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‘Guerrilla policy by a populist government’: Koch Industries still wants payback for Ontario axing cap-and-trade

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Monday, February 13, 2023

By Fatima Syed Canada is “whitewashing” Ontario’s “reckless and illegal” cancellation of cap-and-trade, alleges Koch Industries in an ongoing international lawsuit.  Since February 2020, the multinational giant has been challenging the Doug Ford government’s 2018 cancellation of the $3 billion cap-and-trade carbon pricing program before an arbitration tribunal at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, a World Bank body that handles global trade issues.  Koch Industries’ legal action is one of two lawsuits businesses have launched claiming financial losses suffered from the cancellation of cap-and-trade, which legal documents show was finalized before Premier Ford and his Progressive Conservative cabinet officially took office.  Cap-and-trade was a cross-border program, creating a flow of emissions credits between Ontario, Quebec and California. As such, the arbitration started by Koch is under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which was in place when the cancellation happened. Because of this, Canada, not Ontario, is named, leaving the federal government to defend Ford’s actions internationally, despite fighting Ontario and other provinces over carbon pricing all the way to the Supreme Court at home. Against Koch, Canada is arguing that the Ford government is a democratically elected body with the right to make changes to environmental policy in its jurisdiction. Throughout the case, Canada has cited the same rationale used by Ontario in public and in court: that Ford’s repeatedly stated intention to cancel the program throughout the 2018 election campaign was equivalent to “outlining the incoming government’s priorities and intentions for once it assumes office.”  The tribunal has been making documents publicly available after every hearing, the most recent of which was in December. The latest is Koch’s 242-page response to Canada and Ontario’s arguments: “Canada shamefully apes Ontario’s political spin from the summer of 2018 and adopts the same ill-informed prejudice displayed by Ontario officials at that time,” the company says.  We’re investigating Ontario’s environmental cuts The Narwhal’s Ontario bureau is telling stories you won’t find anywhere else. Keep up with the latest scoops by signing up for a weekly dose of our independent journalism. We’re investigating Ontario’s environmental cuts The Narwhal’s Ontario bureau is telling stories you won’t find anywhere else. Keep up with the latest scoops by signing up for a weekly dose of our independent journalism. Koch further adds in the new documents that Ford’s Progressive Conservative party “at no point represented that if elected it would recklessly and unilaterally disregard and breach their agreement with California and Québec and rush to exit the program in the way that they did.” It cites a 2019 Ontario court decision that found the cancellation was illegal as it did not properly consult Ontarians as required by law. That court decision concluded that the election platform did not equal proper notice as it did not show “the precise way in which the government intended to repeal cap-and-trade, when it intended to do this, or what, if anything, it intended to enact in its place.” Based on all this, Koch alleges the cancellation amounted to “guerrilla policy by a populist government, pure and simple, regardless of legalities or solemn commitments.” It “wiped out” Koch’s business in Ontario and “arbitrarily and illegally stripped” the company of “millions of dollars in inventory without any compensation.”  “To draw a simple analogy, if a company owns a ship of oil which is docked off the coast of a country, it is reasonable to expect that the value of the oil will go up or down at any point. These are risks the business undertakes,” Koch continues. “However, it is not reasonable to expect that government to simply and abruptly confiscate the oil in its entirety. The latter scenario is essentially what occurred in Ontario.”  All of the money collected during the program’s duration, some $472 million, “went into Ontario coffers,” and wasn’t used to compensate market participants, the company states repeatedly.  Notably, Koch Industries says the Ford government is withholding documents related to decision-making around the cancellation. The company’s latest submission notes that freedom of information requests remain outstanding nearly two years after they were filed.  One of Doug Ford’s most high-profile 2018 campaign promises was cancelling Ontario’s cap-and-trade program, which he mischaracterized as a “carbon tax,” to save Ontarians money. Koch Industries alleges the Ford government acted in bad faith. Photo: Doug Ford / Twitter It is not clear why Koch should be compensated, Canada argues, noting that Ontario’s cap-and-trade legislation stated from the beginning that there was “no right to compensation” for any losses incurred through the program.  Canada also notes that “a sophisticated entity like [Koch] would have been aware of the risks associated with participating” in the program when it willingly bought emissions credits during the 2018 Ontario election campaign during which Ford was repeatedly signalling his opposition to the program and his intention to remove it. “[Koch] bore a commercial risk. It also accepted the risks inherent in Ontario’s cap-and-trade program, which contemplated changes to the program without compensation,” Canada continues.  The Narwhal contacted both Global Affairs Canada and Ontario’s environment minister for comment. Both declined as the case is an ongoing legal matter. Koch Industries did not respond to The Narwhal’s request for comment.  