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‘TD crew’ got heads up Canada would obscure involvement in Trans Mountain pipeline bailout

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Wednesday, May 24, 2023

By Carl Meyer An executive at the federally owned Trans Mountain corporation gave TD Bank a heads up that the government would obscure the financial institution’s involvement in a multibillion dollar bailout for the struggling oil pipeline, according to an email obtained by The Narwhal. Trans Mountain chief financial officer Mark Maki gave the assurance to six people working for Toronto-Dominion Bank’s investment banking arm, TD Securities, in the May 2022 email obtained under access to information law. Maki opened his message to the six bankers by amicably greeting them as the “TD crew.” He also sent them an advance copy of Finance Canada’s news release about the government’s latest effort to support the construction of the pipeline’s expansion project. The email provides a glimpse at private conversations between the federal government and Canada’s big banks in the lead-up to Ottawa’s decision to support a $10 billion loan to Trans Mountain from a financial syndicate. The federal government’s support came in the form of a loan guarantee — meaning the public would assume the loan’s financial risk. It also provides a stark example of how the government offered to protect bankers from criticism about their involvement in the controversial pipeline expansion. “TD crew, the Government of Canada will be issuing a news release shortly to deal with inbound requests with respect to the status of [Trans Mountain corporation] financing,” Maki, who spent three decades at rival pipeline company Enbridge, told the bankers. “Please note no specific callout of the syndicate members.” Trans Mountain and Finance Canada say information about the banks’ involvement was public to anyone with a subscription to financial data services — which can cost upwards of US$20,000. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal Government defends decision to obscure banks behind Trans Mountain loan The government decided to offer the loan guarantee in the wake of Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland ruling out any further direct public funding for the pipeline’s expansion, leaving private lending as the main alternative. Canada Development Investment Corporation, the Crown corporation that owns the pipeline and reports to Parliament through Freeland, said in its 2021 annual report that the pipeline would require “necessary external financing” or else it couldn’t complete the construction project. But the loan guarantee was put in place despite the fact that the cost of completing the pipeline’s expansion had swelled to $21 billion from an initial cost estimate of $7.4 billion. (The cost has since grown further to more than $30 billion as of March 2023.) In backing the loan, the government also put taxpayers on the hook in the event the expansion project is cancelled, according to a financial report from the Crown corporation. Investigating problems. Exploring solutions The Narwhal’s reporters are telling environment stories you won’t read about anywhere else. Stay in the loop by signing up for a weekly dose of independent journalism. Investigating problems. Exploring solutions The Narwhal’s reporters are telling environment stories you won’t read about anywhere else. Stay in the loop by signing up for a weekly dose of independent journalism. Despite the uncertainty involved in placing the risks of a $10 billion financing deal for a project plagued with cost overruns into the public’s hands, Ottawa’s conversations with the banks were carried out behind closed doors. Even after Finance Canada revealed details of the loan in a public announcement, the department left out TD’s name, and the names of the syndicate’s other members. A CBC News report from the time, for example, noted “the statement didn’t say which institutions are funding the pipeline’s completion.” Trans Mountain and Finance Canada have defended their decision not to be proactive about telling Canadians how the banks were involved in the $10 billion deal. The pipeline company and federal department argue the information was already available for people with a subscription to financial data services. “When this news release was issued, information about the lenders was already public,” a spokesperson for Finance Canada said. “The transaction was disclosed through data services like Bloomberg and Refinitiv.” The Bloomberg Terminal is a popular financial data service, costing around US$24,000 per year to access. Refinitiv Eikon is a competitor, and costs around US$22,000. Other data services can come cheaper, but most require paid subscriptions of some sort to access, although they may have free trials. Asked why TD was given a heads up about not being named in the government’s announcement, a spokesperson for Trans Mountain called it a “courtesy.” The email from Maki and a copy of Finance Canada’s announcement were the only documents released to The Narwhal after requesting all correspondence between Trans Mountain and the department, concerning the loan guarantee. The Narwhal could not confirm whether other banks were notified prior to the news release being published. The Trans Mountain pipeline runs from the Edmonton area to B.C.’s Burnaby Terminal, seen here. Because the government owns the pipeline, critics say conversations about securing its private financing should have been in the public sphere. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal ‘Finance Canada is lying,’ says Stand.earth’s climate finance director Environmental advocacy group Stand.earth accessed the financial data from the Bloomberg Terminal in May 2022. They discovered that the syndicate backing the pipeline was comprised of TD, along with all of Canada’s other “big five” banks — Bank of Montreal (BMO), Bank of Nova Scotia (Scotiabank), Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce (CIBC) and Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) — as well as National Bank of Canada. Due to the significant price tag for access, the data the group obtained should not be understood to have been publicly available, the group’s climate finance director Richard Brooks said in an interview. “Finance Canada is lying, you can quote me on that. They’re lying, it wasn’t public,” he said. Because the government owns the pipeline, conversations and negotiations about securing private financing “should have been in the public sphere and not behind closed doors,” Brooks argued. The fact that TD Bank was offered an advance copy of the news release from Finance Canada, he added, also raises questions about government accountability. “Our government should be accountable to us Canadians, not to the bank,” Brooks said. “This is part of the reason why we can’t leave it to our Canadian banks to [scale back] their activities when it comes to fossil fuel financing.” The Canadian Bankers Association, an industry group that represents TD Bank and Canada’s other big banks, said it would decline to comment on Maki’s email. Four spokespeople for TD Bank did not return requests for comment from The Narwhal. Economist Robyn Allan said TD Bank’s dual role as financial advisor for, and lender to, the Trans Mountain pipeline is an “obvious contradiction” that the secrecy surrounding the loan has highlighted. