White House Refuses to Say Whether Ukraine Will Receive Toxic Depleted Uranium Ammo

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Thursday, January 26, 2023

The White House is unwilling to say whether the U.S. will provide depleted uranium anti-tank rounds to Ukraine, according to the transcript of a press briefing, despite decades of research suggesting the weapon causes cancer and birth defects long after the fighting ends. At a background briefing on January 25, an unnamed reporter asked the unnamed “senior administration officials” at the session whether the Bradley Fighting Vehicles now being sent to aid in Ukraine’s defense against Russia would come armed with the 25 mm armor-piercing depleted uranium rounds they’re capable of firing. As the reporter noted, firing these radioactive rounds “is part of what makes them the ‘tank killer’ that Pentagon officials called them.” The administration official who responded declined to answer, saying, “I’m not going to get into the technical specifics.” But the technical specifics of these weapons could have dire consequences for Ukrainians. Depleted uranium is a common byproduct of manufacturing nuclear fuel and weaponry, and, owing to its extreme density, ammunition made from the stuff is a fantastic way of punching through the thick armor of a tank and igniting everyone inside. But these anti-tank rounds also happen to be radioactive, extremely toxic, and have been linked with a variety of birth defects, cancers, and other illness, most dramatically in Iraq, where doctors reported a spike in birth defects and cancers since the Gulf War, when the U.S. fired nearly a million depleted uranium rounds, and the 2003 invasion of that country. “[Uranium] binds avidly to bio-molecules including DNA,” according to Keith Baverstock, a radiobiologist at the University of Eastern Finland, former World Health Organization researcher, and longtime scholar of depleted uranium arms and their effects. “Where [uranium] is used in munitions (bullets and bombs) to penetrate hardened targets (using its high density) the munition may shatter and since [uranium] is pyrophoric, catch fire and burn, producing oxide particles which are partially soluble and, thus, potentially a source of systemic [uranium] if inhaled.” Uranium particles may remain embedded in the land where these rounds were fired, too, presenting a possible environmental hazard years later. While research linking depleted uranium weapons to adverse health effects is disputed — and heavily politicized given who’s fired it and at whom — experts told The Intercept that the risk alone means White House owes the public transparency. “It’s been a concern since the start of the invasion,” said Doug Weir, research and policy director with the Conflict and Environment Observatory, particularly given that Russia claims to have its own depleted uranium arsenal, though it’s not clear whether any have been used in Ukraine. Were the U.S. to provide uranium rounds for Ukraine to deploy against Russia, the odds might increase of Russia using its arsenal too (if it hasn’t already). Generally speaking, Weir explained that “the most severe contamination incidents will occur where a vehicle with a full load of DU cooks off after being struck. This may be a tank, or a supply vehicle. Similarly, arms dumps containing large volumes of DU may create contamination incidents when destroyed or burned.” Weir added, “It is important that journalists pin down the U.S. government on its DU decision.” Despite our popular associations with uranium, “the biggest problem there is metal pollution, not radiation,” explained Nickolai Denisov, an environmental scientist who has closely monitored the health impacts of the Ukraine war. “Still, pollution by heavy metals is dangerous and long term, hence transparency in these matters is indeed important.” It can be uncomfortable to advocate against the use of a weapon that would no doubt be a near-term boon for Ukrainain resistance. As the International Coalition to Ban Uranium Weapons put it at the onset of the Russian invasion, “When there is war, everything else is secondary compared to sheer survival. On the other hand, the outcry because of environmental destruction must not be omitted if the country is to be habitable again afterward.” If the Pentagon sends uranium rounds to Ukraine, it would surely have supporters: The ammo would be highly effective at destroying the armored vehicles Russia has poured into the country. As the White House faces — and bends to — growing pressure to share increasingly powerful arms with Ukraine, candid discussions about the unintended consequences of these arm transfers can become unpopular. But some scientists who’ve spent careers scrutinizing these weapons will likely remain opposed, despite the immense sympathy of the Ukrainian cause. Asked about the White House’s refusal to discuss uranium rounds in Ukraine, Baverstock, the Finnish scientist, replied simply, “I would certainly hope that there is no intention to use it.” The post White House Refuses to Say Whether Ukraine Will Receive Toxic Depleted Uranium Ammo appeared first on The Intercept.

