housing elements the moment that they are confronted with a real housing development project.” The dispute is being closely watched by other well-to-do cities that are proposing — or have proposed, to varying degrees of success — altering their own state-approved development plans, including Carmel and South Pasadena. Read more here. For the record: A story included in the Oct. 3 issue of WhatMatters contained a number of erroneous characterizations and conclusions based on an incorrect interpretation of campaign finance data. Read the full correction. 🗓️ CalMatters Events in your community Sacramento: Should Californians support mid-decade redistricting? Join us for a debate on Oct. 14 presented by CalMatters, Capitol Weekly and the UC Student and Policy Center. Register. San Jose: Join CalMatters and Alianza News on Oct. 17 for a screening of Operation: Return to Sender, a short documentary uncovering what happened during a Border Patrol raid in Bakersfield. After the film, CalMatters’ Sergio Olmos and others will discuss what the team uncovered. Register. Other Stories You Should Know Service members brace for missed checks U.S. Marine Corps recruits during a final drill evaluation at Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego on Sept. 19, 2025. Photo by Corporal Sarah M. Grawcock, U.S. Marine Corps More than a week into the federal government shutdown, thousands of residents in San Diego County — which has the highest military population in the state — are bracing for missed paychecks, writes CalMatters’ Deborah Brennan.  In a region that already has one of the highest cost of living rates, some service members could miss out on their next paycheck on Oct. 15, while others who are paid monthly could see their wages frozen on Nov. 1.  Having enough money for food is a top priority for some families: Local food banks plan to add pop-up food banks near the county’s five military installations to help combat food insecurity. Maggie Meza, executive director for the San Diego chapter of Blue Star Families: “Rent still needs to be paid, food needs to be put on the table, cars need to be paid for, and our military families are now in the stress of uncertainty.” Read more here. More on Southern California: San Diego County is plagued by hydrogen sulfide emissions from pollution from the Tijuana River. The Salton Sea also emits this gas, which smells like rotten eggs and is linked to health risks. Deborah and CalMatters’ video strategy director Robert Meeks have a video segment on this issue affecting California’s largest lake as part of our partnership with PBS SoCal. Watch it here. SoCalMatters airs at 5:58 p.m. weekdays on PBS SoCal. Cooling down those mobile homes 🧊 Las Casitas mobile home park in American Canyon on Oct. 30, 2019. Photo by Anne Wernikoff for CalMatters From CalMatters’ environmental justice reporter Alejandra Reyes-Velarde: Californians who live in mobile homes will soon have the right to install cooling devices, after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed Assembly Bill 806 into law on Tuesday.  Advocates for residents say lease provisions and park rules have sometimes banned air conditioning units. Tenant advocates at Legal Aid of Sonoma County, a sponsor of the legislation, said they were surprised such restrictions were legal. The bill was carried by Assemblymember Damon Connolly, a San Rafael Democrat. Caitlin Vejby, a housing policy analyst with the organization, said the law will save lives. Many mobile home residents in Californians are low-income, elderly or have health conditions that make them vulnerable to extreme heat, and three-quarters of mobile home parks are located in inland areas, some of the hottest regions of the state, she added.  Starting Jan. 1, tenants whose landlords don’t follow the rules can sue for damages and attorney fees. Landlords could also pay a $2,000 civil penalty.  And lastly: Test scores going up Students at a classroom at St. Hope’s Public School 7 Elementary in Sacramento on May 11, 2022. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters Investments in mental health, access to transitional kindergarten and expanded after-school programs are some of the reasons behind the most significant improvements in state test scores in years, experts say. But some disparities among K-12 students still persist. Read more from CalMatters’ Carolyn Jones. California Voices CalMatters columnist Dan Walters: A dispute over an increase in hotel taxes in San Diego is the latest skirmish in the saga over voting requirements for local tax increase proposals. A conviction record can hinder one’s ability to find jobs, housing and education, but a state law making many old conviction records eligible for expungement can help some of the 8 million Californians living with a record, writes Joanna Hernandez, director of strategic partnerships at the San Francisco Pre-Trial Diversion Project. Other things worth your time: Some stories may require a subscription to read. Edison’s Eaton Fire compensation plan isn’t enough, residents say // CalMatters SF appeals court appears reluctant to block Trump’s National Guard Deployment to Portland // KQED Katie Porter’s viral videos plunge campaign into ‘disaster’ // Politico CA makes Diwali an official statewide holiday // AP News West Coast faults could trigger catastrophic back-to-back earthquakes, study finds // The Guardian  House Republicans launch investigation into distribution of LA fire charity funds // Los Angeles Times LA County considers declaring state of emergency to fight back against ICE raids // Los Angeles Times SoCal Edison sued for 2019 Saddleridge Fire damage by federal government // Los Angeles Daily News