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal Secrecy surrounding TD highlights ‘obvious contradiction’ for big bank: expert There is an “obvious contradiction” in the role that TD Bank has played when it comes to Trans Mountain, argued independent economist Robyn Allan, a former president of the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia and a prominent critic of the pipeline expansion project. Trans Mountain’s expansion will nearly triple the pipeline’s capacity to 890,000 barrels per day of crude oil and other petroleum products flowing from near Edmonton to a Vancouver-area marine terminal. In 2015, Allan withdrew her status as an intervenor in the federal energy regulator’s review of the expansion project, accusing the regulator of ignoring issues like the impact of increased carbon pollution from the oilpatch that the pipeline would facilitate. The contradiction with TD comes from its dual role as financial advisor and lender, Allan said. As a financial advisor, TD Securities, along with BMO Capital Markets, found in early 2022 the project was still “commercially viable” despite cost estimates that were already elevated at the time, according to a Finance Canada statement issued three months before Maki’s email. Yet as a lender, the bank’s participation in the syndicated loan to Trans Mountain came with a government guarantee, “as if the project is too risky — as if it is not commercially viable,” Allan said. “None of the information regarding TD’s financial viability analysis has been made public, so it is not possible to check the veracity of TD’s financial viability claim,” she said. Adding to this contradiction is the fact the government felt the need to hide TD’s involvement in the syndicated loan, Allan said. “This behaviour raises red flags as to what [else] TD and the Government of Canada are trying to hide,” she said. TD’s public connection with Trans Mountain dates back to before Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government bought the pipeline and its expansion project from Texas energy company Kinder Morgan in 2018. In 2017, the bank acted as a lead underwriter for a $1.7 billion initial public offering for Kinder Morgan Canada Limited, and in 2018 it helped finance Canada’s $4.7 billion purchase of the pipeline. That same year, TD Securities also wrote the opinion that the government’s offer at the time was fair. Now, with costs continuing to rise, other financial analyses, such as that from the Parliamentary Budget Officer, have questioned the ability of Trans Mountain to cover its debts. Allan herself concluded in an October 2022 report for West Coast Environmental Law that the tolls shippers on the pipeline will pay once the expansion project is operational, have not kept pace with the construction costs. Meanwhile, the project continues to face “numerous technically challenging construction activities,” like groundwater leaching into mountain drilling areas and problems sourcing specialty cement for a tunnel, according to the Crown corporation. This “adds uncertainty in costs and schedule” to the predicted timeline of completion by 2023, it said. The pipeline has also faced controversy over inadequate consultations with Indigenous communities, including a Federal Court of Appeal decision in 2018 that said Canada failed to meaningfully consult with Indigenous Peoples about the expansion project, quashing Trudeau’s original approval of it. The Tsleil-Waututh Nation, which argued in that case that Canada failed in its duty to consult, wrote a letter to TD Bank’s CEO Bharat Masrani in March 2022, warning the bank against considering any financing for Trans Mountain’s expansion plans, in light of the risks from climate change and infringing human rights. As of December 2022, Trans Mountain corporation was $23.3 billion in debt, and it still needs an additional $3 to $5 billion of funding. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal New $13 billion Trans Mountain loan still may not be enough, Crown corporation says Cabinet approved the $10 billion loan guarantee on April 29, 2022. Maki sent his message a couple weeks later to four people in the Calgary office of TD Securities who work in global energy, loan syndications and corporate credit, according to their LinkedIn profiles, and two more at the bank’s Toronto office. He copied a lawyer and a vice-president for Trans Mountain, an executive at the Crown corporation and two officials at Finance Canada — a director of corporate finance and a senior advisor to the deputy minister. The $10 billion in financing was structured as a revolving credit facility, which is sort of like a credit card, where the borrower can make withdrawals, repay and then make further withdrawals. By the end of 2022, the pipeline company had withdrawn $7.2 billion from it, according to Canada Development Investment Corporation’s 2023 to 2027 corporate plan summary. In exchange for the federal government’s guarantee of the loan, the company paid a fee. At the end of 2022 it had racked up $36.8 million in guarantee fees, according to the corporate plan. The $10 billion deal had a one-year term. In May 2023, Trans Mountain secured a new financing deal, one with a two-year term and a higher borrowing limit of $13 billion, the corporate plan shows. Stand.earth, the environmental advocacy group, obtained financial data in May that confirmed this new arrangement. The data shows all of Canada’s “big five” banks are again involved, as well as National Bank. As of December 2022, Trans Mountain corporation was $23.3 billion in debt. In the four and a half years between the time the pipeline was bought by the government and the end of 2022, the pipeline company has sunk “over $18 billion” into the expansion project, the corporate plan confirmed. Even so, Trans Mountain says it still needs more money. The Crown corporation’s plan says an additional $3 to $5 billion of funding “will be required and has not been fully identified.” In the event that it can’t secure this funding, the Crown corporation said construction of the pipeline expansion would need to be halted, and workers laid off. If the expansion project was cancelled, it said, “borrowings outstanding under the [loan] would have the government guarantee triggered.”

