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For Oregon tribes, retracing the Rogue River Trail of Tears helps heal old wounds

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Saturday, May 25, 2024

Forged by an explosive volcanic eruption in southwest Oregon, Table Rocks took their shape over millions of years, carved by the steady waters of the Rogue River, which now flows more than 800 feet below the rim.Every autumn, as temperatures drop and rainclouds return, acorns fall from oak trees that surround the pair of flat-topped mesas. The return of the acorns precedes the return of Native peoples, who gather the bitter nuts, grind them up and turn them into a nutritious mush – a practice that goes back millennia.In recent years, the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde and the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians have created opportunities for members to reforge connections to the lands their ancestors knew intimately. Their removal from this place in 1856, an event some historians call the Rogue River Trail of Tears, has become a road map that many tribal members are retracing into the future.In the fall, the two tribes come together to gather acorns at an event called Acorn Camp in southwest Oregon. This June, they will host their first joint Camas Camp, where they will harvest camas lilies and other spring plants. And, just after Memorial Day Weekend, the Siletz tribe will host its annual Run to the Rogue marathon, a 216-mile relay down the coastline and up the Rogue River.Greg Archuleta, cultural policy analyst with the Grand Ronde tribe, said the current focus is on refamiliarizing tribal members with the places of their ancestors, as well as passing down practices that have survived for generations.“Our primary focus right now is really to get tribal members out on the landscape,” Archuleta said. “It’s all about presence.”That presence has also created a new sense of home for many Indigenous families who have spent generations living elsewhere – on reservations far away, in bigger cities or out of the region altogether.“It’s kind of like meeting a relative that you’ve heard about for a long time but never had a chance to meet,” Robert Kentta, tribal council member for the Siletz tribe, said of returning to southwest Oregon. “That connection is still there.”A popular hiking trail leads up to and around Upper Table Rock, a volcanic plateau near Medford in southern Oregon.Jamie Hale/The OregonianRobert Kentta, tribal council member for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on former reservation land that once belonged to his great-grandfather, who was removed from southwest Oregon in 1856. Jamie Hale/The OregonianTRAUMA AT TABLE ROCKSFor tribal members, revisiting Table Rocks isn’t always easy. There is trauma there, buried in the ground, filling the recesses of the hard, volcanic rock.At the start of the 19th century, the region was home to the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan peoples who had lived in the area for untold generations. But it was also becoming home to a growing number of non-Indigenous settlers. The first to arrive, French fur trappers called the Indigenous people in the region “rogues,” a derogatory nickname that was often used as a justification for violence, according to historian Gray Whaley in “Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee.”When gold miners showed up in 1849, they treated the “rogues” as a threat, and waged an open campaign of extermination, according to historical documents. That first year, a militia killed 60 Indigenous people after allegedly finding an Indigenous man “secreted” in a white woman’s home, according to Whaley. Tribal historians say their ancestors suffered violence both casual and organized, by both local militias and the U.S. Army.“Pretty much the whole philosophy was to exterminate the Indians,” Archuleta said. “It was something that was pretty extreme during that time.”In 1853, many of the Rogue River peoples gathered at Table Rocks to sign a treaty with the U.S. government in which they agreed to cede the lands in exchange for a permanent reservation, where they might be safe. Violence from militias continued during the treaty negotiations, an attempt to derail the process, tribal historians said. After signing the treaty, the people were removed to a temporary reservation at Table Rocks, where hardships continued.Being forced to remain in one location kept the Rogue River peoples from their traditionally mobile practices of gathering, hunting and creating seasonal homes, resulting in starvation in addition to disease and continued attacks, according to historians. Those who left the reservation were often hunted down and killed by local militias.The situation came to a head in 1855, when the deaths of two packers were blamed on Indigenous men. A white militia seeking to avenge the deaths left under the cover of darkness to the Table Rock Reservation, where they killed about 25 people sleeping by the banks of the river, according to historical accounts. As they left, the militiamen killed another 50 to 80 Indigenous people in the area, most of whom were women and children.The violence was particularly brutal. One witness recalled seeing two elderly women who were bashed to death with clubs and a child who was “taken by the heels and its brains dashed out against a tree.” According to Whaley, one attacker later said that while the extermination made him feel bad, “the understanding was that [the Indians] were all to be killed. So we did that work.”In response to the attacks, a group of Indigenous leaders retaliated with raids on homesteads and settlements. In less than a year, roughly 250 Indigenous people were killed, along with some 50 non-Indigenous soldiers and 44 civilians, according to historical records.Table Rocks are a pair of volcanic mesas above the Rogue River in southwest Oregon.Jamie Hale/The OregonianTravis Stewart, director of the Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center in Grand Ronde, stands outside a plankhouse named achaf-hammi.Jamie Hale/The OregonianA winter landscape at Fern Ridge Lake, a reservoir on the Long Tom River outside Eugene that is on the historic pathway of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.Jamie Hale/The OregonianTribal members have been holding those horrific memories for generations.“We have these historical legal traumas as well as physical and emotional and spiritual traumas,” which metastasized into issues like substance abuse and domestic violence, Kentta said. “We often hear about elders who don’t want to be hugged.”Kentta’s great-grandfather was 7 or 8 years old when his people were removed from their homelands. After the boy’s father was killed, his mother left him with his paternal grandparents while she left to find her family. She never returned. The boy left southwest Oregon as an orphan.In February 1856, amid the fighting, U.S. soldiers led by Bureau of Indian Affairs agent George Ambrose moved 325 people by foot from the Table Rocks Reservation to a place that would become the Grand Ronde Reservation, 263 miles away. The 33-day journey went over mountains and along rivers, north through the Willamette Valley, roughly following the future Interstate 5 corridor, and up into the Coast Range.Aside from the rugged environment, winter weather and generally poor conditions, the captive travelers also faced the constant threat of violence from militiamen stalking the group. Ambrose, who apprehended one man, eventually dissuaded militias from murdering members of the group, though casualties still mounted. According to Ambrose’s journal, the journey saw eight deaths among the captives – as well as eight births.The Rogue River people who chose to stay and fight against removal held out until that summer, eventually surrendering after brutal losses. The surviving holdouts were taken to both the Grand Ronde and Siletz/Coast reservations, according to tribal historians.Despite generations of oppression and the attempted genocide of a people, leaders in the Grand Ronde and Siletz tribes said they prefer a frame of resilience.“There’s pride in the resilience of our ancestors,” Kentta said. “And some of it’s probably a stroke of luck that they didn’t get swept away.”A view of Spirit Mountain from Fort Yamhill State Heritage Area in Grand Ronde. Jamie Hale/The OregonianChris Mercier, vice chair of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde tribal council, stands in the Uyxat Powwow Grounds at the Grand Ronde Community. Jamie Hale/The OregonianHOMECOMINGIn the Grand Ronde Community, just a mile down the road from the tribe’s Spirit Mountain Casino, is a quiet place: the Uyxat Powwow Grounds, home to an outdoor arena lined with turf and a large ceremonial plankhouse named achaf-hammi.Outside the plankhouse is a tall gray pole carved from a single western redcedar tree, marking this place as the end of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.Travis Stewart, director of the tribe’s Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center, created the pole with a carving group for the plankhouse’s dedication in 2010. Standing at the base of the roughly 26-foot pole, he pointed out the headman at the top and coyote running down either side. The length of the pole is decorated with five tiers of faces representing five treaties signed by the tribe, he said, each face crying a stream of tears.Those tears are not just from grief, Stewart explained, “they’re bringing their generational knowledge to this place and it’s coming out into the ground here.”Traditional practices like carving and basket weaving, as well as harvesting plants for food and medicine, are now representations of the resiliency of Indigenous people throughout generations of hardship, Stewart said. The pole, the plankhouse, and events like Acorn Camp and Camas Camp are proof that this generational knowledge still exists.“There was a lot of effort and sacrifice on behalf of those old people that made tough decisions ultimately in order to preserve that (knowledge),” Stewart said. “It’s a responsibility of ours to continue that.”After the removal from southwest Oregon, the Grand Ronde and Siletz reservations became home to more Indigenous survivors, people from neighboring lands who spoke different languages, ate different food and practiced their own customs. At first, most people kept to their own (going so far as to organize themselves geographically), according to tribal historians, but as the U.S. Government shrank the reservations – Siletz from 1.1 million acres to nearly 17,000 today, Grand Ronde from 61,000 acres to 11,500 today – the people came together, creating new tribal communities.“We’ve made our footprint here,” said Chris Mercier, vice chair of the Grand Ronde tribal council. “It wasn’t under the best circumstances that the tribal people were ushered up here, but I like the fact that we’ve established this community, one that’s been existing for over 150 years now.”Of the 5,700 enrolled members of the Grand Ronde tribe, only about 1,200 today live in or around Grand Ronde, Mercier said. But those who do enjoy a tight-knit community, where the past, present and future of the tribe seem to collide at every turn.The Rogue River runs through Valley of the Rogue State Park near Grants Pass in southern Oregon. Jamie Hale/The OregonianBuddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on the banks of the Siletz River down the road from the tribe’s headquarters.Jamie Hale/The OregonianThe Siletz River flows through the Coast Range near the Siletz Reservation. Jamie Hale/The OregonianFor several generations after removal, people didn’t want to directly confront the traumas of the past, tribal leaders said. That was in large part due to ongoing struggles, including being forced to send their children to boarding schools, which were rampant with abuse, and the 1954 termination of western Oregon tribes, during which the government severed all federal support.Only in the past few decades have the tribes directly faced the past, they said, seeking healing through conversation, support and returning to places of tragedy.In the mid 1990s, the Siletz tribe started Run to the Rogue, in which tribal members run and walk their way down the coastline, then up the Rogue River to a place called Oak Flat, about 50 miles from Table Rocks, where in 1856 several bands of the tribe’s ancestors surrendered to the U.S. Army.Buddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the tribe, has been organizing the event since 2012. He said runners of all abilities participate to different degrees. The tribe’s youngest members take the first mile in Siletz, and the elders take the final mile to Oak Flat. The strongest runners take the hardest miles along U.S. 101 at Cape Perpetua, a stretch Lane has done before.“The trek is a lot easier than it was for our ancestors,” Lane said.Many tribal members follow runners along the route, supporting their effort and finding ways to reconnect with their roots, he said. Some pay visits to the lands where their families once lived, or gather in parks, staying up late into the night as runners come and go.“It’s an emotionally charged event,” Lane said. “We’re not celebrating something, but we’re remembering things and making sure those folks with stories are not forgotten.”The relay, along with the Acorn Camp and Camas Camp, represents a new generation of tribal members who are actively connecting with their past through new experiences in the present, they said. The fact that these homecoming events all include a return trip back home – to Siletz, Grand Ronde and other places – underlines a complex question: What is “home” to a displaced people?For Kentta, who has lived his whole life in Siletz and whose ancestors are from the Applegate Valley as well as Finland, southwest Oregon is like a home away from home.“Whenever I’m in the Rogue Valley it’s kind of an emotional feeling of like a connection, even though I didn’t grow up there,” he said. “It’s an ancestral home rather than my current home.”Archuleta grew up primarily in east Portland and traces his ancestry to the Willamette Tumwater, Clackamas Chinook, Cascades Chinook, Santiam Kalapooia, Shasta and Rogue River peoples. He has family ties to the Warm Springs, Yakama, Siletz and Klamath tribes. “Pretty much all of western Oregon” is home, he said.“It’s really each person, each family’s perspective of how they see it,” he said.While many other places may be home, for these sister tribes, there’s still something special about the land in southwest Oregon. Table Rocks has always been an important place, a site of harvest and ritual, as well as the setting of creation stories, tribal historians said. Today, for non-Indigenous people, Lower Table Rock and Upper Table Rock are primarily places for recreation and conservation, managed by the Bureau of Land Management and environmental nonprofit The Nature Conservancy.The area is home to more than 340 species of plants and 70 animals, including the tiny dwarf-wooly meadowfoam wildflower, which grows nowhere else in the world, as well as a threatened species of fairy shrimp, which hatches in vernal pools that form in the rocky soil every winter.For the descendants of the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan people, it is also once again becoming a place to build community, while communing with a landscape that holds a rich and complicated history.“Some of these activities that we’re doing is to bring back healing, bring back families together, and to connect to the landscape, and to continue that stewardship and responsibility to the land,” Archuleta said. “Just being able to fish in a place where your ancestor fished or gathered … it’s restoring what’s always been there, and what’s always been in our hearts and minds.”--Jamie Hale covers travel and the outdoors and co-hosts the Peak Northwest podcast. Reach him at 503-294-4077, jhale@oregonian.com or @HaleJamesB.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

