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This LA teen is suing her school district — and the USDA — to promote nondairy milk

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Thursday, May 18, 2023

Last fall, Marielle Williamson, a senior at Eagle Rock High School in Los Angeles, set up a table just outside her school’s college center. Stocked with free stickers and cartons of Oatly oat milk, she settled in to tell people about the environmental and ethical benefits of plant-based milk. Classmates soon crowded around for samples of oat- or pea protein-based beverages. “Students loved it,” Williamson told Grist.  But when she began planning a similar event this spring, school administrators pushed back. Citing federal regulations against school-sanctioned activities that could “directly or indirectly restrict the sale or marketing” of cow’s milk, school administrators refused to greenlight Williamson’s second event — unless she agreed to also distribute pro-dairy information. That would “counter the whole point of the campaign,” Williamson said. “It felt wrong.” So she dropped the idea and opted for an alternative strategy, one that’s already drawing much more attention: a First Amendment legal complaint. On May 2, Williamson filed an unprecedented federal lawsuit against her school district and the U.S. Department of Agriculture, arguing that compelling her to distribute “dairy promotions” violates her right to free speech. “I didn’t want to just sit there and be like, ‘OK, I guess I can’t do anything,’” she said.  Williamson’s lawsuit, which was endorsed last week by the Los Angeles Times editorial board and is now the subject of national news coverage, has become a platform for her broader criticisms about the dairy industry. It’s part of a growing, youth-led movement against the Agriculture Department’s “milk mandate” — a requirement that public schools offer moo juice at every meal service — and other federal rules that make it difficult for students to access plant-based alternatives. Some students oppose the rules because they are vegan. Others simply find cow’s milk gross. But they’re generally united by a few common factors: the prevalence of lactose intolerance, particularly among students of color; the way industrial dairy farms treat cows; and the industry’s outsize climate and environmental impacts.  “Animal agriculture produces 14.5 percent of [global] greenhouse gas emissions and nobody’s talking about it,” Williamson said. At last year’s United Nations climate summit in Egypt, she added, “they had one booth on food out of hundreds.” Marielle Williamson hosted a successful “Scary Dairy” event for her peers in October 2022. Courtesy of Raven Corps Under federal law, public schools participating in the National School Lunch Program — a child nutrition program established in 1946 — must offer two kinds of unflavored, low- or nonfat “fluid milk,” meaning skim or 1 percent, with every meal. Students can get a nondairy substitute, but only with a doctor’s note saying they have a “disability” restricting their diet.  The U.S. Department of Agriculture, or USDA, says the program is intended to support kids’ healthy development, but experts say its roots are more political than nutritional. During World War II, the U.S. government encouraged farmers to produce more milk that it could send to soldiers overseas. Once the war was over, farmers found themselves with more of the stuff than they knew what to do with — and so the government created programs like the Milk Price Support Program to keep demand from falling. To many medical groups, the school dairy requirement has become a clear anachronism. Research suggests that cow’s milk is unnecessary for, and even potentially detrimental to, healthy human development, and critics note that no other mammal drinks milk after a brief period at the beginning of life. “There’s very little high-quality evidence, and no comparable mammalian example, to argue for the specialness of cow’s milk” after about age 2, Aaron Carroll, a professor of pediatrics at the Indiana University School of Medicine, wrote in a 2020 New York Times article.  In fact, most people — about 68 percent of the global population, including the vast majority of people of color — can’t even digest milk after infancy. In the U.S., some 80 percent of all African Americans and Native Americans and more than 90 percent of Asian Americans have a genetic inability to digest lactose. Americans with Northern European heritage are least likely to be lactose intolerant, prompting some lawmakers to call the USDA’s mandatory milk program “dietary racism.” “There would be reprisals if the United States were to put a product on the trays of white kids that caused potentially widespread adverse reactions,” 31 members of Congress said in a 2022 letter to Agriculture Secretary Thomas Vilsack. To be clear, the USDA’s dairy rules don’t require students to actually take a carton of cow’s milk with their meals; schools just have to offer it. Fortified soy milk is supposed to be readily available to students who provide a doctor’s note saying they have a “disability,” but critics say this is a burdensome and belittling requirement. “It’s ridiculous that a condition that affects 68 percent of the world would be considered a ‘disability,’” said Deborah Press, associate general counsel for the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine, a nonprofit that helped Williamson file her lawsuit. Press says the USDA’s dairy rules are designed to obstruct students’ access not only to plant-based alternatives, but to any beverage that isn’t cow’s milk. Indeed, schools cannot even offer bottled water in the lunch line, or in any manner that “interferes with or appears to substitute for” cow’s milk. “The USDA has made [cow’s milk] virtually untouchable,” Press said.  