A Biden official wouldn’t disclose whether Bradley Fighting Vehicles will be equipped with the anti-tank rounds, linked to cancer and birth defects. The post White House Refuses to Say Whether Ukraine Will Receive Toxic Depleted Uranium Ammo appeared first on The Intercept.

The White House is unwilling to say whether the U.S. will provide depleted uranium anti-tank rounds to Ukraine, according to the transcript of a press briefing, despite decades of research suggesting the weapon causes cancer and birth defects long after the fighting ends.

At a background briefing on January 25, an unnamed reporter asked the unnamed “senior administration officials” at the session whether the Bradley Fighting Vehicles now being sent to aid in Ukraine’s defense against Russia would come armed with the 25 mm armor-piercing depleted uranium rounds they’re capable of firing. As the reporter noted, firing these radioactive rounds “is part of what makes them the ‘tank killer’ that Pentagon officials called them.” The administration official who responded declined to answer, saying, “I’m not going to get into the technical specifics.”

But the technical specifics of these weapons could have dire consequences for Ukrainians. Depleted uranium is a common byproduct of manufacturing nuclear fuel and weaponry, and, owing to its extreme density, ammunition made from the stuff is a fantastic way of punching through the thick armor of a tank and igniting everyone inside. But these anti-tank rounds also happen to be radioactive, extremely toxic, and have been linked with a variety of birth defects, cancers, and other illness, most dramatically in Iraq, where doctors reported a spike in birth defects and cancers since the Gulf War, when the U.S. fired nearly a million depleted uranium rounds, and the 2003 invasion of that country.

“[Uranium] binds avidly to bio-molecules including DNA,” according to Keith Baverstock, a radiobiologist at the University of Eastern Finland, former World Health Organization researcher, and longtime scholar of depleted uranium arms and their effects. “Where [uranium] is used in munitions (bullets and bombs) to penetrate hardened targets (using its high density) the munition may shatter and since [uranium] is pyrophoric, catch fire and burn, producing oxide particles which are partially soluble and, thus, potentially a source of systemic [uranium] if inhaled.” Uranium particles may remain embedded in the land where these rounds were fired, too, presenting a possible environmental hazard years later.

While research linking depleted uranium weapons to adverse health effects is disputed — and heavily politicized given who’s fired it and at whom — experts told The Intercept that the risk alone means White House owes the public transparency.

“It’s been a concern since the start of the invasion,” said Doug Weir, research and policy director with the Conflict and Environment Observatory, particularly given that Russia claims to have its own depleted uranium arsenal, though it’s not clear whether any have been used in Ukraine. Were the U.S. to provide uranium rounds for Ukraine to deploy against Russia, the odds might increase of Russia using its arsenal too (if it hasn’t already).

Generally speaking, Weir explained that “the most severe contamination incidents will occur where a vehicle with a full load of DU cooks off after being struck. This may be a tank, or a supply vehicle. Similarly, arms dumps containing large volumes of DU may create contamination incidents when destroyed or burned.” Weir added, “It is important that journalists pin down the U.S. government on its DU decision.”

Despite our popular associations with uranium, “the biggest problem there is metal pollution, not radiation,” explained Nickolai Denisov, an environmental scientist who has closely monitored the health impacts of the Ukraine war. “Still, pollution by heavy metals is dangerous and long term, hence transparency in these matters is indeed important.”

It can be uncomfortable to advocate against the use of a weapon that would no doubt be a near-term boon for Ukrainain resistance. As the International Coalition to Ban Uranium Weapons put it at the onset of the Russian invasion, “When there is war, everything else is secondary compared to sheer survival. On the other hand, the outcry because of environmental destruction must not be omitted if the country is to be habitable again afterward.”