The forced removal of Indigenous people from the Rogue River Valley still resonates in Oregon.

Forged by an explosive volcanic eruption in southwest Oregon, Table Rocks took their shape over millions of years, carved by the steady waters of the Rogue River, which now flows more than 800 feet below the rim.

Every autumn, as temperatures drop and rainclouds return, acorns fall from oak trees that surround the pair of flat-topped mesas. The return of the acorns precedes the return of Native peoples, who gather the bitter nuts, grind them up and turn them into a nutritious mush – a practice that goes back millennia.

In recent years, the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde and the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians have created opportunities for members to reforge connections to the lands their ancestors knew intimately. Their removal from this place in 1856, an event some historians call the Rogue River Trail of Tears, has become a road map that many tribal members are retracing into the future.

In the fall, the two tribes come together to gather acorns at an event called Acorn Camp in southwest Oregon. This June, they will host their first joint Camas Camp, where they will harvest camas lilies and other spring plants. And, just after Memorial Day Weekend, the Siletz tribe will host its annual Run to the Rogue marathon, a 216-mile relay down the coastline and up the Rogue River.

Greg Archuleta, cultural policy analyst with the Grand Ronde tribe, said the current focus is on refamiliarizing tribal members with the places of their ancestors, as well as passing down practices that have survived for generations.