A decision by the tribunal on this case could take months or even years, with Canadian taxpayers potentially on the hook for the full costs of the lawsuit, which include the more than US$30 million Koch lost, plus interest and legal costs.  And the stakes could be bigger than that for the environment, as this case could be the final verdict on whether companies have a right to challenge new, cross-border environmental regulations.  “Unfortunately, a NAFTA win for Koch would set a dangerous precedent by putting a chill on governments wanting to adjust, improve or create new environmental policies to address the climate crisis.”Stuart Trew, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Stuart Trew, director of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives’ trade and investment research project, is concerned Koch Industries is looking for “a precedent that it will never lose money to environmental policy, no matter how small the sum is.”  While it seems to be arguing in favour of carbon pricing in this case, Koch’s environmental history is complicated. The New Yorker’s Jane Mayer, journalist Christopher Leonard and others have documented the company’s long history of fighting environmental policy and initiatives in court, including other carbon pricing programs.  “Some of the biggest environmental cases in the country are against Koch Industries,” Mayer told a live audience in 2017. “And I mean, not surprisingly, because the [Environmental Protection Agency] classifies them as the largest producers of toxic waste in the country and one of the largest air polluters, climate polluters and water polluters,” Mayer said.  Both Mayer and Leonard reported that Koch-funded groups were instrumental in killing a 2009 U.S. bill that would have created a cap-and-trade system.  “It’s hard to defend the Ford government’s clumsy withdrawal from cap-and-trade. It’s just as hard to swallow Koch’s claim that under international law the company bears no risk for speculating on carbon markets for profit,” Trew said. “Unfortunately, a NAFTA win for Koch would set a dangerous precedent by putting a chill on governments wanting to adjust, improve or create new environmental policies to address the climate crisis.” Koch Industries has a long documented history of fighting environmental policy and intiiatives in court, including carbon pricing programs. A NAFTA win could set “a dangerous precedent” for future government-led climate action. Photo: Tony Webster / Flickr ‘It’s very hard to undo cap-and-trade’: Ford government cancelled a program meant to last decades, says Koch Koch Supply & Trading is a subsidiary of Koch Industries, which is owned by the billionaire Koch family. The Delaware-based subsidiary was a market participant in the cap-and-trade program, the term for a business that voluntarily joined the scheme that allowed companies to buy and trade emissions allowances in lieu of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Market participants made up four per cent of the emissions trading in the program. The program was put in place by the former Liberal government, with the idea that if emissions allowances grew more expensive, businesses would choose to reduce their pollution instead of buying them. When the Progressive Conservatives abruptly shut it down, it removed Ontario from what had been called the second-largest carbon market in the world. Koch says that the shutdown caused it to suffer losses exceeding US$30 million, or 0.03 per cent of its US$115 billion revenue in 2020. The issue of compensation is also the crux of the other lawsuit the government is facing, from Ontario businesses. Upon the final closure of the program in March 2019, the Ford government said it delivered more than $5 million in compensation to eligible participants, offering few details on where the rest of the money went. Those compensated, Canada told the tribunal, were participants “whose actual emissions of [greenhouse gases] were lower than their holdings of purchased emission allowances.” “Ontario’s measures were motivated by the sole purpose of seeking illegally to minimize the financial impact of cancelling the Ontario cap-and-trade program, in service of the incoming Ontario Progressive Conservative Government’s political interests.”Koch Industries, “Koch Industries, Inc. and Koch Supply & Trading, LP v. Canada” As evidence for what it characterizes as the government’s bad faith, Koch Industries offers behind-the-scenes details of the day the government gave instructions for the cancellation. On June 15, 2018, two weeks before the Ford government was sworn in, the Liberals’ outgoing deputy minister of environment, Paul Evans, wrote an email to Jeff Hurdman, director of the environment ministry’s cap-and-trade branch, “to confirm the direction from Premier-Designate Ford that Ontario will not be participating” in the program by that August, when the province was scheduled to host a quarterly auction for businesses to buy and sell emissions allowances.  