Indigenous Peoples Day 2025. What’s open, what’s closed in Oregon

Most Federal offices are closed and there is no mail delivery Monday, Oct. 13, 2025

Oregonians celebrate Indigenous Peoples Day on Monday, Oct. 13. The holiday was officially recognized in Oregon in 2021. It’s a Federal holiday (Columbus Day), but not a day off for state or city government offices. See the list below for information on service adjustments and closed governmental agencies. WHAT’S CLOSEDFederal offices and courts will be close (for Columbus Day, a federal holiday). Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde tribal offices will be closed.The Native American Youth and Family Center (NAYA) in Portland will be closed. All Oregon Department of Environmental Quality vehicle emission test centers in the Portland area are closed on Mondays.Many banks are closed. Check with your institution. The stock market is open, but the bond market is closed.U.S. Postal Service offices will be closed and there is no regular mail delivery.WHAT’S OPENPortland parking meters will be enforced.State offices in Oregon and Washington will be open.Multnomah, Clackamas and Washington county government offices will be open.City of Portland offices will be open.Multnomah, Clackamas and Washington County courts will be open.TriMet, Portland aerial tram, Portland Streetcar, and C-Tran will operate on regular schedules.LIBRARIESMultnomah County library locations are open. Clackamas County are open. Check with Washington County Cooperative Library Services for information on specific branches: wccls.org/dates-closedMost school districts will be open; check with your district or school.Portland garbage collection will take place as scheduled on Monday, Oct. 13. If you purchase a product or register for an account through a link on our site, we may receive compensation. By using this site, you consent to our User Agreement and agree that your clicks, interactions, and personal information may be collected, recorded, and/or stored by us and social media and other third-party partners in accordance with our Privacy Policy.

Indigenous Nations Plan Tariff-Free Trade Corridor Across US-Canada border

This story was originally published by Canada’s National Observer and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Just west of Fort Qu’Appelle in Saskatchewan, the Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation is working across the US border to revive centuries-old trade routes as part of a new Indigenous-governed trade corridor.  Trucks from the First Nation could soon be […]