“Our primary focus right now is really to get tribal members out on the landscape,” Archuleta said. “It’s all about presence.”

That presence has also created a new sense of home for many Indigenous families who have spent generations living elsewhere – on reservations far away, in bigger cities or out of the region altogether.

“It’s kind of like meeting a relative that you’ve heard about for a long time but never had a chance to meet,” Robert Kentta, tribal council member for the Siletz tribe, said of returning to southwest Oregon. “That connection is still there.”

Upper Table Rock

A popular hiking trail leads up to and around Upper Table Rock, a volcanic plateau near Medford in southern Oregon.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Robert Kentta, tribal council member for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on former reservation land that once belonged to his great-grandfather, who was removed from southwest Oregon in 1856. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

TRAUMA AT TABLE ROCKS

For tribal members, revisiting Table Rocks isn’t always easy. There is trauma there, buried in the ground, filling the recesses of the hard, volcanic rock.

At the start of the 19th century, the region was home to the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan peoples who had lived in the area for untold generations. But it was also becoming home to a growing number of non-Indigenous settlers. The first to arrive, French fur trappers called the Indigenous people in the region “rogues,” a derogatory nickname that was often used as a justification for violence, according to historian Gray Whaley in “Oregon and the Collapse of Illahee.”

When gold miners showed up in 1849, they treated the “rogues” as a threat, and waged an open campaign of extermination, according to historical documents. That first year, a militia killed 60 Indigenous people after allegedly finding an Indigenous man “secreted” in a white woman’s home, according to Whaley. Tribal historians say their ancestors suffered violence both casual and organized, by both local militias and the U.S. Army.

“Pretty much the whole philosophy was to exterminate the Indians,” Archuleta said. “It was something that was pretty extreme during that time.”

In 1853, many of the Rogue River peoples gathered at Table Rocks to sign a treaty with the U.S. government in which they agreed to cede the lands in exchange for a permanent reservation, where they might be safe. Violence from militias continued during the treaty negotiations, an attempt to derail the process, tribal historians said. After signing the treaty, the people were removed to a temporary reservation at Table Rocks, where hardships continued.

Being forced to remain in one location kept the Rogue River peoples from their traditionally mobile practices of gathering, hunting and creating seasonal homes, resulting in starvation in addition to disease and continued attacks, according to historians. Those who left the reservation were often hunted down and killed by local militias.

The situation came to a head in 1855, when the deaths of two packers were blamed on Indigenous men. A white militia seeking to avenge the deaths left under the cover of darkness to the Table Rock Reservation, where they killed about 25 people sleeping by the banks of the river, according to historical accounts. As they left, the militiamen killed another 50 to 80 Indigenous people in the area, most of whom were women and children.

The violence was particularly brutal. One witness recalled seeing two elderly women who were bashed to death with clubs and a child who was “taken by the heels and its brains dashed out against a tree.” According to Whaley, one attacker later said that while the extermination made him feel bad, “the understanding was that [the Indians] were all to be killed. So we did that work.”

In response to the attacks, a group of Indigenous leaders retaliated with raids on homesteads and settlements. In less than a year, roughly 250 Indigenous people were killed, along with some 50 non-Indigenous soldiers and 44 civilians, according to historical records.

Upper Table Rock

Table Rocks are a pair of volcanic mesas above the Rogue River in southwest Oregon.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Travis Stewart, director of the Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center in Grand Ronde, stands outside a plankhouse named achaf-hammi.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

A winter landscape at Fern Ridge Lake, a reservoir on the Long Tom River outside Eugene that is on the historic pathway of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Tribal members have been holding those horrific memories for generations.

“We have these historical legal traumas as well as physical and emotional and spiritual traumas,” which metastasized into issues like substance abuse and domestic violence, Kentta said. “We often hear about elders who don’t want to be hugged.”

Kentta’s great-grandfather was 7 or 8 years old when his people were removed from their homelands. After the boy’s father was killed, his mother left him with his paternal grandparents while she left to find her family. She never returned. The boy left southwest Oregon as an orphan.

In February 1856, amid the fighting, U.S. soldiers led by Bureau of Indian Affairs agent George Ambrose moved 325 people by foot from the Table Rocks Reservation to a place that would become the Grand Ronde Reservation, 263 miles away. The 33-day journey went over mountains and along rivers, north through the Willamette Valley, roughly following the future Interstate 5 corridor, and up into the Coast Range.

Aside from the rugged environment, winter weather and generally poor conditions, the captive travelers also faced the constant threat of violence from militiamen stalking the group. Ambrose, who apprehended one man, eventually dissuaded militias from murdering members of the group, though casualties still mounted. According to Ambrose’s journal, the journey saw eight deaths among the captives – as well as eight births.

The Rogue River people who chose to stay and fight against removal held out until that summer, eventually surrendering after brutal losses. The surviving holdouts were taken to both the Grand Ronde and Siletz/Coast reservations, according to tribal historians.

Despite generations of oppression and the attempted genocide of a people, leaders in the Grand Ronde and Siletz tribes said they prefer a frame of resilience.

“There’s pride in the resilience of our ancestors,” Kentta said. “And some of it’s probably a stroke of luck that they didn’t get swept away.”

Rogue River Trail of Tears

A view of Spirit Mountain from Fort Yamhill State Heritage Area in Grand Ronde. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Chris Mercier, vice chair of the Confederated Tribes of Grand Ronde tribal council, stands in the Uyxat Powwow Grounds at the Grand Ronde Community. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

HOMECOMING

In the Grand Ronde Community, just a mile down the road from the tribe’s Spirit Mountain Casino, is a quiet place: the Uyxat Powwow Grounds, home to an outdoor arena lined with turf and a large ceremonial plankhouse named achaf-hammi.

Outside the plankhouse is a tall gray pole carved from a single western redcedar tree, marking this place as the end of the Rogue River Trail of Tears.

Travis Stewart, director of the tribe’s Chachalu Museum and Cultural Center, created the pole with a carving group for the plankhouse’s dedication in 2010. Standing at the base of the roughly 26-foot pole, he pointed out the headman at the top and coyote running down either side. The length of the pole is decorated with five tiers of faces representing five treaties signed by the tribe, he said, each face crying a stream of tears.

Those tears are not just from grief, Stewart explained, “they’re bringing their generational knowledge to this place and it’s coming out into the ground here.”

Traditional practices like carving and basket weaving, as well as harvesting plants for food and medicine, are now representations of the resiliency of Indigenous people throughout generations of hardship, Stewart said. The pole, the plankhouse, and events like Acorn Camp and Camas Camp are proof that this generational knowledge still exists.

“There was a lot of effort and sacrifice on behalf of those old people that made tough decisions ultimately in order to preserve that (knowledge),” Stewart said. “It’s a responsibility of ours to continue that.”