By Carl Meyer Finance Canada disputes critics who say government is hiding something

Suburban neighbourhood with construction project through the middle showing pipeline segments.

An executive at the federally owned Trans Mountain corporation gave TD Bank a heads up that the government would obscure the financial institution’s involvement in a multibillion dollar bailout for the struggling oil pipeline, according to an email obtained by The Narwhal.

Trans Mountain chief financial officer Mark Maki gave the assurance to six people working for Toronto-Dominion Bank’s investment banking arm, TD Securities, in the May 2022 email obtained under access to information law.

Maki opened his message to the six bankers by amicably greeting them as the “TD crew.” He also sent them an advance copy of Finance Canada’s news release about the government’s latest effort to support the construction of the pipeline’s expansion project.

The email provides a glimpse at private conversations between the federal government and Canada’s big banks in the lead-up to Ottawa’s decision to support a $10 billion loan to Trans Mountain from a financial syndicate. The federal government’s support came in the form of a loan guarantee — meaning the public would assume the loan’s financial risk. It also provides a stark example of how the government offered to protect bankers from criticism about their involvement in the controversial pipeline expansion.

“TD crew, the Government of Canada will be issuing a news release shortly to deal with inbound requests with respect to the status of [Trans Mountain corporation] financing,” Maki, who spent three decades at rival pipeline company Enbridge, told the bankers.

“Please note no specific callout of the syndicate members.”