At 4:21 p.m. that day, Hurdman informed colleagues that although the ministry had already prepared for emissions sales and trading in August, “Upon receiving the direction from Premier Designate’s announcement we have completed the necessary actions to reverse the process. Ontario participants will not be able to register to participate … ” Koch Industries argues that without being sworn in, Ford “had no authority” to give this direction. Ontario’s legislative rules dictate that only routine, necessary or urgent government work is allowed when the legislature is dissolved, such as during an election period. No new policies or positions can be introduced. Senior members of the public service can make time-sensitive decisions that may be required for the incoming government’s policies, but historically, this has been extremely rare. In light of this, Koch Industries says that Ontario had no right to “veto clear legal frameworks in place before the transition of power.” Ontario’s cap-and-trade program was ushered in by the former Liberal government, led by Premier Kathleen Wynne (centre) and Environment Minister Glen Murray (right), who repeatedly said it was designed to last a long time. Photo: Ontario Liberal caucus / Flickr “In fact, up until the Premier-elect’s unlawful ‘direction’ to government officials, those officials believed that preparing for the August 2018 auction fell within the scope of the ‘routine and ongoing administrative’ work of government,” the company argues. It says the quick shutdown was done “illegally” and “in service of the incoming Ontario Progressive Conservative Government’s political interests.” The company adds that the cap-and-trade program was designed to last a long time, with revenues to be invested in Ontario green energy projects. The previous Liberal government began planning it in 2013: Koch quotes Liberal environment minister Glen Murray at length, citing a September 2017 interview with TVO, during which Murray said “it’s very hard to undo cap-and-trade,” that it would be “almost impossible” for someone to eliminate it and that anyone who tried would “pay a very difficult price” to do so. Koch argues the incoming Ford government knew this in 2018. During the election campaign, Ford repeatedly told Ontarians the cancellation would only cost $5 million but, Koch argues, “at exactly the same time Ontario Progressive Conservative’s high-level political representatives were privately admitting the cancellation would give rise to tens of millions of dollars in claims.” This information comes from tribunal testimony that is not public, but is frequently cited in both Canada and Koch’s documents. And despite “substantial lobbying efforts” over two years to meet with Ontario government officials — including direct letters to Ontario’s Attorney General and Ford — the company says it was ignored. Says the company: “were it not for Ontario’s abrupt cancellation and termination of its cap-and-trade Program, [Koch Supply & Trading] would have continued to do business in Ontario, and would have continued to acquire emission allowances … for the full duration of Ontario’s cap-and-trade program which was expected to continue for at least a decade longer, until at least 2030, and possibly even further to 2050.” Canada disagrees, saying that Koch is “mischaracterizing” and presenting a “gross exaggeration” of its role in the program and Ontario’s shutdown.  “Ontario’s actions with respect to the winding down of the cap-and-trade program were made in good faith and for legitimate policy reasons, including that the existing program imposed economically inefficient burdens on Ontarians,” Canada argues. “They knew in early 2018 that Ontario’s cap-and-trade program might be cancelled.” Ontario’s Progressive Conservatives cancelled cap-and-trade with the promise of new policies to reduce emissions from industry. Koch Industries says that because it took “over three and a half years” to implement new policies, the cancellation was “a purely political gesture,” not motivated by the desire for a better emissions reductions program. Photo: Michael Hunter / Flickr ‘They don’t need the money’: as reducing emissions gets more urgent, is Koch looking for a precedent-setting decision against Canada? Koch’s lawsuit is one of the last under the North American Free Trade Agreement, which has since been replaced by the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement. It relies on a clause that was designed to assess whether a company’s right to a stable business environment had been violated by government action. Historically, the clause has been used by companies challenging environment policy and was removed from the new agreement.  Having lost the clause, Koch may be trying to set a legal precedent for future challenges, said Trew, of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. “They don’t need the money,” he said. “But they’re seeing more jurisdictions getting serious about reducing emissions and they’re looking to protect their money. Because if the Ontario government can do this, cancel the program with no recourse for them, will other jurisdictions follow suit?” In its latest argument, Koch spends some time dismantling the idea that the Ford government cancelled cap-and-trade to enact different climate policies. The company notes that if the program had to be eliminated “to truly address environmental issues” then “the gap of over three and half years between the [cancellation] and the operation of the new ‘Made-in-Ontario’ environmental plan is absurd and strains credulity.”  In that time period, Ontario has seen two carbon pricing programs. First, the province became subject to the federal government’s price on pollution, which Ontario, Alberta and Saskatchewan unsuccessfully challenged at the Supreme Court in 2021.  Forced to figure out some sort of carbon pricing plan, Ontario then introduced Emissions Performance Standards in July 2021, which came into effect last year and functions similar to a cap-and-trade system: all high-emitting industrial facilities in Ontario are required to reduce emissions through a strict criteria, or purchase compliance units, which are emissions credits, instead. In light of this, Koch argues Ontario was making a “purely political gesture” with the cancellation and foregoing its business or international commitments.  “I find the whole thing really upsetting because … our country’s trade system is supposed to be our key to reducing emissions, and this case is complicating that,” Trew said. “They are criticizing and taking apart the environmental credentials and the environmental narrative of the Ontario government. Their arguments are political, not financial.”