After the removal from southwest Oregon, the Grand Ronde and Siletz reservations became home to more Indigenous survivors, people from neighboring lands who spoke different languages, ate different food and practiced their own customs. At first, most people kept to their own (going so far as to organize themselves geographically), according to tribal historians, but as the U.S. Government shrank the reservations – Siletz from 1.1 million acres to nearly 17,000 today, Grand Ronde from 61,000 acres to 11,500 today – the people came together, creating new tribal communities.

“We’ve made our footprint here,” said Chris Mercier, vice chair of the Grand Ronde tribal council. “It wasn’t under the best circumstances that the tribal people were ushered up here, but I like the fact that we’ve established this community, one that’s been existing for over 150 years now.”

Of the 5,700 enrolled members of the Grand Ronde tribe, only about 1,200 today live in or around Grand Ronde, Mercier said. But those who do enjoy a tight-knit community, where the past, present and future of the tribe seem to collide at every turn.

Valley of the Rogue

The Rogue River runs through Valley of the Rogue State Park near Grants Pass in southern Oregon. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

Buddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz Indians, stands on the banks of the Siletz River down the road from the tribe’s headquarters.Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

Rogue River Trail of Tears

The Siletz River flows through the Coast Range near the Siletz Reservation. Jamie Hale/The Oregonian

For several generations after removal, people didn’t want to directly confront the traumas of the past, tribal leaders said. That was in large part due to ongoing struggles, including being forced to send their children to boarding schools, which were rampant with abuse, and the 1954 termination of western Oregon tribes, during which the government severed all federal support.

Only in the past few decades have the tribes directly faced the past, they said, seeking healing through conversation, support and returning to places of tragedy.

In the mid 1990s, the Siletz tribe started Run to the Rogue, in which tribal members run and walk their way down the coastline, then up the Rogue River to a place called Oak Flat, about 50 miles from Table Rocks, where in 1856 several bands of the tribe’s ancestors surrendered to the U.S. Army.

Buddy Lane, cultural resources manager for the tribe, has been organizing the event since 2012. He said runners of all abilities participate to different degrees. The tribe’s youngest members take the first mile in Siletz, and the elders take the final mile to Oak Flat. The strongest runners take the hardest miles along U.S. 101 at Cape Perpetua, a stretch Lane has done before.

“The trek is a lot easier than it was for our ancestors,” Lane said.

Many tribal members follow runners along the route, supporting their effort and finding ways to reconnect with their roots, he said. Some pay visits to the lands where their families once lived, or gather in parks, staying up late into the night as runners come and go.

“It’s an emotionally charged event,” Lane said. “We’re not celebrating something, but we’re remembering things and making sure those folks with stories are not forgotten.”

The relay, along with the Acorn Camp and Camas Camp, represents a new generation of tribal members who are actively connecting with their past through new experiences in the present, they said. The fact that these homecoming events all include a return trip back home – to Siletz, Grand Ronde and other places – underlines a complex question: What is “home” to a displaced people?

For Kentta, who has lived his whole life in Siletz and whose ancestors are from the Applegate Valley as well as Finland, southwest Oregon is like a home away from home.

“Whenever I’m in the Rogue Valley it’s kind of an emotional feeling of like a connection, even though I didn’t grow up there,” he said. “It’s an ancestral home rather than my current home.”

Archuleta grew up primarily in east Portland and traces his ancestry to the Willamette Tumwater, Clackamas Chinook, Cascades Chinook, Santiam Kalapooia, Shasta and Rogue River peoples. He has family ties to the Warm Springs, Yakama, Siletz and Klamath tribes. “Pretty much all of western Oregon” is home, he said.

“It’s really each person, each family’s perspective of how they see it,” he said.

While many other places may be home, for these sister tribes, there’s still something special about the land in southwest Oregon. Table Rocks has always been an important place, a site of harvest and ritual, as well as the setting of creation stories, tribal historians said. Today, for non-Indigenous people, Lower Table Rock and Upper Table Rock are primarily places for recreation and conservation, managed by the Bureau of Land Management and environmental nonprofit The Nature Conservancy.

The area is home to more than 340 species of plants and 70 animals, including the tiny dwarf-wooly meadowfoam wildflower, which grows nowhere else in the world, as well as a threatened species of fairy shrimp, which hatches in vernal pools that form in the rocky soil every winter.

For the descendants of the Takelma, Shastan and Athabaskan people, it is also once again becoming a place to build community, while communing with a landscape that holds a rich and complicated history.

“Some of these activities that we’re doing is to bring back healing, bring back families together, and to connect to the landscape, and to continue that stewardship and responsibility to the land,” Archuleta said. “Just being able to fish in a place where your ancestor fished or gathered … it’s restoring what’s always been there, and what’s always been in our hearts and minds.”

--Jamie Hale covers travel and the outdoors and co-hosts the Peak Northwest podcast. Reach him at 503-294-4077, jhale@oregonian.com or @HaleJamesB.

Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

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Elderberry Is a Sacred Indigenous Plant. Should It Be Monetized?

“As Native people, we have a spiritual and emotional relationship with the elderberry and an obligation to care for it,” she said. Indigenous people have worked with the plant for centuries, utilizing the flowers and berries for food and medicine, and crafting musical instruments and ceremonial objects from the wood. High Bear, an Alaska Native […] The post Elderberry Is a Sacred Indigenous Plant. Should It Be Monetized? appeared first on Civil Eats.