Lunch at a public school lunch in New Jersey. James Leynse / Corbis via Getty Images Both the USDA and LA Unified School District, which includes Eagle Rock High School, declined to comment on the pending litigation. The school district did say its food services program follows USDA guidelines. “We continue to support our students with nutritious meals and healthy alternatives for those who have specific dietary requests and requirements,” a district representative said. Even so, more and more young people are calling out the USDA policy. Williamson’s successful event last fall, for example, was held in conjunction with more than 100 other students across the country as part of a national day of action called “Scary Dairy,” organized by the Portland, Oregon-based nonprofit Raven Corps. The youth-led organization supports anti-dairy student activism through its Mind Over Milk campaign.  “We’re the ones affected, we’re the ones drinking the milk of not being able to access the alternatives,” said Shubhangi Bose, a senior at Westview High School in Portland and Raven Corps’ policy and legislation lead. Other groups supporting young people in this effort include the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine, the Factory Farming Awareness Coalition, and more than a dozen additional members of the Healthy Future Students and Planet Coalition.  Students Grist spoke with — including Williamson — said they’re motivated not only by the social justice implications of the USDA’s milk policies, but by the ethical and environmental implications of industrial dairy production. To them, milk’s protected status endorses animal cruelty and fuels the climate crisis. “Animal agriculture contributes so much to climate change,” said Morgan Greenlaw, a senior at Palo Alto High School in Palo Alto, California, who held a plant-based event at her school this spring. Greenlaw, a self-described “die-hard vegan,” draws a direct line between the massive wildfires and smoky skies of her upbringing and the greenhouse gas emissions associated with raising tens of billions of animals a year for meat and dairy. In the U.S., the dairy industry is responsible for about 2 percent of annual greenhouse gas emissions, as well as extensive land and water pollution. Compared to milks made from soy, almonds, oats, or rice, cow’s milk does worse in just about every category: It uses up to 22 times more water and 26 times more land, and generates 10 times more harmful runoff into lakes, rivers, and streams.  Workers at a dairy farm in Iowa. Wang Ying / Xinhua via Getty Images Eloísa Trinidad, executive director of the nonprofit Chilis on Wheels — which is part of of the Healthy Future Students and Planet Coalition — says climate and environmental concerns have caused a surge in youth opposition to school milk programs. “A lot of our students … are experiencing climate anxiety,” but feel that they can’t do anything about it, she said. “They don’t feel empowered by most school districts to take charge of their well-being, their health, or climate action.”  Trinidad says one 10th grader, frustrated with the USDA’s school milk policies, recently asked her, “Why doesn’t the government ask us what we want to eat?” A mismatch between how milk is distributed in schools and students’ desire to drink it means that up to 45 million gallons of milk are wasted annually — enough to fill 68 Olympic swimming pools. For now, getting cow’s milk out of school cafeterias is a political nonstarter; many legislators are loath to challenge the dairy lobby, or risk angering farmers. But Williamson, Raven Corps, and others have submitted comments to the USDA and endorsed federal bills that would at least add soy milk to the lunch menu — without the need for a doctor’s note. These bills include the Addressing Digestive Distress in Stomachs of Our Youth (ADD SOY) Act and the Healthy Future Students and Earth Pilot Program Act. Both would require school districts to provide nondairy milk to any student whose parent or guardian makes a written request. “Students and their families deserve healthy, plant-based, culturally appropriate meal options at school,” New York Representative Jamaal Bowman, a Democratic co-sponsor of the Healthy Future Students act, told Grist. Neither bill would eliminate dairy milk from school lunch programs, but many youth activists see them as a first step toward that longer-term goal. “Ideally in the next dozens of years, I’d love to see [cow’s milk] be replaced, but realistically, that’s not an option right now,” Williamson said. “The goal of the lawsuit is to make plant-based milk an option for anyone who wants it, even if they’re not lactose intolerant. They should be able to choose the more sustainable option.”  This story was originally published by Grist with the headline This LA teen is suing her school district — and the USDA — to promote nondairy milk on May 18, 2023.