A construction site with many green pipeline segments in the foreground.
Trans Mountain and Finance Canada say information about the banks’ involvement was public to anyone with a subscription to financial data services — which can cost upwards of US$20,000. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal

Government defends decision to obscure banks behind Trans Mountain loan

The government decided to offer the loan guarantee in the wake of Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland ruling out any further direct public funding for the pipeline’s expansion, leaving private lending as the main alternative.

Canada Development Investment Corporation, the Crown corporation that owns the pipeline and reports to Parliament through Freeland, said in its 2021 annual report that the pipeline would require “necessary external financing” or else it couldn’t complete the construction project.

But the loan guarantee was put in place despite the fact that the cost of completing the pipeline’s expansion had swelled to $21 billion from an initial cost estimate of $7.4 billion. (The cost has since grown further to more than $30 billion as of March 2023.)

In backing the loan, the government also put taxpayers on the hook in the event the expansion project is cancelled, according to a financial report from the Crown corporation.

Investigating problems. Exploring solutions
The Narwhal’s reporters are telling environment stories you won’t read about anywhere else. Stay in the loop by signing up for a weekly dose of independent journalism.
Investigating problems. Exploring solutions
The Narwhal’s reporters are telling environment stories you won’t read about anywhere else. Stay in the loop by signing up for a weekly dose of independent journalism.

Despite the uncertainty involved in placing the risks of a $10 billion financing deal for a project plagued with cost overruns into the public’s hands, Ottawa’s conversations with the banks were carried out behind closed doors.

Even after Finance Canada revealed details of the loan in a public announcement, the department left out TD’s name, and the names of the syndicate’s other members. A CBC News report from the time, for example, noted “the statement didn’t say which institutions are funding the pipeline’s completion.”

Trans Mountain and Finance Canada have defended their decision not to be proactive about telling Canadians how the banks were involved in the $10 billion deal. The pipeline company and federal department argue the information was already available for people with a subscription to financial data services.

“When this news release was issued, information about the lenders was already public,” a spokesperson for Finance Canada said. “The transaction was disclosed through data services like Bloomberg and Refinitiv.”

The Bloomberg Terminal is a popular financial data service, costing around US$24,000 per year to access. Refinitiv Eikon is a competitor, and costs around US$22,000. Other data services can come cheaper, but most require paid subscriptions of some sort to access, although they may have free trials.

Asked why TD was given a heads up about not being named in the government’s announcement, a spokesperson for Trans Mountain called it a “courtesy.”

The email from Maki and a copy of Finance Canada’s announcement were the only documents released to The Narwhal after requesting all correspondence between Trans Mountain and the department, concerning the loan guarantee. The Narwhal could not confirm whether other banks were notified prior to the news release being published.

Aerial view of an oil marine terminal set against a mountainous background.
The Trans Mountain pipeline runs from the Edmonton area to B.C.’s Burnaby Terminal, seen here. Because the government owns the pipeline, critics say conversations about securing its private financing should have been in the public sphere. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal

‘Finance Canada is lying,’ says Stand.earth’s climate finance director

Environmental advocacy group Stand.earth accessed the financial data from the Bloomberg Terminal in May 2022.

They discovered that the syndicate backing the pipeline was comprised of TD, along with all of Canada’s other “big five” banks — Bank of Montreal (BMO), Bank of Nova Scotia (Scotiabank), Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce (CIBC) and Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) — as well as National Bank of Canada.

Due to the significant price tag for access, the data the group obtained should not be understood to have been publicly available, the group’s climate finance director Richard Brooks said in an interview.

“Finance Canada is lying, you can quote me on that. They’re lying, it wasn’t public,” he said.

Because the government owns the pipeline, conversations and negotiations about securing private financing “should have been in the public sphere and not behind closed doors,” Brooks argued.

The fact that TD Bank was offered an advance copy of the news release from Finance Canada, he added, also raises questions about government accountability.

“Our government should be accountable to us Canadians, not to the bank,” Brooks said. “This is part of the reason why we can’t leave it to our Canadian banks to [scale back] their activities when it comes to fossil fuel financing.”

The Canadian Bankers Association, an industry group that represents TD Bank and Canada’s other big banks, said it would decline to comment on Maki’s email.