Article Summary• Indigenous communities have tended and used elderberries as a sacred plant and medicine for centuries. Elderberries are traditionally shared within tribal communities, not commercialized. • Elderberries grow throughout the U.S., but most are imported from Germany and Austria. Demand for elderberry products, including syrups, teas, and juices, has skyrocketed. • Entrepreneurs, farmers, and nonprofits in the West are trying to create a market for the local blue elderberry, while small Midwestern farmers have cultivated the American black elderberry for nearly 30 years. • Elderberry Wisdom Farm, an Indigenous-run nonprofit in Oregon, has begun producing and selling elderberry syrup as part of a social and economic enterprise that will benefit the tribal community. Rose High Bear considers herself a granddaughter of the elderberry plant. She’s the founder of Elderberry Wisdom Farm, an Oregon-based nonprofit that uses traditional knowledge to tend native plants and train Indigenous people for careers in agriculture. “As Native people, we have a spiritual and emotional relationship with the elderberry and an obligation to care for it,” she said. Indigenous people have worked with the plant for centuries, utilizing the flowers and berries for food and medicine, and crafting musical instruments and ceremonial objects from the wood. High Bear, an Alaska Native of Deg Hitʼan and Inupiat descent, has been tending to elderberry plants and providing elderberry syrup to family and friends for over 15 years. She says that as a sacred plant and medicine, the berries are traditionally shared among the community and given away freely. Rose High Bear, founder of Elderberry Wisdom Farm. (Photo courtesy of Elderberry Wisdom Farm) That practice contrasts with a surging global market for elderberries. Consumption of elderberry products, including teas, juices, and syrups, has increased sevenfold over the last decade, with demand supercharged during the coronavirus pandemic. Elderberries grow wild across North America, but an estimated 95 percent of elderberries are imported from outside the U.S, mainly from Germany and Austria. Interest is building in turning that wild crop into a commercial product. High Bear has reflected on that development and its implications for her community for several years now. “Native Americans live with an enormous amount of poverty and other issues,” she said. “In today’s world, we need to financially support our families and achieve prosperity for our descendants.” Still, she feels conflicted about selling elderberries for profit. “How can we take something that we regard as so sacred and put a price tag on it?” From Native Plant to Product Transforming a culturally significant native plant into a commercial crop presents unique complexities, including how to ensure that the process benefits Indigenous communities. Non-Native groups have been working on commercialization as well and face other challenges, such as simultaneously growing supply and demand for a domestic elderberry crop. In the West, entrepreneurs, farmers, and nonprofits have been trying to create a market for the local blue elderberry, whose berries appear blue due to a layer of waxy bloom. The American black elderberry, which produces small, glossy, deep-purple berries, has been in small-scale cultivation in the Midwest for nearly three decades. Blue elderberries on the bush at White Buffalo Land Trust’s Jalama Canyon Ranch. (Photo courtesy of White Buffalo Land Trust) The flavor of both native species is described as earthy and astringent, with blue elderberries having a brighter and grassier taste and black elderberries being smoother, with notes of caramel. (Raw elderberries are mildly toxic to humans and should be cooked before consuming. A third native species, the red elderberry, is the most toxic.) Many tribes throughout North America see the plant as sacred, from the Tlingit in Alaska to the Cherokee in the Southeast and the Pomo in California, and historically have made use of all three species. Most recognize elderberries as a medicine with many uses. The dried flowers can be steeped to produce a tea used to reduce a fever. An infusion of the bark can also be used as an emetic to induce vomiting or as a laxative, and the berries can be used to treat rheumatism, urinary tract infections, and myriad other health issues. Elderberries have Western science on their side, too: Studies suggest that the berries’ antioxidant-rich and anti-inflammatory anthocyanins can relieve symptoms of flu, colds, and other upper respiratory infections, and research is underway on how they affect brain health. The ecosystem benefits are also a draw. As perennial plants that spring up in riverbanks and ditches, elderberries are a wildlife magnet. They attract pollinators with profuse white flowers that bloom from late spring to early summer, and tempt birds with their ripe berries in late summer. Elderberries are sometimes grown in hedgerows along the margins of cultivated fields, where they create natural windbreaks, support beneficial insects, prevent soil erosion, and  store carbon in the ground. Katie Reneker, owner of Carmel Berry, in central California, begins a batch of elderberry syrup. (Photo credit: Richard Green Photography)
 Katie Reneker first encountered elderberries as a natural remedy to support her children’s immune systems. “I was using elderberry syrup that I was buying at the health food store, and I felt like it worked,” she said. Reneker was surprised to learn that elderberries grew near her home on California’s central coast. She began to forage for Western blue elderberries and make syrup at home. The difference between her product and the store-bought ones was stark, inspiring her to launch Carmel Berry as a cottage food operator, which permitted her to produce elderberry products at home and sell them locally. But she ran into a roadblock. “You can’t just pick off the side of the road once you’re an actual business,” she said. “And there weren’t any farms that could meet the demand.” To encourage farmers and grow a supply chain for Western blue elderberries, she began to convene groups of interested growers for workshops, attracting hundreds of people from across the country. Blue elderberries are adapted to the hotter and drier western climate, making them attractive for farmers looking to diversify with drought-tolerant crops. But the lack of research into growing blue elderberries worries farmers nervous about trying a new crop. Blue elderberry is functionally still a wild plant, without the consistency that comes from research and development. As a result, Reneker can source some elderflowers from local blue elderberry plants, but still largely relies on Midwest growers for her berry supply. Federal Budget Cuts Stall Elderberry Project One initiative that could have bridged the knowledge gap and built supply and demand for blue elderberries is The Elderberry Project, spearheaded by the Santa Barbara nonprofit White Buffalo Land Trust. “Elderberries have been cultivated for over 10,000 years by Indigenous communities just here in our region,” said Jesse Smith, the land trust’s director of land stewardship. “Combine that with the market growth over the last five years in particular, and we felt like it was such an important thing for us to explore,” he added, saying that the project’s goal was to also include Native people in its efforts. “Elderberries have been cultivated for over 10,000 years by Indigenous communities just here in our region. Combine that with the market growth over the last five years in particular, and we felt like it was such an important thing for us to explore.” It partnered with the Santa Ynez Chumash Environmental Office, which planned to supply elderberries grown in its native plant nursery and incorporate workforce development for the tribal community. The project aimed to help small producers learn to cultivate the crop, install a processing facility, and grow market appetite from businesses. Another partner, the U.C. Sustainable Agriculture Research and Education Program, conducted initial research into the agricultural potential of blue elderberries. In April, a sudden cut to the project’s five-year, $4.6 million grant from the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s (USDA) Partnerships in Climate Smart Commodities Program slowed its momentum. “We’ve laid all the groundwork,” said Lauren Tucker, who is leading market development for the project. “We were literally just about to make the equipment order, which kickstarts the whole marketplace.” The USDA is reviewing existing projects based on new criteria and continuing funding for qualifying projects under a new name, the Advancing Markets for Producers initiative. For now, Tucker is trying to think creatively about how to fill the funding gap while resubmitting updated project plans for USDA review. “It doesn’t kill the project, but it really changes things,” she said. A Midwest Berry Boomlet While efforts to build a market around Western blue elderberries are just beginning, the Midwest is better established. Missouri is at the forefront of domestic production of the American elderberry, albeit with only 400 acres estimated in cultivation. The state got a head start three decades ago, mostly due to the interest of a small group at the University of Missouri, including horticultural researcher Andrew Thomas. “There’s a group in Kansas that was making, and still makes, really good elderberry wine,” he said, referring to Wyldewood Cellars, a winery outside of Wichita. Since they were collecting elderberries from ditches and along fencelines on the family’s 1,000-acre ranch, there was no quality control or consistency, Thomas said. But the product was good, and “some light bulbs went on.” Thomas began collecting and planting wild American elderberries to investigate improved cultivars. Farmers immediately took notice. “It just kind of grew and grew, and very quickly went way beyond wine,” he said, as producers began experimenting with juices, syrups, and health supplements. Producer interest propelled Thomas’s project forward. In 2021, his research on developing elderberry production and processing received a $5.3 million USDA Specialty Crop Research Initiative grant. The ongoing project includes developing cultivars, researching growing regions, exploring mechanical harvesting, and researching processing and market potential. Many farmers who grow elderberries to diversify their farms aren’t so sure about ramping up beyond a niche crop. A small system of processors has sprung up in the area, each drawing from a network of local farms. Thomas said there is also discussion about going big with regional hubs and centralized processing facilities. The market for natural food coloring may be poised to grow further as Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. wants to eliminate artificial dyes from the nation’s food supply, which could lead to even more demand for elderberries. Still, many farmers who grow elderberries to diversify their farms aren’t so sure about ramping up beyond a niche crop. “When you start talking about things like natural food coloring, the companies need massive production to be able to do that,” said Thomas. “A lot of the farmers would rather keep it more local.” A New Approach When High Bear sees giant elderberry bushes on the edge of farms in rural Marion County, she sees grandparents. However, she doesn’t begrudge farmers trying to grow and commercialize elderberries. “I have an enormous amount of compassion for today’s farmers,” she said, noting recent efforts to incorporate blue elderberries into hedgerows for ecological and economic reasons. “They can sell their berries to people that are making syrup, and that gives them just a little bit more financial support for their farms.” She acknowledges that non-Native farmers have a more limited view of the elderberry. “Not everybody understands that these plants have a spirit in them,” she said. “As Native people, we work with that spirit. We offer a prayer and ask permission to harvest. That’s the difference with non-Native people who look at it as a crop. But we don’t blame non-Native people for doing it. We need to do everything we can to help non-Native people work with the elderberry, just like we do.” Blue elderberry skin cream and syrup from Elderberry Wisdom Farm. (Photo courtesy of Elderberry Wisdom Farm) After years of reflection, High Bear reached a significant decision. In mid-December, the farm will debut its Wisdom of the Elderberry syrup for sale at the Salem Holiday Market, the result of a new hybrid social and economic enterprise that will divide its elderberry products, with half being shared within the community and the rest to be sold. “We finally realized that with so many elderberry syrups being made for commercial sale, our Native people should not be prohibited from also producing and marketing these products that are near and dear to their hearts,” she said. Although she risks potential backlash for straying from tradition, she said it’s important to recognize that the community requires money to live, especially as people face the loss of food assistance and other benefits. She hopes the new model will serve as an example of how Native people can develop microenterprises to support themselves while still integrating the spirit of generosity and tending to their spiritual and emotional relationships with the blue elderberry. “We have been living with serious issues for millennia, and problems have not defeated us,” High Bear said. “They only serve to strengthen our resilience because of our spirituality and close relationship with our ancestors and the Great Spirit.” The post Elderberry Is a Sacred Indigenous Plant. Should It Be Monetized? appeared first on Civil Eats.