This story was originally published by Canada’s National Observer and is reproduced here as part of the Climate Desk collaboration. Just west of Fort Qu’Appelle in Saskatchewan, the Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation is working across the US border to revive centuries-old trade routes as part of a new Indigenous-governed trade corridor.  Trucks from the First Nation could soon be transporting food, furniture and even critical minerals south of the border along ancestral pathways once used to move buffalo hides and pemmican across the plains—without paying taxes or tariffs. For generations, Indigenous peoples freely exchanged goods, knowledge and culture across the land that is now divided by the Canada–US border. Those networks were disrupted by colonial laws that divided families and communities but they are now being reimagined as a modern supply chain grounded in Indigenous law and sovereignty.  “We’re operationalizing our old corridors—taking ancient trade routes our elders told us about and articulating them in a modern context,” said Solomon Cyr, spokesperson for Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation.  The First Nation plans to formalize its partnership with the Fort Peck Sioux Tribes, in Montana, next week by signing a memorandum of understanding to advance the trade corridor and its infrastructure development. The corridor intends to use traditional routes traversing Dakota territories in Saskatchewan, Alberta, Manitoba and into the United States, reviving the historic Oceti Sakowin trade network, a historic alliance of seven Dakota, Lakota and Nakota Indigenous groups united by kinship, language and spiritual beliefs. The shared trade routes historically facilitated economic and military ties across their territories. “We have a lot of history, and even to this day, ties linking us to our relatives,” said Rodger Redman, chief of the nation. “There was a promise to our people that we would continue to trade and be allowed to trade in our traditional territories.” Redman said this corridor is not symbolic, but rather an economic engine for the countries. Standing Buffalo is located in a region rich with critical minerals vital to global industries including renewable energy and technology. By owning the corridor, Indigenous nations can control the movement of these resources and expand economic opportunities for their communities. The plan includes a $2-billion infrastructure proposal submitted to Canada’s Privy Council aimed at developing core projects such as a cross-border trade portal, renewable energy corridors and smart transportation networks. “We’re not only talking about natural gas or oil pipelines,” Cyr said. “We’re talking about furniture, anything connected to the GDP that moves on trucks, trains or pipelines that can be tax exempt, so long as the products move from point A to point B.”  It is currently the only Indigenous nation actively pursuing a trade corridor of this kind, which could transform commerce between the United States and Canada. “It’s a very distinctive and powerful world-class application of an old Indigenous order of operations,” Cyr said.  Redman said the initiative is part of a centuries-old relationship with the British Crown and Indigenous allies, noting that the nation never ceded its land or jurisdiction.  “There was a promise to our people that we would continue to trade and be allowed to trade in our traditional territories. Today, we are operationalizing those promises made by the Crown that we would continue to trade in our personal territory,” he said.  The promise Redman is referring to is the Jay Treaty, a 1794 agreement between the United States and Great Britain that recognizes the right of Indigenous peoples to freely cross the US-Canada border for trade and travel.  Nadir André, a partner at JFK Law with extensive experience in Aboriginal Law, said the Jay Treaty is the only legal source that could facilitate such movement. But while the United States acknowledges and enforces the treaty’s provisions, Canada has never acknowledged the treaty.  In fact, a Supreme Court decision from the early 2000s, known as the Mitchell case, found that the Jay Treaty is not enforceable in Canada.  The court also ruled that there is no clear Aboriginal right under Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution allowing Indigenous peoples to bring goods across the border for trade purposes. If a First Nation fuel company wanted to bring fuel from Canada to sell in the United States, under US law this is allowed without paying duty taxes or tariffs. However, the reverse—bringing goods from the US into Canada—is not legally recognized.  “We were called refugees and treated in a discriminatory fashion… Now, with constitutional protections, we’re asserting sovereignty.” “If it’s not bilateral, then it defeats the purpose, because then it would only confer an advantage to Canadian First Nations doing trade in the ‘States and it would not be a counterpart for the American tribes to be able to trade in Canada,” he said.  John Desjarlais, executive director of the Indigenous Resource Network, believes this initiative could serve as another test of the Jay Treaty, which could set a precedent for other First Nations creating trade corridors and opportunities in resources such as timber, oil, and mining, as well as long-term manufacturing. However, many questions remain.  “We’re pushing jurisdictional boundaries and sovereignty within Canada. What does that mean in the broader turmoil of cross‑border trade between Canada and the US? What does protected, tax‑ and tariff‑free trade look like?” André said there’s also concern that without clear verification processes, non-Indigenous companies could misuse the system by falsely claiming Indigenous status.  He said considerations for the corridor extend beyond customs lines, involving strict environmental, health and safety regulations, as well. Many products, such as lumber and drinking water, require adherence to such standards. “Would you allow drinkable water as a trade? Could you bring water by bulk from Canada to the States through this initiative? Or would it be limited to certain items that are already allowed for trading?”  Governance is another significant challenge. Canada’s trade regulations come under the jurisdiction of multiple layers of government—provinces, territories and federal departments—while the US adds its own complexity with 51 states, each having separate rules. Coordinating among all these authorities will be a daunting task. André recalled that similar efforts have been made before, such as during the renegotiations of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 2016, but none succeeded.  For the nation, this initiative is a breakthrough.  Until 2024, the Standing Buffalo Dakota Nation was not officially recognized as an Indigenous nation in Canada. That year, the Canadian government apologized for this mistake and formally recognized Standing Buffalo and eight other Dakota and Lakota First Nations as Aboriginal peoples, granting them constitutional protections under Section 35. “We were called refugees and treated in a discriminatory fashion without rights or recognition. Now, with constitutional protections, we’re asserting sovereignty over our lands and trade,” Cyr said.  Redman has been actively advancing the trade corridor through international diplomacy, including high-level meetings in Mexico City with officials from CUSMA (Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement), which replaced the former NAFTA agreement. He said that while the nation continues to wait for Canada to formally recognize its sovereignty and legal framework, officials from Mexico and the US have shown greater openness to work together. The nation has also established its own consultation frameworks and environmental oversight processes to ensure that its voices and rights remain central in developments on their lands. The funding for their initiative is expected to come from multiple sources including the First Nations Finance Authority, the federal Indigenous Loan Guarantee Program, nation’s capital, and other investment partnerships. “We’re not begging for crumbs anymore. We’re demanding what’s rightly ours and share our responsibility to Mother Earth,” Redman said. “We’re asserting our sovereignty. We’re here to give them notice that we have our trade corridor and we’re implementing that.”

California extends cap-and-trade, as Indigenous nations grapple with the trade-offs

The Yurok Tribe has earned tens of millions from offsets, but critics say carbon markets perpetuate colonialism and allow companies to pay to pollute.