A growing number of students nationwide are fighting the government's mandate to serve cow's milk in public schools.

Last fall, Marielle Williamson, a senior at Eagle Rock High School in Los Angeles, set up a table just outside her school’s college center. Stocked with free stickers and cartons of Oatly oat milk, she settled in to tell people about the environmental and ethical benefits of plant-based milk. Classmates soon crowded around for samples of oat- or pea protein-based beverages.

“Students loved it,” Williamson told Grist. 

But when she began planning a similar event this spring, school administrators pushed back. Citing federal regulations against school-sanctioned activities that could “directly or indirectly restrict the sale or marketing” of cow’s milk, school administrators refused to greenlight Williamson’s second event — unless she agreed to also distribute pro-dairy information.

That would “counter the whole point of the campaign,” Williamson said. “It felt wrong.” So she dropped the idea and opted for an alternative strategy, one that’s already drawing much more attention: a First Amendment legal complaint. On May 2, Williamson filed an unprecedented federal lawsuit against her school district and the U.S. Department of Agriculture, arguing that compelling her to distribute “dairy promotions” violates her right to free speech.

“I didn’t want to just sit there and be like, ‘OK, I guess I can’t do anything,’” she said. 

Williamson’s lawsuit, which was endorsed last week by the Los Angeles Times editorial board and is now the subject of national news coverage, has become a platform for her broader criticisms about the dairy industry. It’s part of a growing, youth-led movement against the Agriculture Department’s “milk mandate” — a requirement that public schools offer moo juice at every meal service — and other federal rules that make it difficult for students to access plant-based alternatives.

Some students oppose the rules because they are vegan. Others simply find cow’s milk gross. But they’re generally united by a few common factors: the prevalence of lactose intolerance, particularly among students of color; the way industrial dairy farms treat cows; and the industry’s outsize climate and environmental impacts. 

“Animal agriculture produces 14.5 percent of [global] greenhouse gas emissions and nobody’s talking about it,” Williamson said. At last year’s United Nations climate summit in Egypt, she added, “they had one booth on food out of hundreds.”

Marielle Williamson stands in front of a white table
Marielle Williamson hosted a successful “Scary Dairy” event for her peers in October 2022. Courtesy of Raven Corps

Under federal law, public schools participating in the National School Lunch Program — a child nutrition program established in 1946 — must offer two kinds of unflavored, low- or nonfat “fluid milk,” meaning skim or 1 percent, with every meal. Students can get a nondairy substitute, but only with a doctor’s note saying they have a “disability” restricting their diet. 

The U.S. Department of Agriculture, or USDA, says the program is intended to support kids’ healthy development, but experts say its roots are more political than nutritional. During World War II, the U.S. government encouraged farmers to produce more milk that it could send to soldiers overseas. Once the war was over, farmers found themselves with more of the stuff than they knew what to do with — and so the government created programs like the Milk Price Support Program to keep demand from falling.

To many medical groups, the school dairy requirement has become a clear anachronism. Research suggests that cow’s milk is unnecessary for, and even potentially detrimental to, healthy human development, and critics note that no other mammal drinks milk after a brief period at the beginning of life.

“There’s very little high-quality evidence, and no comparable mammalian example, to argue for the specialness of cow’s milk” after about age 2, Aaron Carroll, a professor of pediatrics at the Indiana University School of Medicine, wrote in a 2020 New York Times article

In fact, most people — about 68 percent of the global population, including the vast majority of people of color — can’t even digest milk after infancy. In the U.S., some 80 percent of all African Americans and Native Americans and more than 90 percent of Asian Americans have a genetic inability to digest lactose. Americans with Northern European heritage are least likely to be lactose intolerant, prompting some lawmakers to call the USDA’s mandatory milk program “dietary racism.”