After COP30, Indigenous advocates celebrate gains while warning of unfinished work

“They can’t decide for us without us.”

If there is one image that encapsulates COP30, this year’s global climate change conference in Belém, Brazil, it might be this: Indigenous activists, in traditional clothing and regalia, storming past security into a secure zone made for international negotiators and pre-approved delegates.  The action occurred on the second day of COP30 and underscored how this conference would be different from others. This COP had been billed as the “Indigenous COP,” given the venue’s proximity to the Amazon and Brazil’s efforts to ensure Indigenous participation. But that presence was still limited by the nature of U.N. negotiations, in which member states have voting rights and Indigenous peoples who haven’t achieved internationally recognized statehood are unable to vote on decisions such as when and how to transition away from fossil fuels.  Indigenous activists who didn’t receive official permission to enter the secure zones didn’t wait for permission. On multiple days throughout the conference, they marched in the streets, blocked the doors to the conference, pushed their way in, and made sure the world knew, “they can’t decide for us without us.” To Kaeden Watts, a climate and Indigenous rights policy expert from the Māori tribes of Ngāti Tūwharetoa, Ngāti Maniapoto, and Tūhoe, who watched the conference unfold from Aotearoa New Zealand, it was a stark contrast to previous COPs he’s attended where Indigenous perspectives were often ignored or only heard when they were amplified by non-Indigenous allies like Greta Thunberg. This time, he saw news reporters interview Indigenous demonstrators and leaders who spoke about land rights and climate harms. “This time you were seeing the amplification of Indigenous voices purely from an incredible organizing effort,” Watts said. “That’s an outcome we very rarely see and it’s resulted in tangible change.”  Before the end of COP, the government of Brazil took steps to demarcate the lands of 27 Indigenous peoples throughout Brazil, and promised to recognize 59 million additional hectares over the next five years.  According to the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, an organization representing Indigenous peoples in Brazil, more Indigenous participants were represented at this COP than in the entire 30-year history of the conference: More than 5,000 Indigenous participants, including about 900 with accredited access to areas where negotiators and pre-approved delegates met.  Indigenous advocates went into COP wanting nation-states to agree to a clear roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels and commitments to end deforestation. They had a slew of proposals they hoped to include in the Global Mutirão, a nonbinding international agreement among U.N. members at COP30, that would protect Indigenous rights and their territories. That didn’t happen, but countries did agree to formally recognize the importance of protecting Indigenous rights, including land rights, in the Just Transition Work Programme, a U.N. program to help countries transition off of fossil fuels.  That’s a big deal to Emil Gualinga, who is a member of the Kichwa People of Sarayaku and participated in COP30 as a member of the International Indigenous Peoples Forum on Climate Change, an official global caucus created to enable Indigenous peoples to engage in COP negotiations. Gualinga said that this year, Panama helped ensure the Just Transition Work Programme included a reference to Indigenous peoples’ right to free, prior and informed consent to what happens in their territories. This is increasingly important in light of studies that show mineral deposits critical to fossil-fuel free energy production are often found within Indigenous nations’ lands and waters. But while he’s proud of that achievement, Gualinga was among many who were disappointed by the failure of U.N. member states to commit to a specific plan to stop relying upon fossil fuels, allowing the atmosphere to continue its path toward warming more than 1.5 degrees Celsius, which scientists have warned will wreak catastrophic consequences on Earth. The final version of the Global Mutirão was watered down by representatives from oil-rich countries like Saudi Arabia and countries with growing economies like China and India.  “None of our proposals were taken into account for the ‘Global Mutirão’ text,” Gualinga said, noting that ‘Mutirão’ is an Indigenous name. ”But even so none of the proposals were taken into account.” Still, he isn’t discouraged. “The fight for Indigenous peoples is not only at the COP,” he added.  International venues like COP are important spaces for environmental justice advocacy on behalf of Indigenous peoples to both defend planetary health and their rights to land and water, but are just one tool among many. This is something Gualinga knows intimately; his community in the Amazon forest of southern Ecuador have spent decades fighting against oil industry efforts to drill on their lands. He was only a child when the oil industry entered their territory. The Sarayaku people responded with organized resistance: The women snuck out in the middle of the night to steal weapons from the security forces and the village stopped fishing, hunting and going to school for six months in order to keep vigil over their land. The Sarayaku filed local and international lawsuits alleging that the oil company’s presence violated their right to free, prior and informed consent to what happens on their territories. In 2012, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights concluded that Ecuador had violated their rights by allowing the company to enter their territory. “You don’t know in advance which strategies are going to work,” Gualinga reflected on the local advocacy. “I think it’s a matter of being creative and seeing where to focus.”  Earlier this year, Pacific island nations, led in part by Indigenous students and lawyers, won a landmark decision from the International Court of Justice that made clear that national governments have a legal obligation to mitigate climate change and compensate those harmed. Many who flew to Belem from the Pacific hoped the court’s ruling would provide needed pressure to compel global action, like transitioning off of fossil fuels.  Belyndar Rikimani, a Solomon Islander who attended the COP as a founding member of Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change which initiated the ICJ case, was disappointed that the ruling wasn’t acknowledged. “At a moment when science is unequivocal and communities on the frontlines are sounding the alarm, the absence of any reference to a fossil fuel phase-out in the decision text is a devastating failure of political courage,” she said. “We will keep pushing inside courtrooms, negotiation halls, and at the grassroots until states meet their obligations and deliver the future our generation deserves.”  Gualinga said he expects to see Indigenous international advocacy continue next summer in Bonn, Germany, where another U.N. conference will discuss national and international guidelines for transitioning off fossil fuels, and at the First International Conference for the Phase-Out of Fossil Fuels in Santa Marta, Colombia, next April. “For the Indigenous movement in the Amazon Basin, this is an important event, given that Indigenous Peoples’ organizations have called for the Amazon, and especially Indigenous People’s territories, to be decreed as No Go Zones for extractive industries,” he said.   Kaeden Watts in Aotearoa New Zealand said that he thinks the visibility of Indigenous resistance at COP30 suggests that the messages of Indigenous peoples are starting to resonate with the public. He expects the movement for Indigenous climate justice to continue to grow, undeterred by the disappointments at COP.  “Ever since Indigenous peoples have had to fight for their rights — in whatever form that looked like — their advocacy and their determination for self-determination has never stopped,” he said. “And we’ll never see it stop.”  This story was originally published by Grist with the headline After COP30, Indigenous advocates celebrate gains while warning of unfinished work on Dec 5, 2025.