If the Pentagon sends uranium rounds to Ukraine, it would surely have supporters: The ammo would be highly effective at destroying the armored vehicles Russia has poured into the country. As the White House faces — and bends to — growing pressure to share increasingly powerful arms with Ukraine, candid discussions about the unintended consequences of these arm transfers can become unpopular. But some scientists who’ve spent careers scrutinizing these weapons will likely remain opposed, despite the immense sympathy of the Ukrainian cause.

Asked about the White House’s refusal to discuss uranium rounds in Ukraine, Baverstock, the Finnish scientist, replied simply, “I would certainly hope that there is no intention to use it.”

The post White House Refuses to Say Whether Ukraine Will Receive Toxic Depleted Uranium Ammo appeared first on The Intercept.

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How the Ontario government muzzled its Greenbelt Council

By Emma McIntosh Documents show that a shrunken, ever-changing council was forbidden from speaking freely, as development encroaches on the once-protected area

By Emma McIntosh Over the past two years, the Ontario government moved to muzzle the council that advises it about the Greenbelt as it shuffled its work behind closed doors, documents show Ever since, as the government moved toward its contentious decision to remove land from the protected area, the council saw constant turnover in its members, whose numbers have now shrunk to just a handful.  The Greenbelt Council exists to give advice to the provincial government about issues related to the Greenbelt, a protected area of farmland, forests and waterways ringing around the Greater Toronto Area. For years, the council sent its recommendations through letters to the minister of municipal affairs, currently Steve Clark, that were made public several times per year. But the council abruptly went quiet in late 2020 when more than half of its members resigned in protest of Premier Doug Ford’s environmental policies.  Since then, the council has only piped up once, when its last chair supported the government’s 2022 removal of 7,400 acres from the protected area to build homes — a departure from the council’s longtime support for maintaining the Greenbelt in its entirety.  Documents obtained by The Narwhal explain the silence: after the mass resignations, the government changed the rules of the Greenbelt Council to make its advice confidential, and to restrict its members’ ability to talk to journalists. We’re investigating Ontario’s environmental cuts The Narwhal’s Ontario bureau is telling stories you won’t find anywhere else. Keep up with the latest scoops by signing up for a weekly dose of our independent journalism. We’re investigating Ontario’s environmental cuts The Narwhal’s Ontario bureau is telling stories you won’t find anywhere else. Keep up with the latest scoops by signing up for a weekly dose of our independent journalism. The new rules were first laid out in a “media relations protocol” document for the council in March 2021, three months after the resignations, which was obtained by The Narwhal through a freedom of information request. Though the chair of the Greenbelt Council used to be able to freely share the group’s advice publicly and answer questions from reporters, the new protocol says the chair can only answer questions about the council’s mandate and processes. The other members of the panel can answer questions about their roles and professional backgrounds but are bound to “keep council deliberations confidential.” “Refer other questions to the [Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing] communications branch],” the protocol reads. “Council’s advice to the minister is considered confidential unless the minister approves its release.” A document obtained by The Narwhal through a freedom of information request shows the media protocol the Ontario government gave the Greenbelt Council in March 2021, months after half its members resigned en masse. The new version instructed members to keep their advice confidential and to direct media requests to the government. Greenbelt Council rules changed in 2022: documents The new confidentiality requirements were also codified a year later, in March 2022 terms of reference for the Greenbelt Council obtained by The Narwhal through the same freedom of information request. The Narwhal compared the 2022 terms of reference, which are still in effect now, with the previous terms of reference from 2018, which were provided by a source.  Other revisions in the 2022 version alter the Greenbelt Council’s function in subtler ways.  