“There would be reprisals if the United States were to put a product on the trays of white kids that caused potentially widespread adverse reactions,” 31 members of Congress said in a 2022 letter to Agriculture Secretary Thomas Vilsack.

To be clear, the USDA’s dairy rules don’t require students to actually take a carton of cow’s milk with their meals; schools just have to offer it. Fortified soy milk is supposed to be readily available to students who provide a doctor’s note saying they have a “disability,” but critics say this is a burdensome and belittling requirement.

“It’s ridiculous that a condition that affects 68 percent of the world would be considered a ‘disability,’” said Deborah Press, associate general counsel for the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine, a nonprofit that helped Williamson file her lawsuit. Press says the USDA’s dairy rules are designed to obstruct students’ access not only to plant-based alternatives, but to any beverage that isn’t cow’s milk. Indeed, schools cannot even offer bottled water in the lunch line, or in any manner that “interferes with or appears to substitute for” cow’s milk.

“The USDA has made [cow’s milk] virtually untouchable,” Press said. 

White tray with milk, smiley-faced french fries, apple sauce, and sausage
Lunch at a public school lunch in New Jersey. James Leynse / Corbis via Getty Images

Both the USDA and LA Unified School District, which includes Eagle Rock High School, declined to comment on the pending litigation. The school district did say its food services program follows USDA guidelines. “We continue to support our students with nutritious meals and healthy alternatives for those who have specific dietary requests and requirements,” a district representative said.

Even so, more and more young people are calling out the USDA policy. Williamson’s successful event last fall, for example, was held in conjunction with more than 100 other students across the country as part of a national day of action called “Scary Dairy,” organized by the Portland, Oregon-based nonprofit Raven Corps. The youth-led organization supports anti-dairy student activism through its Mind Over Milk campaign. 

“We’re the ones affected, we’re the ones drinking the milk of not being able to access the alternatives,” said Shubhangi Bose, a senior at Westview High School in Portland and Raven Corps’ policy and legislation lead. Other groups supporting young people in this effort include the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine, the Factory Farming Awareness Coalition, and more than a dozen additional members of the Healthy Future Students and Planet Coalition

Students Grist spoke with — including Williamson — said they’re motivated not only by the social justice implications of the USDA’s milk policies, but by the ethical and environmental implications of industrial dairy production. To them, milk’s protected status endorses animal cruelty and fuels the climate crisis.

“Animal agriculture contributes so much to climate change,” said Morgan Greenlaw, a senior at Palo Alto High School in Palo Alto, California, who held a plant-based event at her school this spring. Greenlaw, a self-described “die-hard vegan,” draws a direct line between the massive wildfires and smoky skies of her upbringing and the greenhouse gas emissions associated with raising tens of billions of animals a year for meat and dairy.

In the U.S., the dairy industry is responsible for about 2 percent of annual greenhouse gas emissions, as well as extensive land and water pollution. Compared to milks made from soy, almonds, oats, or rice, cow’s milk does worse in just about every category: It uses up to 22 times more water and 26 times more land, and generates 10 times more harmful runoff into lakes, rivers, and streams. 

Workers in a large-scale dairy farm attach tubes to cows.
Workers at a dairy farm in Iowa. Wang Ying / Xinhua via Getty Images

Eloísa Trinidad, executive director of the nonprofit Chilis on Wheels — which is part of of the Healthy Future Students and Planet Coalition — says climate and environmental concerns have caused a surge in youth opposition to school milk programs. “A lot of our students … are experiencing climate anxiety,” but feel that they can’t do anything about it, she said. “They don’t feel empowered by most school districts to take charge of their well-being, their health, or climate action.” 