Brazil creates new Indigenous territories after COP30 protests

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's government recognises 10 new Indigenous lands during climate summit.

The government of Brazil has created 10 new Indigenous territories, after protesters urged action at the COP30 climate summit in the Brazilian city of Belém.The designation means the areas, including one in part of the Amazon, will have their culture and environment protected under Brazilian law - though this is not always enforced.The move follows similar actions from President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, whose government recognised Indigenous possession of 11 territories last year. The latest measure formalised through a presidential decree.It comes as thousands have protested at the UN's annual climate conference, with some carrying signs reading "demarcation now".Earlier last week, demonstrators - some of whom were from Indigenous groups - carrying signs that read "our forests are not for sale" broke into the summit and tussled with security.Past recognition of Indigenous reserves banned mining and logging, as well as restricting commercial farming, in the areas they covered to prevent deforestation. Expanding the total area considered Indigenous territory could prevent up to 20% of additional deforestation and reduce carbon emissions by 26% by 2030, according to a study by the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, the Amazon Environmental Research Institute and the Indigenous Climate Change Committee.The new protected areas span hundreds of thousands of hectares and are inhabited by thousands of people from the Mura, Tupinambá de Olivença, Pataxó, Guarani-Kaiowá, Munduruku, Pankará, and Guarani-Mbya indigenous peoples.One area overlaps more than 78% with the Amazon National Park, part of the bio-diverse rainforest which plays a crucial role in regulating the global climate and storing carbon.The Brazilian government's announcement came on Indigenous Peoples' Day at COP30 on Monday.Until the left-wing Lula re-entered office, no new Indigenous lands had been declared since 2018, it said.Under his far-right predecessor, Jair Bolsonaro, who promoted mining on Indigenous lands, the protections afforded to them were frequently not enforced.Lula's government has previously taken action to drive out illegal miners from indigenous lands.Currently, Indigenous lands encompass 117.4 million hectares - roughly equivalent to the size of Colombia, or around 13.8% of Brazil's territory. Hundreds of Indigenous groups live in Brazil, according to the country's census.The Amazon rainforest is already at risk of a renewed surge in deforestation as efforts grow to overturn a key ban to protect it. Thick and healthy forestry helps pull carbon out of the atmosphere.Carbon released through the burning of fossil fuels has contributed to climate change.Countries are gathering at COP30 in an effort to reach agreements on how to try to limit global average temperature rises to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels and keep them "well below" 2C.The UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change says a large body of scientific evidence shows that warming of 2C or more would bring serious consequences, including extreme heat, higher sea levels and threats to food security.

Finally, Indigenous peoples have an influential voice at COP30. They’re speaking loud and clear.

The UN climate conference in the Brazilian Amazon marks an unprecedented effort to elevate Indigenous concerns in negotiating rooms and on the streets.

Indigenous peoples are on the vanguard of climate action. Longstanding relationships with land means they endure the direct consequences of climate change. And their unique knowledge offers effective solutions to climate problems. But despite this, international climate policies have fallen short of encouraging Indigenous leadership. With the UN climate summit hosted in the Amazon for the first time, COP30 marks an unprecedented effort to elevate Indigenous voices. Returning to Brazil again after the 1992 and 2012 Rio conferences, COP30 has the largest Indigenous delegation in the summit’s history. More than 3,000 Indigenous representatives from around the world are in the Amazonian city of Belém. Inside and outside the negotiation rooms, Indigenous organisations and coalitions have brought an unprecedented agenda to the summit: pressure for climate justice centred on the recognition of land rights and fair financing mechanisms. Indigenous voices in diplomacy A new form of climate diplomacy is emerging. This shift marks the creation of space for Indigenous delegates to participate in formal discussions that were previously exclusive to government officials. Since 2019, the UN’s Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform has expanded the Indigenous role in official negotiations. At this year’s summit, more than 900 Indigenous delegates – a record number – are participating in official debates. Led by Brazil’s Minister for Indigenous Peoples, Sônia Guajajara, the COP30 presidency has encouraged Indigenous leadership in decision-making. This includes giving Indigenous delegates seats in negotiation rooms and embedding their demands in climate pledges and finance mechanisms. “Indigenous Peoples want to take part, not just show up”, said Guajajara. “We want to lead and be part of the solution. So far, the investments driven by COP decisions have failed to deliver results – the 1.5°C goal is slipping out of reach”. But turning community participation into political influence requires more than participation. Initiatives such as Kuntari Katu in Brazil assist Indigenous leaders in connecting their priorities with broader climate policies. Such training provides modules on topics such as carbon market mechanisms and equips Indigenous representatives with tools to communicate their priorities in climate debates. Indigenous influence at COP30 is not confined to formal diplomacy. Protests inside and outside the COP venue have amplified long-sidelined demands. Under the rallying cry “Our land is not for sale”, one of the demonstrations occupied areas of the COP30 venue with direct confrontation with the security staff. Thousands of activists also joined a four-kilometre march in the host city of Belém to call for action from leaders to stop environmental destruction. These protests have brought global attention to injustices that climate politics have long tried to contain. They highlight unresolved land-tenure conflicts and the rising violence faced by Indigenous communities on the frontline of climate impacts. Land rights as climate solutions Indigenous territories deliver some of the world’s most effective responses to the climate crisis, from curbing deforestation to storing vast amounts of carbon. Yet much Indigenous land remains without formal recognition, leaving it exposed to invasions by illegal mining, agribusiness expansion, and land grabs, including for renewable energy projects. COP30 has brought commitments to recognising Indigenous territories as climate solutions. During the opening ceremony, Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva emphasised the centrality of Indigenous territories to promote effective climate action. World leaders pledged to secure 160 million hectares of Indigenous and community lands by 2030. Indigenous organisations say pledges remain far from sufficient given the threats to their lands. The Munduruku Indigenous community, an indigenous people living in the Amazon River basin, made this clear with a major blockade at COP30. Their action created long queues at the summit entrance, delaying thousands of delegates. The disruption compelled the COP presidency to meet with Munduruku leaders, who pressed for the demarcation of their territories and the right to be consulted on development projects in their territory. Fair climate finance One of COP30’s major negotiation challenges is finalising the Baku-Belém Roadmap, which aims to unlock A$1.5 trillion in climate funding. Yet climate finance mechanisms have a long history of undervaluing Indigenous knowledge and governance. Indigenous organisations say that fairness must be central to these pledges. At the Leaders’ Summit, a multilateral coalition launched the Tropical Forests Forever Fund. This commits A$7.6 billion to protect over one billion hectares of forests. With backing from 53 nations and 19 sovereign investors, the fund earmarks 20% of its finance for Indigenous projects. The Forest Tenure Funders Group also renewed its pledge, with a commitment of A$2.7 billion to secure Indigenous land rights. Still, Indigenous advocates warn climate finance must go beyond dollar amounts. They want a shift in who controls the funding and how projects are governed. Placing Indigenous leadership at the centre of financing means making sure Indigenous communities can receive funding directly and have fair agreements that protect them from financial risks. Transformative leadership UN climate conferences have long been criticised for delivering incremental progress but little systemic change. Yet signs of political transformation are emerging. Beyond climate debates, significant Indigenous leadership is gaining momentum across other international environmental policies. In 2024, the UN’s meeting to combat desertification formalised a new caucus for Indigenous Peoples, while the Convention on Biological Diversity established a permanent Indigenous subsidiary body. These growing political shifts reveal that effective environmental actions depend on dismantling power inequalities in decisions. Inclusive leadership in policymaking may not completely address the environmental crisis, but it marks a turning point as historically silenced voices begin to lead from the centre. Danilo Urzedo receives funding from the Australian Research Council under the Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country (IC210100034).Oliver Tester receives funding from the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country. Stephen van Leeuwen receives funding from the ARC Industrial Transformation Training Centre for Healing Country.