By Fatima Syed At a World Bank tribunal, the global conglomerate is challenging Ontario’s right to change environmental policy in a case observers fear will set worrisome international precedent

Photo illustration of Charles Koch, Justin Trudeau and Doug Ford.

Canada is “whitewashing” Ontario’s “reckless and illegal” cancellation of cap-and-trade, alleges Koch Industries in an ongoing international lawsuit. 

Since February 2020, the multinational giant has been challenging the Doug Ford government’s 2018 cancellation of the $3 billion cap-and-trade carbon pricing program before an arbitration tribunal at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, a World Bank body that handles global trade issues. 

Koch Industries’ legal action is one of two lawsuits businesses have launched claiming financial losses suffered from the cancellation of cap-and-trade, which legal documents show was finalized before Premier Ford and his Progressive Conservative cabinet officially took office. 

Cap-and-trade was a cross-border program, creating a flow of emissions credits between Ontario, Quebec and California. As such, the arbitration started by Koch is under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which was in place when the cancellation happened. Because of this, Canada, not Ontario, is named, leaving the federal government to defend Ford’s actions internationally, despite fighting Ontario and other provinces over carbon pricing all the way to the Supreme Court at home.

Against Koch, Canada is arguing that the Ford government is a democratically elected body with the right to make changes to environmental policy in its jurisdiction. Throughout the case, Canada has cited the same rationale used by Ontario in public and in court: that Ford’s repeatedly stated intention to cancel the program throughout the 2018 election campaign was equivalent to “outlining the incoming government’s priorities and intentions for once it assumes office.” 

The tribunal has been making documents publicly available after every hearing, the most recent of which was in December. The latest is Koch’s 242-page response to Canada and Ontario’s arguments: “Canada shamefully apes Ontario’s political spin from the summer of 2018 and adopts the same ill-informed prejudice displayed by Ontario officials at that time,” the company says. 

We’re investigating Ontario’s environmental cuts
The Narwhal’s Ontario bureau is telling stories you won’t find anywhere else. Keep up with the latest scoops by signing up for a weekly dose of our independent journalism.
We’re investigating Ontario’s environmental cuts
The Narwhal’s Ontario bureau is telling stories you won’t find anywhere else. Keep up with the latest scoops by signing up for a weekly dose of our independent journalism.

Koch further adds in the new documents that Ford’s Progressive Conservative party “at no point represented that if elected it would recklessly and unilaterally disregard and breach their agreement with California and Québec and rush to exit the program in the way that they did.” It cites a 2019 Ontario court decision that found the cancellation was illegal as it did not properly consult Ontarians as required by law. That court decision concluded that the election platform did not equal proper notice as it did not show “the precise way in which the government intended to repeal cap-and-trade, when it intended to do this, or what, if anything, it intended to enact in its place.”

Based on all this, Koch alleges the cancellation amounted to “guerrilla policy by a populist government, pure and simple, regardless of legalities or solemn commitments.” It “wiped out” Koch’s business in Ontario and “arbitrarily and illegally stripped” the company of “millions of dollars in inventory without any compensation.” 

“To draw a simple analogy, if a company owns a ship of oil which is docked off the coast of a country, it is reasonable to expect that the value of the oil will go up or down at any point. These are risks the business undertakes,” Koch continues. “However, it is not reasonable to expect that government to simply and abruptly confiscate the oil in its entirety. The latter scenario is essentially what occurred in Ontario.” 

All of the money collected during the program’s duration, some $472 million, “went into Ontario coffers,” and wasn’t used to compensate market participants, the company states repeatedly. 

Notably, Koch Industries says the Ford government is withholding documents related to decision-making around the cancellation. The company’s latest submission notes that freedom of information requests remain outstanding nearly two years after they were filed. 

Doug Ford promises to end cap and trade at an election stop in April 2018
One of Doug Ford’s most high-profile 2018 campaign promises was cancelling Ontario’s cap-and-trade program, which he mischaracterized as a “carbon tax,” to save Ontarians money. Koch Industries alleges the Ford government acted in bad faith. Photo: Doug Ford / Twitter

It is not clear why Koch should be compensated, Canada argues, noting that Ontario’s cap-and-trade legislation stated from the beginning that there was “no right to compensation” for any losses incurred through the program. 

Canada also notes that “a sophisticated entity like [Koch] would have been aware of the risks associated with participating” in the program when it willingly bought emissions credits during the 2018 Ontario election campaign during which Ford was repeatedly signalling his opposition to the program and his intention to remove it.

“[Koch] bore a commercial risk. It also accepted the risks inherent in Ontario’s cap-and-trade program, which contemplated changes to the program without compensation,” Canada continues. 

The Narwhal contacted both Global Affairs Canada and Ontario’s environment minister for comment. Both declined as the case is an ongoing legal matter. Koch Industries did not respond to The Narwhal’s request for comment. 

A decision by the tribunal on this case could take months or even years, with Canadian taxpayers potentially on the hook for the full costs of the lawsuit, which include the more than US$30 million Koch lost, plus interest and legal costs. 

And the stakes could be bigger than that for the environment, as this case could be the final verdict on whether companies have a right to challenge new, cross-border environmental regulations. 

“Unfortunately, a NAFTA win for Koch would set a dangerous precedent by putting a chill on governments wanting to adjust, improve or create new environmental policies to address the climate crisis.”

Stuart Trew, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives

Stuart Trew, director of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives’ trade and investment research project, is concerned Koch Industries is looking for “a precedent that it will never lose money to environmental policy, no matter how small the sum is.” 