Trinidad says one 10th grader, frustrated with the USDA’s school milk policies, recently asked her, “Why doesn’t the government ask us what we want to eat?” A mismatch between how milk is distributed in schools and students’ desire to drink it means that up to 45 million gallons of milk are wasted annually — enough to fill 68 Olympic swimming pools.

For now, getting cow’s milk out of school cafeterias is a political nonstarter; many legislators are loath to challenge the dairy lobby, or risk angering farmers. But Williamson, Raven Corps, and others have submitted comments to the USDA and endorsed federal bills that would at least add soy milk to the lunch menu — without the need for a doctor’s note. These bills include the Addressing Digestive Distress in Stomachs of Our Youth (ADD SOY) Act and the Healthy Future Students and Earth Pilot Program Act. Both would require school districts to provide nondairy milk to any student whose parent or guardian makes a written request.

“Students and their families deserve healthy, plant-based, culturally appropriate meal options at school,” New York Representative Jamaal Bowman, a Democratic co-sponsor of the Healthy Future Students act, told Grist.

Neither bill would eliminate dairy milk from school lunch programs, but many youth activists see them as a first step toward that longer-term goal.

“Ideally in the next dozens of years, I’d love to see [cow’s milk] be replaced, but realistically, that’s not an option right now,” Williamson said. “The goal of the lawsuit is to make plant-based milk an option for anyone who wants it, even if they’re not lactose intolerant. They should be able to choose the more sustainable option.” 

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline This LA teen is suing her school district — and the USDA — to promote nondairy milk on May 18, 2023.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Container deposit schemes reduce rubbish on our beaches. Here’s how we proved it

Volunteers have been collecting and sorting washed-up rubbish on the beach for years. Thanks to their efforts, we have data on whether container deposit schemes help the issue.

ShutterstockOur beaches are in trouble. Limited recycling programs and a society that throws away so much have resulted in more than 3 million tonnes of plastic polluting the oceans. An estimated 1.5–1.9% of this rubbish ends up on beaches. So can waste-management strategies such as container deposit schemes make a difference to this 50,000–60,000 tonnes of beach rubbish? The Queensland government started a container deposit scheme in 2019. We wanted to know if it reduced the rubbish that washed up on beaches in a tourist hotspot, the Whitsundays region. To find out, our study, the first of its kind, used data from a community volunteer group through the Australian Marine Debris Initiative Database. It turned out that for the types of rubbish included in the scheme – plastic bottles and aluminium cans – the answer was an emphatic yes. Read more: Spotting plastic waste from space and counting the fish in the seas: here's how AI can help protect the oceans Container deposit schemes work After the scheme began, there were fewer plastic bottles and aluminium cans on Whitsundays beaches. Volunteer clean-up workers collected an average of about 120 containers per beach visit before the scheme began in 2019. This number fell to 77 in 2020. Not only that, but those numbers stayed down year after year. This means people continued to take part in the scheme for years. Rubbish that wasn’t part of the scheme still found its way to the beaches. However, more types of rubbish such as larger glass bottles are being added to the four-year-old Queensland scheme. Other states and territories have had schemes like this for many years, the oldest in South Australia since 1971. But we didn’t have access to beach data from before and after those schemes started. So our findings are great news, especially as some of these other schemes are set to expand too. The evidence also supports the creation of new schemes in Victoria this November and Tasmania next year. These developments give reason to hope we will see further reductions in beach litter. Read more: Spin the bottle: the fraught politics of container deposit schemes The data came from the community To find out whether the scheme has reduced specific sorts of rubbish on beaches we needed a large amount of data from before and after it began. The unsung heroes of this study are the diligent volunteers who provided us with these data. They have been recording the types and amounts of rubbish found during their cleanups at Whitsundays beaches for years. Eco Barge Clean Seas Inc has been doing this work since 2009. In taking that extra step of counting and sorting the rubbish, they may not have known it at the time, but they were creating a data gold mine. We would eventually use their data to prove the container deposit scheme works. The rubbish clean-ups are continuing. This means we’ll be able to see how adding more rubbish types to the scheme will further reduce rubbish on beaches. The long-term perspective we can gain from such data is testament to this sustained community effort. Read more: Local efforts have cut plastic waste on Australia's beaches by almost 30% in 6 years There’s still more work to do So if we recycle our plastics, why do we still get beaches covered in rubbish? The reality is that most plastics aren’t recycled. This is mainly due to two problems: technological limitations on the sorting needed to avoid contamination of waste streams inadequate incentives for people to reduce contamination by properly sorting their waste, and ultimately to use products made from recycled waste. Our findings show we can create more sustainable practices and a cleaner environment when individuals are given incentives to recycle. However, container deposit schemes don’t just provide a financial reward. Getting people directly involved in recycling fosters a sense of responsibility for the environment. This connection between people’s actions and outcomes is a key to such schemes’ success. Read more: The new 100% recyclable packaging target is no use if our waste isn't actually recycled Our study also shows how invaluable community-driven clean-up projects are. Not only do they reduce environmental harm and improve our experiences on beaches, but they can also provide scientists like us with the data we need to show how waste-management policies affect the environment. Waste management is a concern for communities, policymakers and environmentalists around the world. The lessons from our study apply not only in Australia but anywhere that communities can work with scientists and governments to solve environmental problems. The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