Protesters blockade Cop30 summit over plight of Indigenous peoples

Munduruku people demand to speak to Brazil’s president, saying they are never listened to• Cop30: click here for full Guardian coverage of the climate talks in BrazilProtesters blockaded the main entrance to the Cop30 climate conference for several hours early on Friday morning, demanding to speak to Brazil’s president about the plight of the country’s Indigenous peoples.About 50 people from the Munduruku people in the Amazon basin blocked the entrance with some assistance from international green groups, watched by a huge phalanx of riot police, soldiers and military vehicles. Continue reading...

Protesters blockaded the main entrance to the Cop30 climate conference for several hours early on Friday morning, demanding to speak to Brazil’s president about the plight of the country’s Indigenous peoples.About 50 people from the Munduruku people in the Amazon basin blocked the entrance with some assistance from international green groups, watched by a huge phalanx of riot police, soldiers and military vehicles.They hoped to speak to Lula da Silva to explain their grievances. “We demand the presence of President Lula, but unfortunately we are unable to do so, as always,” said one of the protesters. “We were always barred, we were never listened to.”Instead the group had to settle for André Corrêado Lago, the tall, amiable Cop president, who spent more than an hour listening and talking to the group’s representatives.Long queues formed outside the centre and delegates were diverted to a small side entrance. Eventually the activists relocated to a building to hold further discussions with Corrêa do Lago.These protests are just a small part of what is expected at the Belem summit. For the first time in four years the UN climate conference is being held in a democracy, and senior figures at the Cop30 conference centre have encouraged the presence of civil society groups.UN secretary-general António Guterres told the Guardian that Indigenous and other people’s organisations were needed to balance the power of corporate lobbyists, who have dominated recent summits. One in every 25 participants at this year’s summit is a fossil fuel lobbyist, according to an analysis by the Kick Big Polluters Out coalition, it emerged on Friday. Meanwhile Corrêa do Lago has said civil society will play an important role in raising the ambition of negotiators.That spirit pervades the conference and the meetings around it. For days, activists have flooded into Belém, many borne by boat along the Amazon River itself. On Wednesday, more than 100 vessels sailed in a protest flotilla up and down Guajará Bay close to the Federal University of Pará, which has become the venue for a “people’s summit” running alongside the main climate talks.On Saturday two inflatable serpents representing the spirit of resistance at Cop30 will be carried along the streets of the city, as thousands of Indigenous and other civil society activists remind jetsetting delegates where this Cop is taking place: the Amazon, the global frontline of environmental destruction and forest defence.Activists argue that at best Cop climate summits are a forum where the concerns of the developing world can be expressed in the full glare of media attention and relayed back to civil society in the global north.More than four events a day are being organised, ranging from protests against agribusinesses, transport projects and mining operations, to rallies for Palestine, health, women’s rights and Indigenous land demarcation. One demand that has emerged from civil society groups this year is a call for a new formalised body, the so-called Belém Action Mechanism (Bam), which would accelerate, coordinate and support a “just transition” towards a low-carbon economy and “orient the entire international system behind people-centred transitions at local and national levels, where workers and communities are in charge of decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods”, according to the Climate Action Network.The vast majority of events have been peaceful and some joyous, including a performance by the celebrated Brazilian musician Gilberto Gil.“What we are excited about in Brazil is that this country has a culture and a history of mass movements which really push political decisions for social change,” said Kudakwashe Manjonjo, who is an adviser for Power Shift Africa and part of the Climate Action Network.“We will be part of all the demonstrations that are happening both in and outside the conference to push for climate finance, just transition and support for adaptation …The global south is mass-led. The Cop coming to Brazil has shown that spirit. We have seen Indigenous people becoming part of the process in a way that just isn’t possible in the global north.”Louiza Salek, with the working group on Indigenous food sovereignty, said it was good to be part of the fight. She was singing “Bam Bam Bam Bam” to the tune of La Bamba with dozens of others in the hallway of the Cop to draw attention to the Belém Action Network, which wants leaders to step up their climate actions. “After three Cops with absolutely no demonstrations allowed, I feel like people want to be heard. We are all together and mobilising. We are in a democratic country where we can take actions. And this feels good. We need to be together collectively.”Inside the conference halls negotiations continued. On Thursday the official negotiating hours were extended to 9pm in order to deal with the four particularly thorny issues on which the presidency is taking special consultation. These are focused around finance, trade, emissions-cutting pledges and transparency. A similar extension was expected on Friday night, but in practice, talks could go on much later as Brazil strives to achieve progress in the consultations ahead of a stocktake session on Saturday.

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