Previous councils gave the minister advice when asked, but also had the freedom to give advice unprompted, on any issues the members decided were important. Now, the topics must be “determined through consultation between the minister and chair.” The 2022 terms of reference removed a paragraph from the old version specifying the point of the Greenbelt is to “manage growth, build complete communities, curb sprawl and protect the natural environment.”  The new terms of reference also tweaked the description of who members of the council should be.  The 2018 version said members “shall be drawn from various sectors or individuals that support the objectives of the Greenbelt.” It also recommended members could come from conservation authorities — watershed management agencies, whose powers the current Ontario government has repeatedly cut — that work in support of the Greenbelt. Ontario’s Greenbelt is a ring of protected land on the edges of the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area, encompassing farmland, forests and watersheds. Development has mostly been forbidden there since it was created in 2005, but last year, the provincial government removed 7,400 acres from it in what it said was a bid to build more housing. Photos: Christopher Katsarov Luna / The Narwhal The new version removed the reference to conservation authorities. Now, members should come from a “diverse range of various sectors (e.g. municipal, academia, agricultural, development, environmental, housing, business/economic development, infrastructure, transportation) or individuals that support the objectives of the Greenbelt to provide a balanced representation.” Clark’s office and the Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing didn’t acknowledge repeated emails from The Narwhal with a list of detailed questions about the intent of the media protocol and edits to the terms of reference. The government also didn’t answer when asked whether the changes were intended to help lay the groundwork for its removals of land from the Greenbelt in late 2022.  Taken together, the government’s changes to the Greenbelt Council over the past two years keep the public in the dark, Tim Gray, the executive director of the advocacy organization Environmental Defence, said in an interview. “It’s what you’d do if you wanted to make sure that [the Greenbelt Council] was a lot less effective and didn’t give information to the public and didn’t advocate for the Greenbelt,” Gray said. “It would definitely ensure that the minister wouldn’t have to be nervous about a Greenbelt Council saying anything publicly about the attack on the Greenbelt, because it effectively cut off its ability to release public reports or speak to the media directly.” A comparison of the 2018 and 2022 versions of the Greenbelt Council’s terms of reference. Illustration: Carol Linnitt / The Narwhal Turnover has quietly continued on Ontario’s Greenbelt Council since 2020  It’s not uncommon for government advisory panels to be bound by confidentiality. But it is unusual for the Greenbelt Council. Prior to the 2020 resignations, the council spoke up about a variety of land use issues in southern Ontario. In the months leading up to the resignations, the council had pushed the government to drop a plan to allow quarries to be built in endangered species habitat, and asked the province to reconsider plans to build Highway 413 through the Greenbelt.  The first rumbling of trouble, however, came when one member of the council resigned in November 2020 over the province’s decision to fast-track development on the Lower Duffins Creek wetland east of Toronto. “I cannot in all conscience continue to sit on the Greenbelt Council which has provided you with its best advice … which seems to me to have not been given due consideration,” Linda Pim, an environmental biologist and land use planner, said in her resignation letter. The tension erupted a month later when the council was rocked by a mass exodus in protest of a 2020 move to disempower conservation authorities. First, it was the chair at the time, David Crombie, a former Progressive Conservative MP and mayor of Toronto, who said the changes were “disastrous” and “high-level bombing” that “needs to be resisted.” Six more members followed his lead the next day and quit.  The backlash continued when the Ontario government appointed Crombie’s replacement, Norm Sterling, a former Progressive Conservative environment minister who voted against the creation of the Greenbelt in 2005.  Although the council hasn’t said much publicly since, turnover has continued to keep its numbers in flux.  