Four spokespeople for TD Bank did not return requests for comment from The Narwhal.

Aerial view of a suburb and construction of a pipeline cutting through a neighbourhood with mountains in the background.
Economist Robyn Allan said TD Bank’s dual role as financial advisor for, and lender to, the Trans Mountain pipeline is an “obvious contradiction” that the secrecy surrounding the loan has highlighted. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal

Secrecy surrounding TD highlights ‘obvious contradiction’ for big bank: expert

There is an “obvious contradiction” in the role that TD Bank has played when it comes to Trans Mountain, argued independent economist Robyn Allan, a former president of the Insurance Corporation of British Columbia and a prominent critic of the pipeline expansion project.

Trans Mountain’s expansion will nearly triple the pipeline’s capacity to 890,000 barrels per day of crude oil and other petroleum products flowing from near Edmonton to a Vancouver-area marine terminal. In 2015, Allan withdrew her status as an intervenor in the federal energy regulator’s review of the expansion project, accusing the regulator of ignoring issues like the impact of increased carbon pollution from the oilpatch that the pipeline would facilitate.

The contradiction with TD comes from its dual role as financial advisor and lender, Allan said.

As a financial advisor, TD Securities, along with BMO Capital Markets, found in early 2022 the project was still “commercially viable” despite cost estimates that were already elevated at the time, according to a Finance Canada statement issued three months before Maki’s email.

Yet as a lender, the bank’s participation in the syndicated loan to Trans Mountain came with a government guarantee, “as if the project is too risky — as if it is not commercially viable,” Allan said.

“None of the information regarding TD’s financial viability analysis has been made public, so it is not possible to check the veracity of TD’s financial viability claim,” she said.

Adding to this contradiction is the fact the government felt the need to hide TD’s involvement in the syndicated loan, Allan said. “This behaviour raises red flags as to what [else] TD and the Government of Canada are trying to hide,” she said.

TD’s public connection with Trans Mountain dates back to before Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government bought the pipeline and its expansion project from Texas energy company Kinder Morgan in 2018.

In 2017, the bank acted as a lead underwriter for a $1.7 billion initial public offering for Kinder Morgan Canada Limited, and in 2018 it helped finance Canada’s $4.7 billion purchase of the pipeline. That same year, TD Securities also wrote the opinion that the government’s offer at the time was fair.

Now, with costs continuing to rise, other financial analyses, such as that from the Parliamentary Budget Officer, have questioned the ability of Trans Mountain to cover its debts. Allan herself concluded in an October 2022 report for West Coast Environmental Law that the tolls shippers on the pipeline will pay once the expansion project is operational, have not kept pace with the construction costs.

Meanwhile, the project continues to face “numerous technically challenging construction activities,” like groundwater leaching into mountain drilling areas and problems sourcing specialty cement for a tunnel, according to the Crown corporation. This “adds uncertainty in costs and schedule” to the predicted timeline of completion by 2023, it said.

The pipeline has also faced controversy over inadequate consultations with Indigenous communities, including a Federal Court of Appeal decision in 2018 that said Canada failed to meaningfully consult with Indigenous Peoples about the expansion project, quashing Trudeau’s original approval of it.

The Tsleil-Waututh Nation, which argued in that case that Canada failed in its duty to consult, wrote a letter to TD Bank’s CEO Bharat Masrani in March 2022, warning the bank against considering any financing for Trans Mountain’s expansion plans, in light of the risks from climate change and infringing human rights.

Pipeline segments through a path in the forest.
As of December 2022, Trans Mountain corporation was $23.3 billion in debt, and it still needs an additional $3 to $5 billion of funding. Photo: Jesse Winter / The Narwhal

New $13 billion Trans Mountain loan still may not be enough, Crown corporation says

Cabinet approved the $10 billion loan guarantee on April 29, 2022. Maki sent his message a couple weeks later to four people in the Calgary office of TD Securities who work in global energy, loan syndications and corporate credit, according to their LinkedIn profiles, and two more at the bank’s Toronto office.

He copied a lawyer and a vice-president for Trans Mountain, an executive at the Crown corporation and two officials at Finance Canada — a director of corporate finance and a senior advisor to the deputy minister.