In 2013, California launched its cap-and-trade program, a carbon credit market that allows companies and governments to engage with offset projects that incentivize investments in planting trees, preserving forests, or even supporting solar farms. The idea is to reduce or offset greenhouse gas emissions by purchasing credits for nature-based projects.  Initially, the Yurok Tribe expressed interest in joining the program. The market would provide additional revenue and would enable the Yurok to play an additional role in addressing climate change. But Frankie Myers, an environmental consultant for the tribe and former vice chairman, had doubts. “This idea of you can pay-to-pollute was something that I was very, very concerned about,” he said. “I was very concerned with how that lined up with our cultural values as a tribe.” The Yurok Tribe’s carbon offset project in Northern California includes 7,600 acres of a tribally-managed forest: mature evergreen, fir, and redwood trees, ideal for carbon sequestration. When the tribe joined the state’s program in 2014, private consultants and brokers oversaw the project due to the nation’s limited funds, removing the tribe’s ability to manage the forest in a way that aligned with Yurok values. Four years later, revenue began to climb and the nation took over management. It was then that Myers began to see the benefits of a tribal-led carbon offset project. Since the Yurok Tribe joined the cap-and-trade program, at least 13 Indigenous nations in the U.S. have launched their own offset projects on California’s marketplace. Originally, the program was slated to end this year. However, last week, California Governor Gavin Newsom extended the state’s cap-and-trade program until 2045. The “action comes as the Trump administration continues its efforts to gut decades-old, bipartisan American clean air protections and derail critical climate progress,” Newsom’s office said. The tribal economy for the Yurok Nation before their project relied on discretionary funds from the federal government and gaming revenue, but Myers said that the tribe has now received tens of millions of dollars in carbon credit sales, boosting their economy and funding environmental projects like and Klamath recovery work in the wake of dam removal. Read Next How the Klamath Dams Came Down Anita Hofschneider & Jake Bittle But critics of carbon markets remain staunchly opposed to the programs, alleging that the scheme perpetuates colonialism, incentivizes the theft of Indigenous resources, and allows companies to essentially pay to keep polluting without having to change their activities. Even today, Myers agrees. “I do think the concerns they bring up with carbon offsets are absolutely valid 100 percent,” he said. “I think we do fully grasp the concerns that organizations have with carbon offsets and having seen the market from the inside, they have valid concerns.” According to a 2023 report on carbon markets by Landesa, a nonprofit focused on land rights around the world, offset projects can have negative impacts on Indigenous communities including displacement and land dispossession. In Brazil, tribes near the Amazon have experienced “green land grabs” driven by carbon offset projects. In Kenya, a soil-storing project with investments from Meta and Netflix has reportedly uprooted the traditional pastoralist culture of Indigenous Kenyans, including Maasai, Samburu, Borana, and Rendille, near the site. Reports like this have led Landesa to provide recommendations on proposed legislation in Kenya such as the Natural Resources Bill, which clarifies the rights local communities have over land resources. However, Juan Robalino, one of the report’s authors, said that carbon markets, if done right, are beneficial for communities committed to environmental stewardship. “The influence of Indigenous people and local communities in this space of carbon markets has been action from governments, per se, to set up regulatory frameworks regarding carbon rights as well as carbon trading,” he said.  Alongside the efforts to ensure credits possess environmental integrity, that is if projects actually promote carbon offsets, Robalino notes that social integrity, or how these projects impact communities, is a recent demand by market participants and “related to respecting the rights, of the community [and] thinking more about moving from principles to actually actionable actions, setting up processes, systems, mechanisms that actually take these principles and put them on the ground.” Both Robalino and Myers think regulation is the best way to minimize harm towards Indigenous groups on both the sellers and buyers end. Myers wants higher carbon pricing as a way to enact better controls on what type of project is sold on the market and for companies to reflect a deeper commitment to mitigating climate change than satisfying its net zero pledges. According to Robalino, there is no mechanism to regulate carbon markets at the international level. The upcoming COP30 may address this, but advocates such as the Indigenous Environmental Network, have called for a moratorium on carbon markets repeatedly, representing an ongoing and growing resistance to how these programs impact Indigenous communities.  However, in Canada’s British Columbia, First Nations including the Council of the Haida Nation manage forest carbon projects from an Indigenous-led conservation framework while in Australia, the government’s Carbon Farming Initiative supplies credits to Aboriginal farmers who utilize traditional knowledge of land management towards projects.  For tribes interested in launching their project? Myers has three points of advice. “You have to have ownership of it. You have to have control of it, and become a hyper-focused organization on who you’re partnering with and who you’re selling to,” he said. “Don’t move away from your traditional values at whatever cost.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline California extends cap-and-trade, as Indigenous nations grapple with the trade-offs on Sep 29, 2025.

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