Municipal Affairs and Housing Minister Steve Clark is oversees the Greenbelt and the Greenbelt Council. Photo: Government of Ontario / Flickr Before the high-profile resignations in December 2020, the Greenbelt Council had 13 members. Afterwards, it lost even more members and was gradually whittled down to four in 2021. Over time, the government gradually appointed more, reaching nine members in mid-2022, according to archived versions of its member list. But in the months leading up to the government’s decision to remove land from the Greenbelt, the council’s numbers began to dwindle again — five have departed since last summer.  Two members — Michael Williams of the charity Ducks Unlimited Canada and retired lawyer Michael Fowler — left after their terms expired in summer 2022. Williams did not respond to an email from The Narwhal. Fowler declined to comment on his time with the Greenbelt Council. Others left before their terms were up. Sterling led the council when the new terms of reference were authored in March 2022, but left later that year, before the government publicly proposed cutting into the Greenbelt. Sterling didn’t answer emailed questions from The Narwhal about why he exited the job when his appointment still had more than a year left. In roughly the same span of time, two other members also left early: Peel Regional Councillor Johanna Downey and Patrick Molloy, the former mayor of the town of Uxbridge. Downey did not answer an email and Molloy did not respond to a request sent via LinkedIn. A sixth member, former Ontario finance minister Charles Sousa, was briefly appointed to the council in October 2022 but left after about three weeks to run for a federal seat — Sousa is now a Liberal MP. In an email, Sousa said he never sat in an official Greenbelt Council meeting so he couldn’t comment on changes to the terms of reference and media protocol, but he believes it’s possible to increase housing supply without cutting into green space. Ontario’s Greenbelt Council used to make its letters to the government public and weigh in on a variety of land use issues. But since the Ford government penned new rules for the council, it has rarely spoken publicly. Photos: Christopher Katsarov Luna / The Narwhal “To protect the Greenbelt we need smart growth: a proper balance between competing demands for housing, economic growth and environmental sustainability,” Sousa said. “I felt that I could make a positive impact and make appropriate recommendations in finding that right balance.” Sousa added he had already put in his resignation when the changes to the Greenbelt were announced: “I was prepared to do my best to work with the group and ensure this tremendous area is preserved for generations to come. Unfortunately, I was not able to contribute in the way I had hoped.” Former Mississauga mayor Hazel McCallion was appointed in October 2022 to replace Sterling, but died in January and hasn’t yet been replaced.  The Greenbelt Council now has just four members: Heather French, a co-owner and operator of a grain farm in Caledon, Ont., Toronto Metropolitan University urban planning professor David Amborski, Bradford West Gwillimbury town Councillor Jonathan Scott and environmental consultant Jo-Anne Lane.  In an email to The Narwhal, Amborski declined to answer questions but said it’s not unusual for members of government panels to be unable to speak to media about their work. French and Scott did not respond to emails from The Narwhal. Lane did not answer a message sent via LinkedIn.  The previous chair of the Greenbelt Council publicly supported the province’s plan to cut into the Greenbelt, contradicting the council’s longstanding opposition to development there — as well as the government’s own report that zoning, not land availability, is the root of the housing crisis. Photo: Christopher Katsarov Luna / The Narwhal The Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing did not answer when asked when it plans to appoint more members to the Greenbelt Council, or whether the panel is able to function with just four members.  In the past, the Greenbelt Council’s mandate made it an advocate for the Greenbelt and for good land use planning in southern Ontario, Gray said. Without that, it appears the government has turned it into something else.  “Their ability both to choose things that come their way and do reports about them and then release them to the public keeps those issues in the public mind,” Gray said.  “Anything that silences their ability to work on issues that come their way obviously reduces their effectiveness.”