The $10 billion in financing was structured as a revolving credit facility, which is sort of like a credit card, where the borrower can make withdrawals, repay and then make further withdrawals.

By the end of 2022, the pipeline company had withdrawn $7.2 billion from it, according to Canada Development Investment Corporation’s 2023 to 2027 corporate plan summary.

In exchange for the federal government’s guarantee of the loan, the company paid a fee. At the end of 2022 it had racked up $36.8 million in guarantee fees, according to the corporate plan.

The $10 billion deal had a one-year term. In May 2023, Trans Mountain secured a new financing deal, one with a two-year term and a higher borrowing limit of $13 billion, the corporate plan shows.

Stand.earth, the environmental advocacy group, obtained financial data in May that confirmed this new arrangement. The data shows all of Canada’s “big five” banks are again involved, as well as National Bank.

As of December 2022, Trans Mountain corporation was $23.3 billion in debt. In the four and a half years between the time the pipeline was bought by the government and the end of 2022, the pipeline company has sunk “over $18 billion” into the expansion project, the corporate plan confirmed.

Even so, Trans Mountain says it still needs more money.

The Crown corporation’s plan says an additional $3 to $5 billion of funding “will be required and has not been fully identified.” In the event that it can’t secure this funding, the Crown corporation said construction of the pipeline expansion would need to be halted, and workers laid off.

If the expansion project was cancelled, it said, “borrowings outstanding under the [loan] would have the government guarantee triggered.”

Read the full story here.
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Container deposit schemes reduce rubbish on our beaches. Here’s how we proved it

Volunteers have been collecting and sorting washed-up rubbish on the beach for years. Thanks to their efforts, we have data on whether container deposit schemes help the issue.

ShutterstockOur beaches are in trouble. Limited recycling programs and a society that throws away so much have resulted in more than 3 million tonnes of plastic polluting the oceans. An estimated 1.5–1.9% of this rubbish ends up on beaches. So can waste-management strategies such as container deposit schemes make a difference to this 50,000–60,000 tonnes of beach rubbish? The Queensland government started a container deposit scheme in 2019. We wanted to know if it reduced the rubbish that washed up on beaches in a tourist hotspot, the Whitsundays region. To find out, our study, the first of its kind, used data from a community volunteer group through the Australian Marine Debris Initiative Database. It turned out that for the types of rubbish included in the scheme – plastic bottles and aluminium cans – the answer was an emphatic yes. Read more: Spotting plastic waste from space and counting the fish in the seas: here's how AI can help protect the oceans Container deposit schemes work After the scheme began, there were fewer plastic bottles and aluminium cans on Whitsundays beaches. Volunteer clean-up workers collected an average of about 120 containers per beach visit before the scheme began in 2019. This number fell to 77 in 2020. Not only that, but those numbers stayed down year after year. This means people continued to take part in the scheme for years. Rubbish that wasn’t part of the scheme still found its way to the beaches. However, more types of rubbish such as larger glass bottles are being added to the four-year-old Queensland scheme. Other states and territories have had schemes like this for many years, the oldest in South Australia since 1971. But we didn’t have access to beach data from before and after those schemes started. So our findings are great news, especially as some of these other schemes are set to expand too. The evidence also supports the creation of new schemes in Victoria this November and Tasmania next year. These developments give reason to hope we will see further reductions in beach litter. Read more: Spin the bottle: the fraught politics of container deposit schemes The data came from the community To find out whether the scheme has reduced specific sorts of rubbish on beaches we needed a large amount of data from before and after it began. The unsung heroes of this study are the diligent volunteers who provided us with these data. They have been recording the types and amounts of rubbish found during their cleanups at Whitsundays beaches for years. Eco Barge Clean Seas Inc has been doing this work since 2009. In taking that extra step of counting and sorting the rubbish, they may not have known it at the time, but they were creating a data gold mine. We would eventually use their data to prove the container deposit scheme works. The rubbish clean-ups are continuing. This means we’ll be able to see how adding more rubbish types to the scheme will further reduce rubbish on beaches. The long-term perspective we can gain from such data is testament to this sustained community effort. Read more: Local efforts have cut plastic waste on Australia's beaches by almost 30% in 6 years There’s still more work to do So if we recycle our plastics, why do we still get beaches covered in rubbish? The reality is that most plastics aren’t recycled. This is mainly due to two problems: technological limitations on the sorting needed to avoid contamination of waste streams inadequate incentives for people to reduce contamination by properly sorting their waste, and ultimately to use products made from recycled waste. Our findings show we can create more sustainable practices and a cleaner environment when individuals are given incentives to recycle. However, container deposit schemes don’t just provide a financial reward. Getting people directly involved in recycling fosters a sense of responsibility for the environment. This connection between people’s actions and outcomes is a key to such schemes’ success. Read more: The new 100% recyclable packaging target is no use if our waste isn't actually recycled Our study also shows how invaluable community-driven clean-up projects are. Not only do they reduce environmental harm and improve our experiences on beaches, but they can also provide scientists like us with the data we need to show how waste-management policies affect the environment. Waste management is a concern for communities, policymakers and environmentalists around the world. The lessons from our study apply not only in Australia but anywhere that communities can work with scientists and governments to solve environmental problems. The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