While it seems to be arguing in favour of carbon pricing in this case, Koch’s environmental history is complicated. The New Yorker’s Jane Mayer, journalist Christopher Leonard and others have documented the company’s long history of fighting environmental policy and initiatives in court, including other carbon pricing programs. 

“Some of the biggest environmental cases in the country are against Koch Industries,” Mayer told a live audience in 2017. “And I mean, not surprisingly, because the [Environmental Protection Agency] classifies them as the largest producers of toxic waste in the country and one of the largest air polluters, climate polluters and water polluters,” Mayer said. 

Both Mayer and Leonard reported that Koch-funded groups were instrumental in killing a 2009 U.S. bill that would have created a cap-and-trade system. 

“It’s hard to defend the Ford government’s clumsy withdrawal from cap-and-trade. It’s just as hard to swallow Koch’s claim that under international law the company bears no risk for speculating on carbon markets for profit,” Trew said. “Unfortunately, a NAFTA win for Koch would set a dangerous precedent by putting a chill on governments wanting to adjust, improve or create new environmental policies to address the climate crisis.”

Koch Industires sign on a building
Koch Industries has a long documented history of fighting environmental policy and intiiatives in court, including carbon pricing programs. A NAFTA win could set “a dangerous precedent” for future government-led climate action. Photo: Tony Webster / Flickr

‘It’s very hard to undo cap-and-trade’: Ford government cancelled a program meant to last decades, says Koch

Koch Supply & Trading is a subsidiary of Koch Industries, which is owned by the billionaire Koch family. The Delaware-based subsidiary was a market participant in the cap-and-trade program, the term for a business that voluntarily joined the scheme that allowed companies to buy and trade emissions allowances in lieu of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Market participants made up four per cent of the emissions trading in the program.

The program was put in place by the former Liberal government, with the idea that if emissions allowances grew more expensive, businesses would choose to reduce their pollution instead of buying them. When the Progressive Conservatives abruptly shut it down, it removed Ontario from what had been called the second-largest carbon market in the world. Koch says that the shutdown caused it to suffer losses exceeding US$30 million, or 0.03 per cent of its US$115 billion revenue in 2020.

The issue of compensation is also the crux of the other lawsuit the government is facing, from Ontario businesses. Upon the final closure of the program in March 2019, the Ford government said it delivered more than $5 million in compensation to eligible participants, offering few details on where the rest of the money went. Those compensated, Canada told the tribunal, were participants “whose actual emissions of [greenhouse gases] were lower than their holdings of purchased emission allowances.”

“Ontario’s measures were motivated by the sole purpose of seeking illegally to minimize the financial impact of cancelling the Ontario cap-and-trade program, in service of the incoming Ontario Progressive Conservative Government’s political interests.”

Koch Industries, “Koch Industries, Inc. and Koch Supply & Trading, LP v. Canada”

As evidence for what it characterizes as the government’s bad faith, Koch Industries offers behind-the-scenes details of the day the government gave instructions for the cancellation. On June 15, 2018, two weeks before the Ford government was sworn in, the Liberals’ outgoing deputy minister of environment, Paul Evans, wrote an email to Jeff Hurdman, director of the environment ministry’s cap-and-trade branch, “to confirm the direction from Premier-Designate Ford that Ontario will not be participating” in the program by that August, when the province was scheduled to host a quarterly auction for businesses to buy and sell emissions allowances. 

At 4:21 p.m. that day, Hurdman informed colleagues that although the ministry had already prepared for emissions sales and trading in August, “Upon receiving the direction from Premier Designate’s announcement we have completed the necessary actions to reverse the process. Ontario participants will not be able to register to participate … ”

Koch Industries argues that without being sworn in, Ford “had no authority” to give this direction. Ontario’s legislative rules dictate that only routine, necessary or urgent government work is allowed when the legislature is dissolved, such as during an election period. No new policies or positions can be introduced. Senior members of the public service can make time-sensitive decisions that may be required for the incoming government’s policies, but historically, this has been extremely rare.

In light of this, Koch Industries says that Ontario had no right to “veto clear legal frameworks in place before the transition of power.”

Ontario Liberal Premier Kathleen Wynne and Enviornment Minister Glen Murray at a cap-and-trade announcement
Ontario’s cap-and-trade program was ushered in by the former Liberal government, led by Premier Kathleen Wynne (centre) and Environment Minister Glen Murray (right), who repeatedly said it was designed to last a long time. Photo: Ontario Liberal caucus / Flickr

“In fact, up until the Premier-elect’s unlawful ‘direction’ to government officials, those officials believed that preparing for the August 2018 auction fell within the scope of the ‘routine and ongoing administrative’ work of government,” the company argues. It says the quick shutdown was done “illegally” and “in service of the incoming Ontario Progressive Conservative Government’s political interests.”