How California lawmakers greenlit ‘any flavor of affordable housing you could possibly want’

A patchwork of bills are giving housing developers and local governments more options to reduce red tape for housing projects.

In summary A patchwork of bills are giving housing developers and local governments more options to reduce red tape for housing projects. You may not have seen the headlines (there weren’t any). You may have missed the raucous debate (there wasn’t much of one). But with the end of the legislative session last week, California is now on the verge of laying down a welcome mat for most major affordable housing projects across the state. That’s not because of a single bill, but a patchwork of current and former legislation that, taken together, “basically covers any flavor of affordable housing you could possibly want to build,” said Linda Mandolini, president of Eden Housing, an affordable housing development nonprofit. Homes designated for low-income occupants, like all housing projects, face a gauntlet of potential challenges and hold-ups that add to the already exorbitant cost of affordable housing in California. Those hurdles include lawsuits filed under the wide-ranging California Environmental Quality Act, extensive public hearings and other forms of opposition from local government. Now, affordable housing projects — in most places and most of the time — may soon be exempt from all that, fitted out in a suit of procedural armor made up of some half a dozen bills and laws. A bill now sitting on the governor’s desk would cover up one of the last chinks in that armor. Assembly Bill 1449, authored by two Democratic Assemblymembers, David Alvarez of San Diego and Buffy Wicks of Oakland, would exempt certain affordable apartment developments from review under CEQA. To qualify, projects would have to be located in dense urban areas, set aside each unit for someone earning less than 80% the area median income and abide by stricter labor standards, among other requirements.  Though modest and technical-sounding, that’s unusually broad for new construction in California.  “I do think it’s gonna be very consequential but it’s kind of flown under the radar,” Alvarez said. His explanation why: “The politics of where Californians are and certainly where the Legislature is — we want to see results. We want to see housing being produced.” Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story D David Alvarez State Assembly, District 80 (Chula Vista) Expand for more about this legislator D David Alvarez State Assembly, District 80 (Chula Vista) Time in office 2022—present Background Small Business Owner Contact Email Legislator How he voted 2021-2022 Liberal Conservative District 80 Demographics Voter Registration Dem 47% GOP 20% No party 26% Campaign Contributions Asm. David Alvarez has taken at least $192,000 from the Finance, Insurance & Real Estate sector since he was elected to the legislature. That represents 9% of his total campaign contributions. Taken together with a handful of other bills and current laws, said Mark Stivers, a lobbyist with the California Housing Partnership, which co-sponsored AB 1449, the new legislation “effectively make it possible for affordable housing providers to develop nearly all viable sites in California by-right and exempt from CEQA review.” Speeding up approval for these projects comes with a trade-off. Environmental justice organizations, labor unions and various opponents of new development see CEQA as a vital tool to weigh in and on what gets built, where and and under what terms.  “Our communities rely heavily on CEQA to be able to get more information about proposed developments that might be contributing to further pollution,” said Grecia Orozco, a staff attorney with the nonprofit Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment.  Local activists also often flood the public meetings of city councils and planning boards to pressure elected officials to block unpopular projects or extract concessions from developers.  Whether AB 1449 and a handful of similar bills become law is now up to Gov. Gavin Newsom. Supporters have reason to be optimistic. The Newsom administration is pushing local governments to approve an unprecedented 2.5 million additional homes by 2030, he called the CEQA process “broken” and in the spring he rolled out a package of bills aimed at speeding up environmental challenges to projects — though housing was not included.  He has until Oct. 14 to sign or veto the bills now sitting on his desk. A patchwork of carve-outs  The Alvarez-Wicks bill isn’t the first legislative effort to grease the skids for new affordable housing.  