How California lawmakers greenlit ‘any flavor of affordable housing you could possibly want’

A patchwork of bills are giving housing developers and local governments more options to reduce red tape for housing projects.

In summary A patchwork of bills are giving housing developers and local governments more options to reduce red tape for housing projects. You may not have seen the headlines (there weren’t any). You may have missed the raucous debate (there wasn’t much of one). But with the end of the legislative session last week, California is now on the verge of laying down a welcome mat for most major affordable housing projects across the state. That’s not because of a single bill, but a patchwork of current and former legislation that, taken together, “basically covers any flavor of affordable housing you could possibly want to build,” said Linda Mandolini, president of Eden Housing, an affordable housing development nonprofit. Homes designated for low-income occupants, like all housing projects, face a gauntlet of potential challenges and hold-ups that add to the already exorbitant cost of affordable housing in California. Those hurdles include lawsuits filed under the wide-ranging California Environmental Quality Act, extensive public hearings and other forms of opposition from local government. Now, affordable housing projects — in most places and most of the time — may soon be exempt from all that, fitted out in a suit of procedural armor made up of some half a dozen bills and laws. A bill now sitting on the governor’s desk would cover up one of the last chinks in that armor. Assembly Bill 1449, authored by two Democratic Assemblymembers, David Alvarez of San Diego and Buffy Wicks of Oakland, would exempt certain affordable apartment developments from review under CEQA. To qualify, projects would have to be located in dense urban areas, set aside each unit for someone earning less than 80% the area median income and abide by stricter labor standards, among other requirements.  Though modest and technical-sounding, that’s unusually broad for new construction in California.  “I do think it’s gonna be very consequential but it’s kind of flown under the radar,” Alvarez said. His explanation why: “The politics of where Californians are and certainly where the Legislature is — we want to see results. We want to see housing being produced.” Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story D David Alvarez State Assembly, District 80 (Chula Vista) Expand for more about this legislator D David Alvarez State Assembly, District 80 (Chula Vista) Time in office 2022—present Background Small Business Owner Contact Email Legislator How he voted 2021-2022 Liberal Conservative District 80 Demographics Voter Registration Dem 47% GOP 20% No party 26% Campaign Contributions Asm. David Alvarez has taken at least $192,000 from the Finance, Insurance & Real Estate sector since he was elected to the legislature. That represents 9% of his total campaign contributions. Taken together with a handful of other bills and current laws, said Mark Stivers, a lobbyist with the California Housing Partnership, which co-sponsored AB 1449, the new legislation “effectively make it possible for affordable housing providers to develop nearly all viable sites in California by-right and exempt from CEQA review.” Speeding up approval for these projects comes with a trade-off. Environmental justice organizations, labor unions and various opponents of new development see CEQA as a vital tool to weigh in and on what gets built, where and and under what terms.  “Our communities rely heavily on CEQA to be able to get more information about proposed developments that might be contributing to further pollution,” said Grecia Orozco, a staff attorney with the nonprofit Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment.  Local activists also often flood the public meetings of city councils and planning boards to pressure elected officials to block unpopular projects or extract concessions from developers.  Whether AB 1449 and a handful of similar bills become law is now up to Gov. Gavin Newsom. Supporters have reason to be optimistic. The Newsom administration is pushing local governments to approve an unprecedented 2.5 million additional homes by 2030, he called the CEQA process “broken” and in the spring he rolled out a package of bills aimed at speeding up environmental challenges to projects — though housing was not included.  He has until Oct. 14 to sign or veto the bills now sitting on his desk. A patchwork of carve-outs  The Alvarez-Wicks bill isn’t the first legislative effort to grease the skids for new affordable housing.  