Scientists Sound the Alarm Over a Growing Trash Problem in Space

Even tiny pieces of junk can pose serious risks to astronauts. Scientists call for a global treaty to eliminate increasing orbiting debris.

Sixty-six years ago, there was just a single human-built object in Earth orbit. It was Sputnik, the Soviet Union’s—and the world’s—first satellite, launched on Oct. 4, 1957. Now take a moment and try to guess how many objects—including active satellites, defunct satellites, and bits of debris from all of that space traffic—are currently circling the planet. Have you made your guess? Good. Your answer is wrong. Or let’s put it this way: it’s wrong unless the figure you guessed is 100 trillion. That’s the jaw-dropping number cited by an international team of researchers writing an open letter in last week’s issue of Science, calling for a global treaty to curb the amount of satellites and rubbish that have been forming an ever-growing debris belt in low-Earth orbit for more than three generations now. [time-brightcove not-tgx=”true”] The researchers report that there are currently 9,000 active satellites in orbit—a number expected to grow to over 60,000 by 2030. The 100 trillion figure includes everything from spent boosters and stray bolts, to metal flecks and floating paint chips that went along with launching all of that hardware. And don’t think something as small as a paint chip is harmless. Orbiting the Earth at 28,200 km/hr (17,500 mph), so small a piece of rubbish can strike a spacecraft or other orbiting object like a bullet. Astronauts spacewalking outside the International Space Station report that the skin of the 25-year-old orbiting lab looks in some spots as if it has been hit by buckshot. The astronauts routinely have to shelter in place in one of the attached Soyuz or SpaceX spacecraft to wait out a passing swarm of space debris in case the station gets catastrophically struck and they have to bail out in a hurry. Ultimately, all of this debris will fall back to Earth and incinerate in the atmosphere, but we’re replacing the junk at a faster pace than its orbit can decay. Each of the seven researchers writing in Science are experts in one of two fields: satellite technology and ocean plastic pollution. Why the latter? Because, as they write, the mess we’ve made of the oceans—witness the great Pacific garbage patch, a mass of floating junk that measures twice the area of Texas—mirrors the mess we’re in the process of making in space. The difference: we’ve had centuries to foul the oceans and only decades to do the same in space, and yet we’re not wasting time. “As a marine biologist I never imagined writing a paper on space,” said Heather Koldewey, a senior marine technical adviser at the Zoological Society of London and a coauthor of the letter, in a statement that accompanied its release. “But through this collaborative research [we] identified so many parallels with the challenges of tackling environmental issues in the ocean. We just need to get better at the uptake of science into management and policy.” The researchers see hope for space in the progress that has been made so far in cleaning up the oceans—or at least in nations agreeing to try. In March 2022, world leaders representing 170 nations signed a global plastics treaty at the United Nations Environment Assembly, in an attempt to curb continued dumping of plastics in the oceans and eliminate what is already there. Other negotiations are already underway on a more ambitious Global Plastics Treaty. Similar initiative should be taken now, the authors write, to implement treaties that hold both government and commercial space launch services liable for minimizing the amount of debris their launches create, deorbiting satellites after they’ve reached the end of their functional life, and developing technologies to clean up at least some of the 100-trillion-strong rubbish swarm. “Most nation states have neglected to implement the necessary local space regulations that could promote long-term equitable and sustainable use of Earth’s orbit,” the authors of the letter write. “There is no international treaty that seeks to minimize orbital debris.” That must change—and fast. “To avoid repeating the mistakes that have left the high seas—and all who depend on them—vulnerable, we need collective cooperation, informed by science, to develop a timely, legally binding treaty to protect Earth’s orbit.” A species that is smart enough to have gotten itself to space—an order of magnitude more difficult than initially learning to sail (and foul) the oceans—should be smart enough not to make a mess of things once it gets there. As Moriba Jah, coauthor and associate professor of aerospace engineering at The University of Texas at Austin, put it in a statement, “Marine debris and space debris are both an anthropogenic detriment that is avoidable.”

Plans by Scotland secretary to block bottle deposit return scheme a ‘travesty’

Environmental campaigners furious Alister Jack intends to deny trade exemption for plastic recycling proposalsBlocking the Scottish deposit return scheme for bottles would be an environmental travesty, campaigners said, in a growing backlash to the UK government plans to undermine the project.The charity City to Sea, which has been pushing for a deposit return scheme (DRS) to tackle plastic pollution, said the UK government could have avoided the clash with Scotland by working with the devolved countries to deliver a unified deposit scheme years ago. Instead Westminster had repeatedly delayed its own deposit scheme, which was only coming into force in 2025 – seven years after it was first promised by ministers. Continue reading...

Environmental campaigners furious Alister Jack intends to deny trade exemption for plastic recycling proposalsBlocking the Scottish deposit return scheme for bottles would be an environmental travesty, campaigners said, in a growing backlash to the UK government plans to undermine the project.The charity City to Sea, which has been pushing for a deposit return scheme (DRS) to tackle plastic pollution, said the UK government could have avoided the clash with Scotland by working with the devolved countries to deliver a unified deposit scheme years ago. Instead Westminster had repeatedly delayed its own deposit scheme, which was only coming into force in 2025 – seven years after it was first promised by ministers. Continue reading...

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