Two others, both authored by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener, would force local governments to automatically approve apartment buildings in housing-strapped parts of the state and most affordable housing projects on the properties of houses of worship and nonprofit colleges, so long as they comply with a list zoning, affordability and labor requirements.  A third piece of legislation by San Jose Democratic Sen. Dave Cortese exempts the decision by local governments to fund affordable housing projects from environmental challenges, too. Newsom already signed it. “We want to see housing being produced.”Assemblymember David alvarez, democrat, chula vista Still awaiting the governor’s pen are a handful of bills that make it more difficult to stall housing projects though environmental lawsuits in general. That includes a bill by Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Berkeley Democrat, that would make it easier for courts to toss out environmental challenges they deem “frivolous” or “solely intended to cause unnecessary delay.” Another by Assemblymember Phil Ting, a San Francisco Democrat, would give local officials a deadline by which to approve or deny a project’s environmental review. The Ting proposal was fiercely opposed by many environmental activists and the State Building and Construction Trades Council, an umbrella group that represents many unionized construction workers. The bill would also make it more difficult for courts to award legal fees to groups that sue to block projects through CEQA. J.P. Rose, a staff attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity, which regularly brings such suits, called that provision “the largest weakening of CEQA in recent history.” The fact that this long list of bills passed the Legislature — some by healthy margins — amounts to a notable political shift, said Christopher Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis who advised Ting on the bill. “I think it illustrates that a sea change is underfoot in how people are starting to think about these environmental review laws,” he said, though he noted that the shift in California is still modest compared to those underway in other states.  Earlier this year, the Washington legislature nearly unanimously passed a law to exempt virtually all new urban housing from that state’s environmental protection law. The grand bargain continued Many of the California bills build on a law passed last year that streamlines affordable housing construction along commercial corridors.  In cobbling together the law, its author, Wicks, struck a compromise: In exempting certain housing projects from environmental challenge and other local hurdles, developers would pay workers a higher minimum wage, provide them with health care benefits and abide by other stricter labor standards. That trade was the key to winning the support of the state carpenters’ union and breaking up a legislative logjam that had stymied housing production bills for years.  It also provided a template for Wiener’s two streamlining bills this year, along with the Alvarez-Wicks CEQA exemption proposal.  “That really laid the foundation for those of us who did work in the housing space this year,” said Alvarez. “Our communities rely heavily on CEQA to be able to get more information about proposed developments that might be contributing to further pollution.”Grecia Orozco, staff attorney, the nonprofit Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment Not every pro-housing advocate or CEQA critic is so content with the bargain. “A lot of these bills help a little,” said Jennifer Hernandez, a land use attorney at the law firm Holland & Knight, who has catalogued CEQA challenges to housing projects for years. But she notes that swapping out the threat of environmental litigation with higher payroll expenses just replaces one cost with another.  In practice, she said, these exemptions are only likely to clear the way for substantial new housing construction in higher cost areas where developers can make up the difference by charging higher rents to non-subsidized residents. “You really need premium rentals to pay for those higher labor standards,” she said. But for many affordable housing developers, it’s still a trade worth making. “You’ve got really strong laws, clear exemptions, and an attorney general who’s willing to step up and say you got to build it,” said Mandolini with Eden Housing, who has been working on housing in the state for more than two decades. “This is the best it has been in California…If this had all existed 20 years ago, we might have built a lot more housing a lot faster.”

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