The company adds that the cap-and-trade program was designed to last a long time, with revenues to be invested in Ontario green energy projects. The previous Liberal government began planning it in 2013: Koch quotes Liberal environment minister Glen Murray at length, citing a September 2017 interview with TVO, during which Murray said “it’s very hard to undo cap-and-trade,” that it would be “almost impossible” for someone to eliminate it and that anyone who tried would “pay a very difficult price” to do so.

Koch argues the incoming Ford government knew this in 2018. During the election campaign, Ford repeatedly told Ontarians the cancellation would only cost $5 million but, Koch argues, “at exactly the same time Ontario Progressive Conservative’s high-level political representatives were privately admitting the cancellation would give rise to tens of millions of dollars in claims.” This information comes from tribunal testimony that is not public, but is frequently cited in both Canada and Koch’s documents.

And despite “substantial lobbying efforts” over two years to meet with Ontario government officials — including direct letters to Ontario’s Attorney General and Ford — the company says it was ignored.

Says the company: “were it not for Ontario’s abrupt cancellation and termination of its cap-and-trade Program, [Koch Supply & Trading] would have continued to do business in Ontario, and would have continued to acquire emission allowances … for the full duration of Ontario’s cap-and-trade program which was expected to continue for at least a decade longer, until at least 2030, and possibly even further to 2050.”

Canada disagrees, saying that Koch is “mischaracterizing” and presenting a “gross exaggeration” of its role in the program and Ontario’s shutdown. 

“Ontario’s actions with respect to the winding down of the cap-and-trade program were made in good faith and for legitimate policy reasons, including that the existing program imposed economically inefficient burdens on Ontarians,” Canada argues. “They knew in early 2018 that Ontario’s cap-and-trade program might be cancelled.”

Emissons from steel industry in Hamilton, Ontario
Ontario’s Progressive Conservatives cancelled cap-and-trade with the promise of new policies to reduce emissions from industry. Koch Industries says that because it took “over three and a half years” to implement new policies, the cancellation was “a purely political gesture,” not motivated by the desire for a better emissions reductions program. Photo: Michael Hunter / Flickr

‘They don’t need the money’: as reducing emissions gets more urgent, is Koch looking for a precedent-setting decision against Canada?

Koch’s lawsuit is one of the last under the North American Free Trade Agreement, which has since been replaced by the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement. It relies on a clause that was designed to assess whether a company’s right to a stable business environment had been violated by government action. Historically, the clause has been used by companies challenging environment policy and was removed from the new agreement. 

Having lost the clause, Koch may be trying to set a legal precedent for future challenges, said Trew, of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. “They don’t need the money,” he said. “But they’re seeing more jurisdictions getting serious about reducing emissions and they’re looking to protect their money. Because if the Ontario government can do this, cancel the program with no recourse for them, will other jurisdictions follow suit?”

In its latest argument, Koch spends some time dismantling the idea that the Ford government cancelled cap-and-trade to enact different climate policies. The company notes that if the program had to be eliminated “to truly address environmental issues” then “the gap of over three and half years between the [cancellation] and the operation of the new ‘Made-in-Ontario’ environmental plan is absurd and strains credulity.” 

In that time period, Ontario has seen two carbon pricing programs. First, the province became subject to the federal government’s price on pollution, which Ontario, Alberta and Saskatchewan unsuccessfully challenged at the Supreme Court in 2021. 

Forced to figure out some sort of carbon pricing plan, Ontario then introduced Emissions Performance Standards in July 2021, which came into effect last year and functions similar to a cap-and-trade system: all high-emitting industrial facilities in Ontario are required to reduce emissions through a strict criteria, or purchase compliance units, which are emissions credits, instead.

In light of this, Koch argues Ontario was making a “purely political gesture” with the cancellation and foregoing its business or international commitments. 

“I find the whole thing really upsetting because … our country’s trade system is supposed to be our key to reducing emissions, and this case is complicating that,” Trew said. “They are criticizing and taking apart the environmental credentials and the environmental narrative of the Ontario government. Their arguments are political, not financial.”

Read the full story here.
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Container deposit schemes reduce rubbish on our beaches. Here’s how we proved it

Volunteers have been collecting and sorting washed-up rubbish on the beach for years. Thanks to their efforts, we have data on whether container deposit schemes help the issue.