Two others, both authored by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener, would force local governments to automatically approve apartment buildings in housing-strapped parts of the state and most affordable housing projects on the properties of houses of worship and nonprofit colleges, so long as they comply with a list zoning, affordability and labor requirements.  A third piece of legislation by San Jose Democratic Sen. Dave Cortese exempts the decision by local governments to fund affordable housing projects from environmental challenges, too. Newsom already signed it. “We want to see housing being produced.”Assemblymember David alvarez, democrat, chula vista Still awaiting the governor’s pen are a handful of bills that make it more difficult to stall housing projects though environmental lawsuits in general. That includes a bill by Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Berkeley Democrat, that would make it easier for courts to toss out environmental challenges they deem “frivolous” or “solely intended to cause unnecessary delay.” Another by Assemblymember Phil Ting, a San Francisco Democrat, would give local officials a deadline by which to approve or deny a project’s environmental review. The Ting proposal was fiercely opposed by many environmental activists and the State Building and Construction Trades Council, an umbrella group that represents many unionized construction workers. The bill would also make it more difficult for courts to award legal fees to groups that sue to block projects through CEQA. J.P. Rose, a staff attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity, which regularly brings such suits, called that provision “the largest weakening of CEQA in recent history.” The fact that this long list of bills passed the Legislature — some by healthy margins — amounts to a notable political shift, said Christopher Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis who advised Ting on the bill. “I think it illustrates that a sea change is underfoot in how people are starting to think about these environmental review laws,” he said, though he noted that the shift in California is still modest compared to those underway in other states.  Earlier this year, the Washington legislature nearly unanimously passed a law to exempt virtually all new urban housing from that state’s environmental protection law. The grand bargain continued Many of the California bills build on a law passed last year that streamlines affordable housing construction along commercial corridors.  In cobbling together the law, its author, Wicks, struck a compromise: In exempting certain housing projects from environmental challenge and other local hurdles, developers would pay workers a higher minimum wage, provide them with health care benefits and abide by other stricter labor standards. That trade was the key to winning the support of the state carpenters’ union and breaking up a legislative logjam that had stymied housing production bills for years.  It also provided a template for Wiener’s two streamlining bills this year, along with the Alvarez-Wicks CEQA exemption proposal.  “That really laid the foundation for those of us who did work in the housing space this year,” said Alvarez. “Our communities rely heavily on CEQA to be able to get more information about proposed developments that might be contributing to further pollution.”Grecia Orozco, staff attorney, the nonprofit Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment Not every pro-housing advocate or CEQA critic is so content with the bargain. “A lot of these bills help a little,” said Jennifer Hernandez, a land use attorney at the law firm Holland & Knight, who has catalogued CEQA challenges to housing projects for years. But she notes that swapping out the threat of environmental litigation with higher payroll expenses just replaces one cost with another.  In practice, she said, these exemptions are only likely to clear the way for substantial new housing construction in higher cost areas where developers can make up the difference by charging higher rents to non-subsidized residents. “You really need premium rentals to pay for those higher labor standards,” she said. But for many affordable housing developers, it’s still a trade worth making. “You’ve got really strong laws, clear exemptions, and an attorney general who’s willing to step up and say you got to build it,” said Mandolini with Eden Housing, who has been working on housing in the state for more than two decades. “This is the best it has been in California…If this had all existed 20 years ago, we might have built a lot more housing a lot faster.”

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