ShutterstockOur beaches are in trouble. Limited recycling programs and a society that throws away so much have resulted in more than 3 million tonnes of plastic polluting the oceans. An estimated 1.5–1.9% of this rubbish ends up on beaches. So can waste-management strategies such as container deposit schemes make a difference to this 50,000–60,000 tonnes of beach rubbish? The Queensland government started a container deposit scheme in 2019. We wanted to know if it reduced the rubbish that washed up on beaches in a tourist hotspot, the Whitsundays region. To find out, our study, the first of its kind, used data from a community volunteer group through the Australian Marine Debris Initiative Database. It turned out that for the types of rubbish included in the scheme – plastic bottles and aluminium cans – the answer was an emphatic yes. Read more: Spotting plastic waste from space and counting the fish in the seas: here's how AI can help protect the oceans Container deposit schemes work After the scheme began, there were fewer plastic bottles and aluminium cans on Whitsundays beaches. Volunteer clean-up workers collected an average of about 120 containers per beach visit before the scheme began in 2019. This number fell to 77 in 2020. Not only that, but those numbers stayed down year after year. This means people continued to take part in the scheme for years. Rubbish that wasn’t part of the scheme still found its way to the beaches. However, more types of rubbish such as larger glass bottles are being added to the four-year-old Queensland scheme. Other states and territories have had schemes like this for many years, the oldest in South Australia since 1971. But we didn’t have access to beach data from before and after those schemes started. So our findings are great news, especially as some of these other schemes are set to expand too. The evidence also supports the creation of new schemes in Victoria this November and Tasmania next year. These developments give reason to hope we will see further reductions in beach litter. Read more: Spin the bottle: the fraught politics of container deposit schemes The data came from the community To find out whether the scheme has reduced specific sorts of rubbish on beaches we needed a large amount of data from before and after it began. The unsung heroes of this study are the diligent volunteers who provided us with these data. They have been recording the types and amounts of rubbish found during their cleanups at Whitsundays beaches for years. Eco Barge Clean Seas Inc has been doing this work since 2009. In taking that extra step of counting and sorting the rubbish, they may not have known it at the time, but they were creating a data gold mine. We would eventually use their data to prove the container deposit scheme works. The rubbish clean-ups are continuing. This means we’ll be able to see how adding more rubbish types to the scheme will further reduce rubbish on beaches. The long-term perspective we can gain from such data is testament to this sustained community effort. Read more: Local efforts have cut plastic waste on Australia's beaches by almost 30% in 6 years There’s still more work to do So if we recycle our plastics, why do we still get beaches covered in rubbish? The reality is that most plastics aren’t recycled. This is mainly due to two problems: technological limitations on the sorting needed to avoid contamination of waste streams inadequate incentives for people to reduce contamination by properly sorting their waste, and ultimately to use products made from recycled waste. Our findings show we can create more sustainable practices and a cleaner environment when individuals are given incentives to recycle. However, container deposit schemes don’t just provide a financial reward. Getting people directly involved in recycling fosters a sense of responsibility for the environment. This connection between people’s actions and outcomes is a key to such schemes’ success. Read more: The new 100% recyclable packaging target is no use if our waste isn't actually recycled Our study also shows how invaluable community-driven clean-up projects are. Not only do they reduce environmental harm and improve our experiences on beaches, but they can also provide scientists like us with the data we need to show how waste-management policies affect the environment. Waste management is a concern for communities, policymakers and environmentalists around the world. The lessons from our study apply not only in Australia but anywhere that communities can work with scientists and governments to solve environmental problems. The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

How California lawmakers greenlit ‘any flavor of affordable housing you could possibly want’

A patchwork of bills are giving housing developers and local governments more options to reduce red tape for housing projects.

In summary A patchwork of bills are giving housing developers and local governments more options to reduce red tape for housing projects. You may not have seen the headlines (there weren’t any). You may have missed the raucous debate (there wasn’t much of one). But with the end of the legislative session last week, California is now on the verge of laying down a welcome mat for most major affordable housing projects across the state. That’s not because of a single bill, but a patchwork of current and former legislation that, taken together, “basically covers any flavor of affordable housing you could possibly want to build,” said Linda Mandolini, president of Eden Housing, an affordable housing development nonprofit. Homes designated for low-income occupants, like all housing projects, face a gauntlet of potential challenges and hold-ups that add to the already exorbitant cost of affordable housing in California. Those hurdles include lawsuits filed under the wide-ranging California Environmental Quality Act, extensive public hearings and other forms of opposition from local government. Now, affordable housing projects — in most places and most of the time — may soon be exempt from all that, fitted out in a suit of procedural armor made up of some half a dozen bills and laws. A bill now sitting on the governor’s desk would cover up one of the last chinks in that armor. Assembly Bill 1449, authored by two Democratic Assemblymembers, David Alvarez of San Diego and Buffy Wicks of Oakland, would exempt certain affordable apartment developments from review under CEQA. To qualify, projects would have to be located in dense urban areas, set aside each unit for someone earning less than 80% the area median income and abide by stricter labor standards, among other requirements.  Though modest and technical-sounding, that’s unusually broad for new construction in California.  “I do think it’s gonna be very consequential but it’s kind of flown under the radar,” Alvarez said. His explanation why: “The politics of where Californians are and certainly where the Legislature is — we want to see results. We want to see housing being produced.” Learn more about legislators mentioned in this story D David Alvarez State Assembly, District 80 (Chula Vista) Expand for more about this legislator D David Alvarez State Assembly, District 80 (Chula Vista) Time in office 2022—present Background Small Business Owner Contact Email Legislator How he voted 2021-2022 Liberal Conservative District 80 Demographics Voter Registration Dem 47% GOP 20% No party 26% Campaign Contributions Asm. David Alvarez has taken at least $192,000 from the Finance, Insurance & Real Estate sector since he was elected to the legislature. That represents 9% of his total campaign contributions. Taken together with a handful of other bills and current laws, said Mark Stivers, a lobbyist with the California Housing Partnership, which co-sponsored AB 1449, the new legislation “effectively make it possible for affordable housing providers to develop nearly all viable sites in California by-right and exempt from CEQA review.” Speeding up approval for these projects comes with a trade-off. Environmental justice organizations, labor unions and various opponents of new development see CEQA as a vital tool to weigh in and on what gets built, where and and under what terms.  “Our communities rely heavily on CEQA to be able to get more information about proposed developments that might be contributing to further pollution,” said Grecia Orozco, a staff attorney with the nonprofit Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment.  Local activists also often flood the public meetings of city councils and planning boards to pressure elected officials to block unpopular projects or extract concessions from developers.  Whether AB 1449 and a handful of similar bills become law is now up to Gov. Gavin Newsom. Supporters have reason to be optimistic. The Newsom administration is pushing local governments to approve an unprecedented 2.5 million additional homes by 2030, he called the CEQA process “broken” and in the spring he rolled out a package of bills aimed at speeding up environmental challenges to projects — though housing was not included.  He has until Oct. 14 to sign or veto the bills now sitting on his desk. A patchwork of carve-outs  The Alvarez-Wicks bill isn’t the first legislative effort to grease the skids for new affordable housing.  Two others, both authored by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener, would force local governments to automatically approve apartment buildings in housing-strapped parts of the state and most affordable housing projects on the properties of houses of worship and nonprofit colleges, so long as they comply with a list zoning, affordability and labor requirements.  A third piece of legislation by San Jose Democratic Sen. Dave Cortese exempts the decision by local governments to fund affordable housing projects from environmental challenges, too. Newsom already signed it. “We want to see housing being produced.”Assemblymember David alvarez, democrat, chula vista Still awaiting the governor’s pen are a handful of bills that make it more difficult to stall housing projects though environmental lawsuits in general. That includes a bill by Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Berkeley Democrat, that would make it easier for courts to toss out environmental challenges they deem “frivolous” or “solely intended to cause unnecessary delay.” Another by Assemblymember Phil Ting, a San Francisco Democrat, would give local officials a deadline by which to approve or deny a project’s environmental review. The Ting proposal was fiercely opposed by many environmental activists and the State Building and Construction Trades Council, an umbrella group that represents many unionized construction workers. The bill would also make it more difficult for courts to award legal fees to groups that sue to block projects through CEQA. J.P. Rose, a staff attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity, which regularly brings such suits, called that provision “the largest weakening of CEQA in recent history.” The fact that this long list of bills passed the Legislature — some by healthy margins — amounts to a notable political shift, said Christopher Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis who advised Ting on the bill. “I think it illustrates that a sea change is underfoot in how people are starting to think about these environmental review laws,” he said, though he noted that the shift in California is still modest compared to those underway in other states.  Earlier this year, the Washington legislature nearly unanimously passed a law to exempt virtually all new urban housing from that state’s environmental protection law. The grand bargain continued Many of the California bills build on a law passed last year that streamlines affordable housing construction along commercial corridors.  In cobbling together the law, its author, Wicks, struck a compromise: In exempting certain housing projects from environmental challenge and other local hurdles, developers would pay workers a higher minimum wage, provide them with health care benefits and abide by other stricter labor standards. That trade was the key to winning the support of the state carpenters’ union and breaking up a legislative logjam that had stymied housing production bills for years.  It also provided a template for Wiener’s two streamlining bills this year, along with the Alvarez-Wicks CEQA exemption proposal.  “That really laid the foundation for those of us who did work in the housing space this year,” said Alvarez. “Our communities rely heavily on CEQA to be able to get more information about proposed developments that might be contributing to further pollution.”Grecia Orozco, staff attorney, the nonprofit Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment Not every pro-housing advocate or CEQA critic is so content with the bargain. “A lot of these bills help a little,” said Jennifer Hernandez, a land use attorney at the law firm Holland & Knight, who has catalogued CEQA challenges to housing projects for years. But she notes that swapping out the threat of environmental litigation with higher payroll expenses just replaces one cost with another.  In practice, she said, these exemptions are only likely to clear the way for substantial new housing construction in higher cost areas where developers can make up the difference by charging higher rents to non-subsidized residents. “You really need premium rentals to pay for those higher labor standards,” she said. But for many affordable housing developers, it’s still a trade worth making. “You’ve got really strong laws, clear exemptions, and an attorney general who’s willing to step up and say you got to build it,” said Mandolini with Eden Housing, who has been working on housing in the state for more than two decades. “This is the best it has been in California…If this had all existed 20 years ago, we might have built a lot more housing a lot faster.”

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